of California
'n Regional
vuv
VOL. III.
dilurltffi
MARTYROLOGIA ;
RECORDS OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION:
A NEW AND COMPREHENSIVE
BOOK OF MARTYRS,
OF ANCIENT AND MODERN TIMES.
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF JOHN FOXE,
AND PARTLY FROM OTHER
GENUINE AND AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS,
PRINTED AND IN MANUSCRIPT.
VOL. III.
LONDON :
PUBLISHED BY JOHN MASON, 14, CITY-ROAD ;
SOLD AT 66, PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1851.
LONDON :
•PRINTED BY JAMES NICHOLS,
HOXTON-SQTIARE.
CONTENTS.
( The names of martyrs, or the words indicating martyrdoms when the names
are not given, are in italics. An asterisk * is placed before the numbers, in the
margin of dates, which fall out of the regular order.)
CHAPTER I.
TIMES IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING THE REFORMATION.
A.D. Page.
Providential succession in the Church, of God 1
Wycliffe. Oxford and Bohemia 2
1390. BOHEMIA — Prayer in Vernacular Language, and Eucharist in both
kinds 2
1400 — 1411. John Huss and others in Prague — Beginning of the Reform-
ation 3
1414,1415. Council of Constance — John Huss 8
1415. Jerome of Prague — Resistance to the Council in Bohemia 15
1417. Ziska and the Taborites — War begins 21
1420, 1421. Massacres of the Taborites — Archbishop of Prague forms a
Utraquist Consistory 23
1433. Council of Basil — Concession of Compactates to the Bohemians 26
1451. First settlement of " the Bohemian Brethren " at Lititz 27
Persecutions in Bohemia and Moravia 30
1467. First Synod of the Unitas Fratrum at Lhota 32
1480. Stephen, the last Waldensian Bishop, and many others 33
1481. Bohemian and Moravian Brethren migrate into Moldavia 34
*1416 — 1491. POLAND — Awakenings and Persecutions 34
1500. Spanish Convicts first Missionaries in Brazil 37
The Modern Inquisition 37
Invention of Printing , 43
Revival of Literature 45
Geographical Discoveries 47
Precursors of Evangelical Reformation 49
II.
EUROPE, TO THE CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG.
State of the See and Court of Rome 52
1 505. Martin Luther enters an Augustinian Monastery 53
1516. Ulric Zuinglius preaches in his Monastery 54
1517, 1518. Luther and Zuinglius resist the Sale of Indulgences 54
1520. Pope Leo X. excommunicates Luther 57
1521. Luther goes to Worms 61
Luther in the Wartburg 69
Jacob Spreng in BELGIUM v 77
1522. Luther changes the Baptismal Service 79
Persecution begins in HOLLAND, &c 80
1523—1532. Persecution in FRANCE 82
*1521. Diet of Nuremberg sends "Hundred Grievances" to the Pope 89
1524. The Nuncio at Ratisbon heads Papist Princes to enforce the Edict of
Worms .. .92
2032492
VI CONTENTS.
A.D. Page.
1524. Henry of Z-uiphen — Dithmarsch 93
Luther puts off the Cowl 97
1 525. Death of Frederic, Elector of Saxony— Peasant War 98
*1524. Image- worship abolished in Zurich 101
Three Zuinglians, Baden 103
1525. Mass abolished in Zurich 103
Anabaptists in Germany and Switzerland 105
Popish Reaction in BOHEMIA, and Martyrdoms 106
1527. The Germans sack Rome and imprison the Pope 109
1529. Flisted and Clarenbach, Cologne 112
*1525— 1527. Backer and Wendelmutha, the Hague 112
*1528, 1529. The Monk Henry and Zwott, Tournay and Mechlin 115
*1526. Conference at Baden against Zuinglius 115
*1527. George Carpenter and Leonard Keyser, BAVABIA 116
*1530. ITALY— Increase of Evangelical Doctrine 118
1529. The PROTEST at Spire 119
1530. The Confession of Augsburg 121
CHAPTER III.
ENGLAND, TO THE DEATH OF HENRY VIII., AND SCOTLAND.
1498. A Lollard, Canterbury; and another, Smithfield 124
1500. Bahram, Norfolk 124
1503. R. Smart, Salisbury 124
1506. William Tylesworth and others, Amersham — Roberta, Buckingham —
Penances 124
1 507. Tliomos Norria, Norwich — " Great Abjuration " 126
1508. Lawrence Ohest, Salisbury — A Woman, Chipping-Sudbury 126
1509. Henry VIII. begins to reign 127
1511. Congregation at Tenterden — W. Carter, A. OreviU, R. Harrison,
J. Brown, E. Walker 128
W. Sweeting and J. Brewster, Smithfield 129
1513. Disagreement between Parliament and Clergy 130
Henry VIII. in Arms for the Pope and Emperor 131
1514. Hun murdered in the Lollards' Tower 131
1517. J. Browne, Ashford 136
1518. T. M an and another, Smithfield — C. Shoemaker, Newbury 139
1519. Mrs. Smith, R. Hatchets, Archer, Hawkins, T. Bond, Wrigsham,
Laudsdale, Coventry 140
1521. R. Silkeb, Coventry 140
Wolsey persecutes — Henry styled " Defender of the Faith " 142
Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, makes Inquisition — T. Bernard, J.
Morden, R. Rave, J. Scrivener, J. Norman, T. Holmes 143
1523. Embassy to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria 144
1524. Bull of Clement VII. to incite Persecution 144
Tyndale, and others, leave England 144
Clement VII. and Wolsey suppress Monasteries 145
Readers of Holy Scriptures in the Universities 146
1525. Wolsey discontented with the Court of Rome 147
Tyndale prints New Testament at Cologne 148
1526. First List of Prohibited Books in England 150
1527. Wolsey's Court of Inquisition 151
Affair of Divorce begins — Pope suppresses more Monasteries 1 53
*1407. James Resby, Glasgow 154
*1431. Paul Craw, St. Andrews 154
*1494. " The Lollards of Kyle " 154
1528. Patrick Hamilton, St. Andrews 154
1533. Henry Forrest, St. Andrews 157
CONTENTS. Vll
A.D. Page.
1534. Norman Ourley and David Straton, Holyrood 158
*1528. " The Supplication of Beggars " distributed at Westminster-Abbey ... 158
Sir Thomas More's " Poor Puling Souls " 160
Anne Boleyn favours the Reformation 161
*1529. Wolsey under Praemunire — Cranmer first known 162
Persecuting Proclamations of Henry VIII 163
Humphrey Mummuth imprisoned — released — knighted 164
*1530, 1531. Imprisonments — Abjurations — Deaths 164
Thomas Hitten, Maidstone 165
Thomas Benet, Exeter 166
Thomas Bilney, Norwich 169
Sir Thomas More hunts Heretics 175
Richard Bayfield, Smithfield 175
John Tewkesbury, Smithfield 177
John Randall, Cambridge 177
Fruitless Embassy to Rome 178
Henry VIII. Head of Church of England 178
Hugh Latimer preaches, and is persecuted 181
*1532. Robert King, Nicholas Marsh, Robert Gardner, Robert Debnam
burnt the "Rood of Dover-Court" 182
Thomas Harding, Chesham 183
James Bainham, Knight, Smithfield 184
John Bent, Devizes — Trapnel, Bradford 185
Body of William Tracey exhumed and burnt 185
*1533. John Frith &n& Andrew Hewet, Smithfield 186
*1534. Advancement of Cranmer — Separation from Rome 188
Popish Preachers — " Maid of Kent," &c., resist the King 191
Reforms and first Reforming Convocation 192
1536. Execution of Anne Boleyn 194
Further Reforms 195
Visitation of Monasteries, &c. — Rebellion in the North 196
*1534. Alexander Seyton escapes from Scotland 197
1538. John Lin, John Keiller, Friar Beveridge, Duncan Simpson, Robert
Forrester, Thomas Forrest, Edinburgh 199
1540. Persecuting Laws in Scotland 199
Hieronymus Russell, — Kennedy, Glasgow 200
Buchanan and Borthwike escape from Scotland 201
1 543. Scottish Parliament permits the Bible to be read 202
1545. William Anderson, Robert Lamb, James Ronald, James Hunter,
James Finlayson, Helen Stark, Perth 203
1546. George Wishart, St. Andrews 207
Cardinal Beaton murdered 210
*1538. John Lambert, Smithfield 211
Robert Pachington and others, London — Suffolk 213
*1539. The "Six Articles" against the Gospel 214
*1540. Lord Cromwell beheaded 215
Dr. Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret, and William Jerome, Smithfield 215
John Porter, Newgate 216
Thomas Bernard and James Morton, Lincoln 217
*1543. Greek-pronunciation Controversy 217
Quinby and others, Oxford 218
Anthony Peerson, Robert Testwood, Henry Filmer, Windsor 218
Plots and Conspiracies of Bishop Gardiner and others 219
Adam Damlip, Calais 1 220
*1544. —Dodd, Calais 223
*1545. — Saxy, London — A Gentleman and his Servant, Colchester — Roger
Clarke, Bury — Kerby, Ipswich 223
*1546. AnneAskew, Nicholas Belenian, John Adams, John Lacells, Smithfield 224
— Wriothesley, London 226
V1jj CONTENTS.
Page.
A.D. 907
*1 546. Cranmer and Queen Catharine Parr m danger " yu
1547. Henry VIII. dies
CHAPTER IV.
ENGLAND, TO THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH, AND SCOTLAND.
1547. Edward VI 9on
State of Scotland JJJ
1550. Adam Wallace, Edinburgh ^
*1549. Anabaptism in England ; Joan of Kent *°£
Troublous State of England £*°
1551. English Liturgy printed in Dublin ^
1553. Character of Edward VI.— His Death *&>
Mary I. — her Dissimulation **0
Restoration of Popery begins 242
Parliament and Convocation Popish again •«*•>
1554. Political and Religious Persecution— Spanish Marriage 247
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer condemned at Oxford 250
Bishop Hooper and others refuse a Disputation at Cambridge 254
Mary marries with Philip II. of Spain 254
Reconciliation of England and Rome 2
1 555. A Congregation in London seized and imprisoned 258
Master John Rogers, the Marian Protomartyr, Smithfield 259
Laurence Saunders, Coventry 260
Bishop Hooper, Gloucester 264
Dr. Rowland Taylor, Hadleigh 269
Thomas Tomkins, Smithfield 275
William Hunter, Brentwood 276
Thomas Causton, Thomas Higbed, William Pygott, Stephen Knight,
John Laurence, Essex 277
Bishop Ferrar, Caermarthen 277
Rawlins White, Cardiff 278
Philip and Mary command the Justices to persecute 279
George Marsh, Chester 281
William Flower burnt, Westminster 281
John Cardmaker, John Warne, Smithfield — John Simson, Rochford
— John Ardeley, Rayleigh 283
Thomas Haukes, Coggeshall 283
Thomas Wats, Chelmsford — Nicholas Chamberlain, Colchester —
Thomas Osmond, Manningtree — William Bamford, Harwich 284
John Bradford, John Leaf, Smithfield 284
John Bland, a Priest, Nicholas Sheterdon, John Frankesh, Humphrey
Middleton, Canterbury — Nicholas Hall, Rochester — Christopher
Wade, Margaret Policy, Dartford 287
Dirick Carver, Lewes — John Launder, Steyning — Thomas Iveson,
Chichester — John Aleworth, Reading 288
Popular Tumults take place, but are quelled '. 288
James Abbes, Bury St. Edmund's 289
John Denley, Robert Smith, Uxbridge 290
Elisabeth Warne, Stephen Harwood, Stratford-le-Bow — Thomas Fust,
Ware — George King, Thomas Leyes, John Wade, William
Andrew, London — William Coker, William Hopper, Henry
Laurence, Richard Colliar, Richard Wright, William Stere, Can-
terbury— William Hale, Barnet— George Tankerfield, Patrick
Packingham, St. Alban's 290
— Samuel, Ipswich— John Newman, Saffron Walden — Richard Hook,
Chichester — William Allen, Walsingham — Roger Coo, Yoxford —
CONTENTS. IX
A.D. Page.
TJiomas Cob, Tbetford —Tliomas Hay ward, John Ooreway, Lich-
field — George Calmer, Robert Streater, A nthony Burward, George
Brodbridge, James Tutty, Canterbury 291
Robert and John Glover, Cornelius Bungey, Lichfield 292
William Wolsey, Robert Pygott, Ely 293
Bishops Ridley and Latimer, Oxford 293
William Dighel, Banbury 299
Parliamentary Opposition to the Clergy — Death of Gardiner 299
John Webbe, George Roper, Gregory Parke, Canterbury — William
Wiseman, London — James Gore, Colchester 300
John Philpot, Knight, Smithfield 300
1556. Thomas Whittle, Bartlet Green, Thomas Brown, John Tudson, John
Went, Isabella Foster, Joan Warne, Smithfield — Agnes Snoth,
Anne Albright, Joan Sole, Joan Catmer, John Lomas, Canter-
bury— A gnes Potter, Joan Trunchfield, Ipswich 302
ArchbisJwp Cranmer, Oxford 302
John Spicer, William Coberley, John Maundrel, Salisbury — Robert
Drakes, William Tyms, Richard and Thomas Spurge, George
Ambrose, John Cavel, Smithfield — John Harpole, Joan Beach,
Rochester — John Hullier, Cambridge — Christopher Lyster, John
Mace, John Spencer, Richard Nichols, Simon Joyne, John
Hamond, Colchester — Hugh Laverock, John Apprice, Stratford-
le-Bow — Catherine Hut, Elisabeth Thackvel, Joan Horns, Smith-
field — Thomas Croker, Thomas Drowry, Gloucester — Thomas
Spicer, John Denny, Edmund Poole, Beccles— Thomas Harland,
John Oswald, Thomas A vington, Thomas Read, Thomas Whood,
Thomas Milles, Lewes— A Servant, Leicester — Henry Adding-
ton, Laurence Parnam, Henry Wye, William Hallywel, Thomas
Bowyer, George Searles, Edmund Hurst, Lyon Cawch, Ralph
Jackson, John Derifall, John Routh, Elisabeth Pepper, Agnes
George, Stratford-le-Bow — Roger Bernard, Adam Foster, Robert
Lawson, Bury St. Edmund's — Julius Palmer, John Gwin, Thomas
A skin, Newbury — Thomas Dungate, John Foreman, Mother
Tree, Grinstead — John Hart, Thomas Ravensdale, two others,
Mayfield— Edward Sharp, and a Carpenter, Bristol — A Shoe-
maker, Northampton Hooke, Chester 306
Magistrates silently refuse to persecute 307
Inquisitorial Visitation at Cambridge 308
1557. John Philpot, Mattheio Bradbridge, Nicholas Final, William
Waterer, Thomas Stephens, Stephen. Kempe, William Hay.
Thomas Hudson, William Lowick, William Prowling, Canter-
bury, Wye, and Ashford — Thomas Loseby, Henry Ramsey,
Thomas Thirtel, Margaret Hide, Agnes Stanley, Smithfield —
Steplien Gratwick, William Morant, — King, Southwark —
Richard Sharp, Thomas Benion, Thomas Hale, Bristol — Joan
Bradbridge, Walter and Petronil Appleby, Wife of John Man-
ning, Edmund and Catherine Allin, Elisabeth —, Maidstone —
" Two Persons," Newington — John Fishcock, Nicholas White,
Nicholas Pardue, Barbara Final, — Bradbridge, — Wilson,
— Benden, Canterbury — Richard Woodman, George Stevens, W.
Mainard, Alexander Hosman, Thomasin a Wood, Margery and
James Moris, Dennis Burgis, — Ashdon, — Grove, Lewes —
Simon Milkr, Elisabeth Cooper, Norwich — William Bongeor,
William Purcas, Thomas - Benold, Agnes Silverside, Helen
Ewring, Elisabeth Folkes, William, Alice, and Roue Mount,
John Johnson, Colchester — George Eagles and his Sister, Frier,
Rochester — Richard Crashfield, Norwich — Joyce Lewes, Lichfield
— Ralph Allerton, James and Margery Austoo, Richard Roth,
Islington — Agnes Bongeor, Margaret Thurston, Colchester— John
VOL. III. b
: CONTENTS.
A.D.
Kurde, Northampton— John Noyes, Laxfield— Cicely Ormes,
Norwich — John Foreman, Anne Try, Thomas Dougate, John
Warner, Christian drover, Thomas Athoth, Thomas Avington,
Dennis Burgis, Thomas Ravensdale, John MiUes, Nicholas
Holden, John Hart, James and Margery Morice, John Oseward,
Thomas Harland, John Ashedon, Colchester — Thomas Spur-
dance, Bury — John Hallingdale, William Sparrow, Riclmrd
Gibson, John Bough, Margaret Hearing, Smithfield 309
1558. Calais lost 310
Cuthbert Symson, Hugh Foxe, John Devenish, Smithfield — William
Nichol, Haverford-west — William Seaman, TJiomas Carman,
Thomas Hudson, Norwich — William Harris, Richard Day,
Christian George, Colchester — Matthew Wythers, T. Taylor,
London — Henry Pond, Reinald Easttand, Robert Southam, Mat-
thew Ricarby, John Floyd, John Holiday, Roger Holland,
Smithfield — Robert Mills, Stephen Cotton, Robert Dynes, StepJien
WigJit, John Slade, William Pikes, Brentford — Richard Yeoman,
Norwich — John Alcoclc, Newgate — Thomas Benbridge, Win-
chester— John Cooke, Robert Miles, Alexander Lane, James
AsMey, Bury St. Edmund's — Edward Home, Newent — Alexander
Gouch, Alice Driver, Ipswich Prest, Exeter — John Gome-
ford, Christopher Brown, John Herst, Alice Snoth, Catherine
Knigltt, Canterbury 311
Mary dies of epidemic Fever 312
Queen Elizabeth is proclaimed — Cardinal Pole dies 312
CHAPTER V.
THE EMPIRE, THE NETHERLANDS, AND SPAIN.
1630. THE EMPIRE — Recess of Augsburg 313
League of Smalcald 315
1532. Pacification of Nuremberg 316
1535. Vergerio and Luther meet in Germany 317
A General Council again demanded 318
1541. Diet of Ratisbon 320
1542. Indiction of Council of Trent 320
1545. Council of Trent is begun 321
1546. Luther dies 321
Juan Diaz, Bavaria 321
Empercr and Pope in League 322
The Protestants in Arms 324
1547. The Elector of Saxony defeated 325
Popish League weakened — Council dispersed 325
1548. The Interim of Charles V.— It fails 326
1550. Charles V. erects an Inquisition in the Netherlands 327
1551. Council of Trent re-opened 327
Persecution at Augsburg, Memmingen. &c 328
Maurice of Saxony takes Augsburg— The Council is scattered 329
1552. Treaty of Passau 330
1555 — 1558. Charles V. gives the Netherlands and Spain to Philip —
Abdicates — Dies 332
1531. NETHERLANDS — Severe Edicts, &c 332
1532. Nine Men, Amsterdam 333
1533. Anabaptists murdered — Four Persons, Bois-le-duc 333
1534. William Wiggertson, Schagen Joost, Bois-le-duc — Isbrand Schol,
Brussels.... .. 333
CONTENTS. XI
A.D. Page.
1536. William Tyndale, Vilvoord 333
1539. Thirty-one English Refugees, Delft — General Persecution 335
1544. Placards — Inquisitions 336
1546 — 1549. Peter Brully, Tournay — Many in many Places 337
1550. Inquisitorial Edicts, &c 339
1 553. Walter Capel, Dixmuiden — Simon, Bergen-op-Zoom 341
1554. Galein de Mulere, Oudenarde 342
1555. Controversy at Louvain 343
Philip II. renews Persecution 344
1557. Robert Oguier, Wife, and two Sons, Lille 344
Charles Regius, Bruges — A ngel Mervla, Mons 345
Burnings — Revolt — Reformation — Confederacy 350
1565. The " Gueux," or Beggars — Demolition of Popish Mummeries — War . 358
1567. The Duke of Alva enters Brussels— 120,000 Persons flee the Country
— Carnage 361
Philip II. charged with murdering his Son, Don Carlos 363
1567 — 1576. Prince of Orange heads the Confederates — Alva beaten 363
1581. The States declare themselves Independent 365
1582. Prince of Orange assassinated 363
1530. SPAIN, &c.— Inquisition in Granada 367
1534. Inquisition in Lisbon 368
1541. Juan Valdes — Rodrigo de Valero 368
1544. Francisco San Roman, Yalladolid 370
1552. William Gardiner, Lisbon 372
1556. Bibles. Catechisms, &c., in Spain — Dr. Egidio in Valladolid 373
1 557. General Imprisonment in Seville and Valladolid 375
1559. Paul IV. gives a Bull to burn Lutherans — Auto de Fe in Valladolid . 376
Agustin Cazalla, Beatriz de Vibe.ro, Alonso Perez, Cristdbal de
Ocampo, Cristobal de Padilla, and seven others, Francisco de
Vibero Cazalla, Antonio Herrezuelo 380
Auto in Seville — Juan Ponce de Leon, Juan Gonzalez, four Monks,
Fernando de S. Juan, Cristobal Losada, Isabel de Baena, Maria
de Virues, Maria Cornel, Maria Bohorques, and six others —
Eighty Penitents— One Effigy 382
Another Auto at Valladolid — Carlo di Sesso, Pedro de Cazalla,
Domingo de Rojas, Juan Sanchez, a Nun, and eight others 384
1560. Auto in Toledo, several ; and in Murcia, five Penitents 385
Auto in Seville — Julian Hernandez, Nicholas Burton, William
Brook, Barthelemi Fabianne, and ten others — Three Effigies —
Thirty-four Penitents 385
Mark Surges, Lisbon 387
1561 — 1565. Martyrs at Toledo, Seville, Logrono, Valladolid, Barcelona,
Zaragoza 388
1574. Martyrs in Mexico 388
1620 — *1714. William Lithgow, tortured in Malaga — Isaac Martin in
Granada 388
1659. William Lambert, Mexico 388
1805. Miguel Juan Antonio Solano, Zaragoza 388
1808. Spanish Inquisition abolished by Napoleon 388
1826. A Spanish Quaker, Valencia 389
CHAPTER VI.
FRANCE, TO THE DEATH OF C1IARLKS IX.
Comparative Advance of the Reformation in France 390
1534. " The Year of Placards " — Controversy and Persecution 391
1535. Francis I. bums BuH/n'U'nii Mi/mi. Nicolas Valeton, Jean de Bourg,
b 2
Xll CONTENTS.
A.I>. Page.
Etienne de Laforge, — la Catelle, A ntoine Pottle, and twelve
otliers in Paris 392
Exiles — Laurent de la Croix, Paris — Marie Becauddle, Poitou —
Jean Cornon, Mascon 394
1536. Martin Gonin, Grenoble 395
1539. Jerome Vindocin, Agen — Andre Berthelin, Nonnay 395
1540. Etienne Brun, Recorder — Claude le Peintre, Paris 396
1541. Aymon de la Joye, Agenais 396
1542. — Constantine, and three others, Rouen 396
1544. Pierre Bonpain, Paris 396
*1543. Part of a Congregation drowned, Metz — Guillaume Hudson, Blois ... 396
1545. Four thousand Waldenses in Merindol, &c., twenty- two Villages
destroyed, and seven hundred Men sent to the Galleys 397
1546. Fourteen at Meaux, and many Penitents 403
1547. franfois d'Augy, Toulouse— Jean Chapot — Seraphin, and four others,
Paris — Jean I'Anglais, Sens — Jean Brugtre, Issoire, and many
others 404
Francis I. dies, and Henry II. succeeds him 405
1549. Many burnt in Paris 406
1 551 — 1 553. Edict of Chateau-Briant and a general Persecution 407
1555. Reformed Church of Paris 407
1 557. Parliament of Paris rejects a Bull for Inquisition 408
Congregation of St. Jacques — Nicolas Clinet, Taurin Gravelle, La
Baronne de Graveron, and many others, in Paris 409
Gospel advances — A multitude of Martyrs — Psalmody 412
1558. High Personages promote the Reformation 412
1559. First Synod, Confession, and Constitution of the Reformed Churches . 415
Court of the " Mercuriale " — Members of it imprisoned 416
Death of Henry II., succeeded by Francis II 419
The Councillor Du Bourg, Paris — Horrible Persecutions 419
1560. The "Tumult of Amboise" — Slaughter of twelve hundred Men —
Castelnau and fifteen others beheaded, and Civil War begins 422
" The Cardinal's Mouse-Trap " to ensnare all the Reformed 427
The Prince de Condg in Prison — Navarre in peril 429
Death of Francis II., succeeded by Charles IX 431
1561. Persecution slightly checked — Priests pray Philip II. to help them ... 432
Mobs let loose on the Reformed in the Provinces 434
Colloquy of Poissy 435
1562. "Edict of January" for Toleration 438
Massacre of Vassy , 439
Conde heads the Reformed — Queen and Court flee — Sanguinary War. 442
1563. Pacificatory "Edict of Amboise" 445
1564. Pius IV. excommunicates Queen of Navarre 446
1568. Charles IX., Catherine, and Duke of Alva, contrive other Methods,
and agree to " the uneasy Peace " 447
Conde and Coligny occupy Rochelle 448
1569. Battle of Jarnac lost— Cond6 murdered — Defeat at Moncontour 450
1570. Treaty of St. Germain 451
Secret Conspiracy- — The Huguenots deluded ' 453
1572. Massacre of St. Bartholomew 457
Massacres in the Provinces 468
Joy in Rome 470
1574. Death of Charles IX. .. 471
CHAPTER VII.
ITALY; TO THE LAST MASSACRE OF THE WALDKNSKS.
1530. State of Italy 473
1534. The Diike of Savoy sends Troops to murder the Waldenses.. 476
CONTENTS. xiii
A.B. Page.
1536. Bull of Paul III. against the Waldenses 476
Charles V. persecutes at Naples 477
1540. The Company of Jesus sanctioned at Rome 478
1542. Congregation of the Holy Office 479
1543. A Reformed Church in Pisa 479
1543 — 1545. Modena, Mantua, Ferrara 479
1546. Jayme Encinas, Rome — Fannio, Ferrara 480
Capo d'Istria, Pola, Florence 482
1547. Inquisition resisted at Naples 483
1548 — 1555. Persecution at Venice — Pomponio Algieri 486
1562 — 1567. Giidio Guirlanda, Antonio Ricetto, Francesco Sega, Fran-
cesco Spinula, Baldo Lupetino, Venice 487
* 1550— 1569. The Milanese— Domenico — Galeazzo Trezio, some others 489
*1554. Francesco Oamba, Brescia 490
*1546 — 1555. The Locarno Emigration 493
*1553 — 1560. Rome — Giovanni Mollio, a Weaver, Giovanni Aloisio,
Lodovico Paschali 495
1563, 1564. Doings of the Cardinals-Inquisitors 497
1567. Pietro Carnesecchi, Rome 498
Many Martyrs in the Papal State 500
1 569. Francesco Cellario, Bartolommeo Bartoccio, Rome 500
1570. A onio Paleario, Rome 501
1581. Richard Atkins, Rome 505
*1566. Dr. Thomas Reynolds, Rome 507
1588. Sixtus V. institutes the fifteen Congregations of Cardinals 507
1595. An Englishman and a Silesiau burnt in Rome 507
1659. Catherine Evans and Sarah Cheevers imprisoned in Malta 508
1662. Daniel Baker at Gibraltar 513
*1555. Bartolommeo Ectore, Turin 515
*1557. Commissaries to the Waldenses of Piedmont — Geoffreddo Varaglia,
Turin — Nicholas Sartor is, Aosta 515
*1560. Waldenses of Calabria — Stefano Carlino, Pietro Marzone, another,
Montalto — Bernardino Conte, a Pastor, Cosenza — Anotlier, Rome
— Imprisonments, Torments, Butcheries... 517
Waldenses of Piedmont — Marcellin, his wife Giovanna, Giovanni
Cartignano, Carignano — Jean — , S. Germano — A Minister, Su.sa
— Military Invasion of the Valleys 518
*1561. A Capitulation never ratified 5-!l
*1565 — 1572. Renewed Persecution — Resistance — Orders of St. Maurice and
St. Lazarus 522
*1633. Persecution in Saluzzo 523
*1623 — 1655. Sebastiano Bassano, Turin — Gastaldo leads a Massacre 523
Jean Paillas, Paolo Clemente di Rossani, La Torre 528
Remonstrances of Protestant States — Mr. Morland sent to the Duke
of Savoy — Subscriptions in England for the Survivers 528
1663-1686. Persecution 532
1694. Partial Restoration 532
1848. Charles Albert gave Liberty of Worship — Wesleyan-Methodist Mission
in the Alps 532
CHAPTER VIII.
SLAVONIAN CHURCHES, AND HUNGARY.
1530. BOHEMIAN Brethren favoured by Ferdinand I 533
1532. George the Hermit imprisoned at Prague 533
1533. Bohemian Confession published at Wittemberg 533
1 538. Persecution in. Bohemia 5:j4
XIV CONTENTS.
A.D. Page.
1539. Catlierine Zalaszowska, Prague 534
1544. Churches closed — Imprisonments — Banishments 535
1 545—1 554. Gamrat, Primate of POLAND, a Fanatic— Exiles 535
1553 — 1570. " Agreement of Sendomir " 538
* 1533. NicJwlas —, Lublin 541
* 1551 — 1554. Secret Congregation in Poland — Czarnkowski, Bishop of Posen 541
1556. Lodovico Lippomano, first Nuncio 543
1563. RUSSIA— Tlwmas of Polozk, Polozk 545
1565 — 1574. Persecutions in Bohemia 546
Foreign Kings of Poland 546
1574 — 1581. Jesuits incite tumultuary Persecutions in Cracow and Vilna ... 551
1589—1593. The Legate Aldobrandino— Sixtus V.— The Jesuits and their
Mob 553
Martin — , Lublin 554
*1624. Twenty-seven Noblemen, some Ministers, a great Emigration, Bohemia 554
1 611. Francesco di Franco, Vilna 555
Jesuit Outrages — Baltliasar Crosnieviski, Martin Terttdlian, Vilna... 557
1618. Origin of the Thirty years' War 558
1621. Great Martyrdom at Prague — Joachim Andreas Schlik, Wenzel
Bndowecz, Christopher Harant, Oaspar Kaplirz, Procopius
Dworschezky, Lords of Rzcldowicz and Komarow, Czernin, Lords
of Spiticz and Ruwenitz, Valentine Kochan, Tobias Steffck, Chris-
toplier Kohr, — Schvbz, — Hostialek, — Kutnaiter, and seven
others, with Banishments and Confiscations 563
1 623. Evangelical Clergy driven out of the Kingdom 570
1 625. Matthaus Ulizky, Czaslau 571
* 1622. Jesuits seize the University of Prague — Books destroyed 572
* 1 623—1627. Edicts and Dragonnades 575
Lorenz Karlik, Kossenberg — John Burjan Kochowez, Raudnitz —
Another, Leitomischl — A Clerk, Welhartiz, and many Confessors . 576
1629. — Balzer, Schlan 577
Forest-Congregations— Thirty-six thousand Families expatriated —
Bohemia ruined . . . .„ 578
1 631. Elector of Saxony in Prague — Lutheran Worship 579
1632 — 1652. Prague retaken — Jesuits return, Christians flee Peschek,
Hradek 580
*1773— 1781. Expulsion of Jesuits— "Toleration-Edict" of Joseph II 581
*1618— 1633. Persecutions in Poland 581
* 1604 — 1614. Kepressive Laws in HUNGARY, partially removed 582
*1616— 1672. Religious and Political Contentions .' 584
An Anathema 585
1672 — 1676. Abjurations — Three hundred Confessors imprisoned, exiled,
enslaved 588
"1670. Seizure of Churches in Zips 591
1675 — 1687. Successive Persecutions — Four Men, five, nine, Eperies 591
1705 — 1742. Various Condition of the Evangelicals 592
1743. Conversion-Societies — Conversion-Fund — Iniquitous Law 593
1763. Maria Theresa employs the Archbishop of Gran to enforce her Law . . . 593
1781. Toleration-Edict of Joseph II 594
CHAPTER IX.
AUSTRIA FROM 1558 TO 1837 FRANCE FROM 1587 TO REVOCATION OF
EDICT OF NAMES.
1558. AUSTRIA— Brief and partial Toleration 595
1559. Episcopal Visitation 595
1;}79. Persccuti'oii breaks out at Vienna 593
CONTKNTS. XV
A.D. Page.
1582 — 1588. States remonstrate, and, at length, revolt 597
1585 — 1 589. Ministers persecuted and banished 597
1590. Melchior Clesel, " Reformer-General," conducts a general Persecution. 598
1594—1 603. Civil War, provoked by Clesel and the Jesuits 600
1603 — 1609. Protestant Alliance of Heidelberg — Temporary Liberty of
Worship 601
1614. Protestants lose Aix-la-Chapelle and Miilheim (Diisseldorf) 601
1619. Ferdinand II. and Caraffa begin Anti-Eeformation 602
1624 — 1626. Persecution and Revolt in Bavaria 604
1627 — 1632. Extinction of Protestant Worship in Austria 605
1648. Peace of Westphalia— Momentary Liberty 607
1651. Compulsory " Reformation " renewed 607
1685, 1686. Teffereckenthal Emigrations 608
1729 — 1732. Von Firmian, Archbishop of Salzburg — Salzburg Emigration. . 608
1743. The " Rack-Tower " of Werfen — Inquisition — Banishment 612
*1733 — 1747. Dragonnades, Imprisonments, Exiles, many Deaths 612
1747. Jacob Schmidli, Sulzig, Switzerland 612
1782. Peregrination of Pius VI. to Vienna 613
1837. The Zillerthal Emigration 613
FRANCE — State of the Reformed after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew 618
1598. Edict of Nantes 622
1610. Henry IV. assassinated by Ravaillac — Persecution revives 623
1615. Romish Synod in Paris incites Louis XIII. to persecute 623
1617. Another Romish Synod in Paris demands Persecution 624
1619. Mass restored in Navarre 625
1 621, 1622. Crusade on the Reformed in all France 625
1 629. Rochelle taken by Louis XIII. — Cautionary Towns lost 628
Missionary Disputants 629
1643. Louis XIV.— He favours the Reformed at first 629
1656. Legal Persecution begins 629
1659. National Synods of the Reformed Churches suppressed — Notices of
the last Six Synods 630
1666. " Declaration of Fifty-nine Articles " nullifies the Edict of Nantes ... 636
Psalmody forbidden — Preachers silenced 636
Manifold Methods of Oppression and Perversion 637
1 668. " Chambers of the Edict " finally suppressed 638
1 679. " Chambres miparties " also suppressed 638
Dragonnades — The Dame Du Chail 639
1682. 1683. Ineffectual Efforts to recover Liberty of Worship 641
A most sanguinary Dragonnade — Many thousands horribly murdered 642
1683. Isaac Homel, Vivarais 643
Bishops and Ladies direct the atrocious Persecution — Churches closed 644
1684. 1685. A Succession of Royal Orders and of Inhumanities, preparatory
to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes 646
1685. Edict of Revocation of the Edict of Nantes 650
Absolute Prohibition of the Reformed Religion enforced 652
Universal Inquisition — Jesuits assist Soldiers to torment the People... 653
1686. —Ouizard, Nerac 654
1687. Confessors imprisoned and sent to the Galleys and to the West Indies
as Slaves 655
1689. "Pastors of the Desert"— Many hundred* killed in the Desert-
Congregations i 655
— Tommeiroles — Manuel, Nismes°— Meirieu and Salendre, Ledignan
— Many othirs in many Places 656
DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER,
VOL. I.
Facing Title-Page. Hebrew Children in the Furnace.
Page 104. Murder of the Innocents.
• 129. Stephen's Martyrdom.
• 1 65. Nero.
— 317. Ignatius.
- 385. Polycarp.
— 453. Irenaeus.
— 475. Cyprian.
VOL. II.
Facing Title-Page. Lord Cobham's Martyrdom.
Page 581. Wycliffe.
— 599. Burning-place in Smithfield.
— 601. John Badby's Martyrdom.
VOL. III.
Facing Title-Page. Auto de F6.
Page 3. Huss.
— 14. Huss's Martyrdom.
— 53. Luther.
— 54. Zuinglius.
— 98. Frederic of Saxony.
— 121. Melancthon.
— 163. Cranmer.
- 229. Edward VI.
— 283. John Cardmaker's and John Warne's Martyrdom.
— 284. Thomas Hawkes's Martyrdom.
— 293. Ridley's and Latimer's Martyrdom.
— 295. Latimer.
— 309. The Colchester Martyrs.
— 436. Beza.
— 456. Margaret of Navarre.
— 464. Coligny.
MARTYROLOGIA,
PROTESTANT MARTYRS.
CHAPTER I.
Providential Succession in the Church of God — John Huss — Jerome of Prague — The
Hussites — The Bohemian Brethren and Unitus Fratrum — The Inquisition rein-
forced— The Invention of Printing and Revival of Literature — Geographical Dis-
coveries— Persons and Events precursory of Separation from Ike Papal Church.
THERE is a succession in the church of God. Not hereditary
succession, for that was wrecked with the genealogies of the Hebrew
people. Not official, because the givers and receivers of designation
to the ministerial office may be destitute, and, for many ages, were
generally destitute, of divine grace and sanction ; and as a succession
of this kind does not appear in history, neither, as we think, was it
promised by Christ, or contemplated by his Apostles. A just and
scriptural regard to ecclesiastical order, and an original idea of pure
discipline, imperceptibly degenerated into the notion of such a succes-
sion. But in the church of God, — comprehending, under our description
of a church, both Ministers and people, having evangelical doctrine,
discipline, and worship, with holy living, — there is a providential suc-
cession. Even in the darkest age there were living witnesses and
confessors martyred for the faith of Christ. The practice of perse-
cuting ripened into -system. An apparatus for the extirpation of
heresy, according to ritual forms, under authoritative decrees, and by
tribunals established in a fallen Church, was sufficient to attest, even
had there not been' direct historical evidence, the presence of another
set of persons in the world, — the persons who suffered persecution.
But we possess their history, and, on examining it, find that many,
if not most, of them held evangelical doctrines, and persevered in
holy conduct. They, if no others, were the church of the living
God. Their life was hid with Christ in God, and therefore could
not be destroyed. The gates of hell could not prevail against them.
They were found in every generation, and were perpetuated in
spite of every human effort to destroy. As death for confessing
Christ came to be the law of an antichristian hierarchy, and as civil
statutes and inquisitorial canons multiplied and were enforced with
increasing rigour, -the life of this body of confessors became more
VOL. III. B
2 CHAPTER I.
vigorous, and the interpositions of Divine Providence in behalf of this
immortal cause more signal. " The blood of the martyrs was the seed
of the church." And this is providential succession. Let us endea-
vour to trace its continuity from the Lollards to the Protestants.
The civil and ecclesiastical authorities were united in England
against Wycliffe and his followers, and the strength of Lollardism, as
they called it, gradually declined until it was nearly extinct when
Henry VIII. ascended the throne. But in eastern Europe relative
positions were different. In the remote kingdom of Bohemia the
more powerful nobility, supported by many of the people, for many
years maintained a most arduous, but not unsuccessful, struggle with
Romish ascendency. When Wycliffe was buried, his books condemned,
and while the inquisitors of heresy were cleansing Oxford from his
writings, and the high Clergy contriving how to make profession of his
doctrine a capital offence in England, they could not suspect that stu-
dents in Oxford were learning from those very books how to prepare
Christendom for a general reformation, and that their own Queen was
unconsciously opening the way for a successful mission of those youth
to her own country. Yet so it was. Anne, sister of the Emperor Wen-
ceslaus, King of Bohemia, " the good Queen Anne," read the Bible in
German, Latin, and Bohemian, had heard from childhood doctrines
opposed to those of Rome, lived under the influence of the truth she
learned from the sacred volume, and was extolled for her veneration
for the word of God even by the sanguinary Arundel, Archbishop of
Canterbury. By her means England was in communication with
Bohemia ; some Bohemians prosecuted their studies at Oxford, and
some Englishmen went over to Bohemia. Jerome of Prague was an
Oxford student, and on his return to that city took with him the
works of Wycliffe. Peter Payne, an Englishman, and a Lollard too,
went over to Prague, and took other copies. Perhaps he expected
more religious liberty there : certainly he was zealous in propagating
Wycliffe's doctrine, became a Minister in the national Church, asso-
ciated with the seceders from Romanism, and remained in that
connexion until old age. Others returned to Bohemia when their
sojourn in England was completed ; and some went thither from time
to time after the martyrdom of Sautre, to avoid a like fate, and found
multitudes willing to receive them and profess their doctrine. For in
that country worship had been solemnized in the vernacular language,
and the sacrament of the eucharist administered in bread and wine,
(" sub utraque specie," as they say, whence the term " utraquists,")
from the introduction of Christianity, five hundred years before, and
was formally allowed by Boniface IX., so late as the year 1 390. The
arrogance of the Popes had always been resisted, and would have been
still powerless, had not Italian and other foreign Priests supplanted
natives in the parishes. The Bohemian patriot, therefore, gave ready
hearing to the prayer offered in Sclavonic, and powerful nobles, actu-
ated by a feeling of nationality, preserved primitive worship and
maintained better preaching on their estates. The University, too,
enjoyed a slight degree of independence ; and, profiting by the dis-
tance of its head the Pope, often set at nought the pleasure of the
JOHN HtTSS. 3
Bishops, and, when Wycliffe's books were brought from England, freely
admitted them, while some of his pieces were translated into Bohe-
mian, and circulated among the people.
Just then (A.D. 1400) a young Priest,* of energetic eloquence, was
invited to minister in the new church of Bethlehem in Prague, which
had been founded by a Prior of the Teutonic Order, and a merchant
of the city, for the sake of preserving worship in the language of the
people, together with preaching, which was so generally neglected,
that a sermon was seldom to be heard. This was John Huss. Jerome
put Wycliffe' s books into his hands, and, as one already devoted to the
instruction of the people by means of their own language, he trans-
lated them into Bohemian. The translator imbibed the spirit of the
author, enriched his discourses by an infusion of their contents, soon
gained eminence as a Preacher, and acquired great influence over the
public. For some years nothing occurred to interrupt his ministra-
tions. He was Confessor to the Queen, was extensively learned for
the age, and, far from being thought heretical, was appointed to preach
(A.D. 1405) before a provincial Synod, with the Prelate at their head.
But he openly commended Wycliffe, encouraged English refugees, and,
with increasing knowledge, zeal, and eloquence, encroached so far on
the patience of Sbinko, the Archbishop, and of the priesthood, that they
made an attack on the writings of the Englishman, and thus opened a
breach that Papal ingenuity could never close. Not the University
of Prague, as some have written, but a select company of Priests,
employed by the Bishop, condemned the works of Wycliffe ; and this
being done, (May 24th, 1408,) Sbinko made, or pretended to make,
an inquisition of his province, convened a Synod, (July 17th,) and
there reported that he had found the province free from heresy.
The favourable report was forwarded to Rome, to the credit, as the
Archbishop might have thought, of his pastoral vigilance. But
" heresy " could not be concealed ; and the very next year we find
the Pope writing a letter to the Archbishop condemnatory of the
followers of Wycliffe in Bohemia and Moravia. f Of all these Huss
was the chief ; but the missive of an Antipope could not reach him,
and, on the separation of the Germans, as foreigners, from the govern-
ment of the University, his appointment by the Bohemians, who alone
remained, to the dignity of Rector, enabled him to take the lead in
efforts to restore the religious independence of his country.
Sbinko, on the other side, began the usual work of persecution. The
German members of the University, before their departure, Jean Gerson,
Chancellor of Paris, Andrew of Broda, a papistical Bohemian, and the
ultramontane Clergy generally, had urged him to collect and burn the
obnoxious books. By dint of active perquisition, many copies were
taken from their owners, and twice did the Prelate commit the spoil
to burning in his palace-yard. The- second time, not fewer than two
hundred volumes, bound in wood, covered with rich stuffs, and heavy
with bosses and clasps of silver, and even of gold, were heaped on
the fire, the sumptuousness of the books showing how highly they
must have been valued by persons in the highest circles of society.
* Then about twentyrseven years of age. f Raynaldus, an. 1409, num. 89.
B 2
CHAPTER I.
The University regarded this interference as an infringement on their
authority, and appealed from the Prelate to the Pope, real or pre-
tended,— for whether John XXIII. was Pope or not was then a
question, — and His Holiness cited the zealous expurgator to answer
for himself. Sbinko, however, made a private communication which
fully satisfied the Papal court of his loyalty to them ; and his mes-
sengers brought back a Bull condemning the books, requiring four
persons who were accused of retaining copies, to give them up within
six days, forbidding all Priests and Ecclesiastics to preach in particular
places, in privileged chapels, (so including Bethlehem,) in cathedral
and parochial churches, or in monasteries, under pain of deposi-
tion, excommunication, imprisonment, and even severer punishment.
Against this Bull, which would have silenced every voice, and obli-
terated every sentence of religious truth, Huss appealed, as he had
done before. In his church of Bethlehem, (June 25th, 1410) before
seven witnesses, deputed by those of the nobility and University who
adhered to him, and by the hand of a Notary Public, he represented to
the Pope that the sentence empowering the Archbishop to act against
the University was a breach of privilege : that Huss, and a multitude
of other Preachers in Bohemia, Moravia, and other provinces, had been
falsely charged with heresy, and that by means of a secret cabal in the
court of Rome : that orders like those of John XXIII. and Sbinko were
scandalous, contrary to common right and public good, and especially
contrary to the Gospel, and therefore ought not to be obeyed : that
Sbinko had already acknowledged Bohemia to be free from heresy :
that even were it not so, the proceedings against Wycliffe's writings,
having been taken on orders received from Alexander V., since
deceased, were canonically null : that many of the books condemned
were scientific treatises, and, as such, not susceptible of heresy : that
the Pope's sentence to burn them was against the honour of the
kingdom of Bohemia, the marquisate of Moravia, and the other
provinces, as well as against the honour of the University, which had
solemnly determined to appeal against the outrage committed by
Sbinko on its liberties.
The Pope answered this appeal by excommunicating Huss, (A.D.
1411,) and placing Prague under interdict until he should have left
the city. Foreseeing that resistance would cause a tumult, he retired
to hi* native town Hussinets, where he was hospitably entertained by
a relative, Nicholas of Hussinets, lord of the place ; and, making a
circuit of the neighbouring towns and villages, often preached in the
open air to immense congregations, notwithstanding the excommunica-
tion. At Hussinets he wrote a paper in the form of an appeal to God,
the Pope having failed to do him justice, and justified that recourse
by the example of Christ himself, followed by Chrysostom, Andrew, a
former Archbishop of Bohemia, who died in exile, and Robert, Bishop
of Lincoln, who had committed their causes to the Sovereign Judge of
the universe. During this retreat he also wrote a defence of Wycliffe's
books, in reply to Stokes, an Englishman, and maintained that even
heretical writings should be read and refuted, but not burnt. Mean-
while, the inhabitants of Prague entreated him to return, and Sbiuko
HUSS PREACHES AGAINST CRUSADES. 5
saw fit to go iuto Hungary, where he soon died. Some unfriendly
historians have said that the Hussites poisoned him ; but this is one
of those after-thoughts that serve to fill up narratives compiled to
serve a purpose, and is triumphantly disproved by the evidence
of the hostile, but contemporary, authority quoted by the Romish
biographer himself.*
Huss returned to Prague, and was met by new personages, Legates
from John XXIII., bearing two Bulls, one addressed to all Chris-
tendom, and the other to the dioceses of Passau, Saltzburg, Prague,
and Magdeburg, calling on all persons to unite in cursing Ladis-
laus, King of Sicily, with whom John was at war, but likely to be
beaten, and inviting them to a crusade against Ladislaus and his
supporters. It did seem to the people of Prague that, for a Pope to
excite Christians to murder one another merely on his own account, and
to offer them plenary absolution and eternal life for such a service, was
a scandalous and monstrous thing. Wenceslaus, the King, being an
enemy of Ladislaus, was well pleased with the project of crusade, and
the clerical partisans of the Pope gave their full support to the
Preacher of indulgences. But Huss, who had studied the subject in
Wycliffe's books, reproduced the arguments against crusades in public,
and, from his pulpit in Bethlehem, exhorted the people not to waste
their blood for the Pope, who ought not to seek defence for the
Church in carnal weapons. The Legates summoned him to appear in
their presence, and answer to the new Archbishop Albicus, whether he
would obey the Pope and preach the crusade. He promptly appeared,
and told them that he would most heartily obey the apostolic precepts.
" You see, now, Sir Archbishop," said the Legates, " that he is willing
to obey the Pope." For, in the style of the court of Rome, " papal "
and " apostolical" are terms equivalent. Not so thought Huss. He told
them plainly that between the commandments of Popes and those
of Apostles there was the xttmost difference, and that he would rather
be burnt than obey the former in violation of the latter. Being thus
committed to the controversy, he determined to persevere, and forth-
with caused the following programme to be affixed to the doors of all
the churches and monasteries in Prague, with a challenge to all
Doctors, Priests, Monks and Scholars, to come forward and dispute
against the theses he had already published. The question was stated
thus : — " According to the law of Jesus Christ, can Christians, with a
good conscience, approve the crusade ordered by the Pope against
Ladislaus and his accomplices ; and can such a crusade tend to the
glory of God, to the salvation of Christian people, and to the welfare
of the kingdom of Bohemia 1 " On the day appointed for the dis-
putation all sorts of people crowded into the collegiate hall to hear or
to take part. The Rector of the academy, alarmed at the concourse,
and fearing tumult, exhorted the* people to retire. Speaking in
Bohemian, he said, " I pray you, friends, withdraw for a little. This
CHAPTER I.
business does not concern you, and very few of you will understand
us." But this exhortation only provoked to impatient curiosity, and
caused sucli confusion that Huss was obliged to interfere ; and having
allayed the uproar with difficulty, he suggested that those who could
not understand their language, (Latin,) should withdraw. The dispu-
tation began. A Doctor of canon law argued for the Pope. A
Doctor in civil right contended that the Pope had violated the rights
of the Emperor and Princes. When the contest had run high, an
aged Doctor arose and remonstrated with Huss : "All the academy is
astonished that you, young as you are,* should entertain such high
designs. Do you think that you are wiser than all others ? Certainly
there are men here far abler than you, but not one of them ventures
on questions so subtle and profound. Consider the judgment of the
Doctors and of all the academy, and you will see that your enterprise
contains nothing but the seed of seditions and intestine wars. What !
would you oppose the Roman Pontiff? Go to Rome. Go, and tell
him to his face what you say here ; for it is most unfair to trouble
people who do not understand you, and know not how to answer.
Besides, being Priest, as you are, whence have you your priesthood ?
' From the Bishop,' you will say ; but the Bishop, whence has he his ?
From the Pope. So you must come to the Pope, who is your spiritual
father, after all. Bad birds are they that forsake their own nest, and
cursed was Ham who uncovered the nakedness of his father." The
rude audience, who sided with Huss, answered the Doctor with a
shout, and would have stoned him could they have torn up the pave-
ment. They were again hushed into silence by the Preacher of
Bethlehem. Then Jerome of Prague stood forth, and, rushing at that
moment into the heat of a battle in which he soon should fall, made
a long and very eloquent discourse, ending in these words : " Let
them who are on our side follow us. John Huss and I will go to the
palacef to expose the vanity of indulgences." This was received
with a cry of, " Well said ! That is true." The two reformers, how-
ever, yielding to the entreaty of some who feared greater tumult,
separated. The students followed Jerome, as the more learned, and
the people went with Huss to his church. Next day there was a
great meeting of the people, who resolved to give no quarter to the
Preachers of indulgences. A barbarian resolution, no doubt ; but we
must bear in mind that what would be intolerable in the present state
of society, and especially in England, was a matter of course in the
fifteenth century. The Rector of the academy, fearing for his life,
sent for Huss and Jerome, and implored them in the name of God and
all saints to use their credit and influence with the people to prevent
revolt and massacre. The Doctors joined their entreaties, and even
tears were shed. They readily promised to do their best, yet main-
taining their opposition to crusade and indulgences, and really
succeeded in pacifying the people. But the Preachers, on the other
side, observed no prudence. One Sunday, a Preacher of indulgences,
not satisfied with recommending his wares, launched an invective
against John Huss. A shoemaker in the congregation denied the
* Thirty-eight years of age. t Maison de Ville, "Court-house."
PREACHERS OF INDULGENCES AT PRAGUE. 7
calumny aloud. In another church an equally intemperate Preacher
was interrupted by a man, who exclaimed that the Pope was Anti-
christ, because he shed Christian blood. They were both Poles. A
third, a Bohemian, contradicted a Friar during sermon in his
monastery. The three were imprisoned. Huss, with a company
of students, went to the palace to demand their release, which was
promised ; but the promise was not fulfilled. The Senate secretly
caused an executioner to behead them in the night within that build-
ing, and the murder was discovered early in the morning by a stream
of blood that ran out under the door. The people broke in, took
away the bodies, and buried them with great solemnity. And Huss,
notwithstanding the prohibition of the Senate, afterwards made refer-
ence to the murder in his sermons, and continued to preach, in spite
of excommunication, and the efforts of his enemies to put him to
silence, and committed to writing refutations of the principal errors
of Romanism. Not the least important of those productions was a
defence of the articles of Wycliffe. Eight theologians, it is related,
endeavoured to vanquish him in argument ; and he not only persisted
in a literary contest, but challenged them all to meet him in an ordeal
by fire. One had courage enough to accept the challenge ; but he
replied that, after having been attacked by eight men, and defended
himself singly, he expected them all to go into the fire as readily as
they had got into the fight. That, however, was more than their
courage or their prudence would dare to hazard ; and they set their
hearts on bringing him, not to a fiery trial, but to a fiery death.*
We must now follow him to Constance.^
* L'Enfant, " Histoire da Concile de Pise," gives a mass of copious and carefully-
anthenticated information of Huss, especially relating to the years 1409, 1410, 1411,
1412. The English reader will find notices of this Reformer's earlier history in Foxe, but
ill arranged ; and there are cursory sentences in most ecclesiastical histories. Fleury and
his continuator give the facts, but distort them ; and the Romish Annalists, of course,
treat him as a criminal. L'Enfant, who quotes at length from the original authorities,
Cochloeus, /Eneas Silvius, the Bohemian historians, and the works of Huss, is by far
the best narrator of these events that the author has yet seen.
t Observing by the way that, partly in consequence of an edict of pacification, given
by the Princes and the King's Counsel, between the late Archbishop Sbinko, on the one
part, and the Rector of the University and John Huss, on the other, Huss had a legal
position secured to him at Prague, previously to his excommunication ; that even after-
wards, the Papal sentence not being universally admitted, the King being favourable to
Huss, a large number of Priests, known as Evangelical Clergy, and described as his
Clergy, constituted a distinct and formidable party. When Conrad, Administrator
of the archbishopric, (A.D. 1413,) called a provincial Council, Hnss assembled his
Clergy also, and the two companies drew up opposite "counsels;" the one for the
extirpation of heresy, and the other " for the honour of God and the free preaching
of his Gospel ; to re-establish the renown of the kingdom of Bohemia, the marquisate
of Moravia, the city and the university of Prague ; to restore peace and union between
the Clergy and the Academy." The King then condescended to rescind the edict
of pacification ; but the Hussite Clergy being far in the majority, the pulpits of Prague
resounded with remonstrance ; and the controversy concerning the adverse claims
of Papal authority, (for there were then three persons claiming the triple crown,) and
of divine authority, occupied every mind ; and the higher Clergy could not subdue the
disobedience of their Priests and the revolt of the people. Again the King endeavoured
to satisfy both parties, by a measure of external reform, depriving notoriously wicked
Priests of their tithes and other income. This gave a great advantage to the Hussites,
end lowered the crest of their enemies. Conrad met this humiliation by laying an
interdict on Prague. Huss retired again to Hussinets, or, rather, continued there,
without visiting Fragile, .as he had been wont to do since his first retreat : but the pro-
8 CHAPTER I.
For healing the schism of the Papacy, which the Council of Pisa
had ineffectually attempted, and also for the suppression of heresy in
Bohemia, a Council was convened at Constance, a town on the border
of the Grand Duchy of Baden, and on the lake of its own name. To
heal the schism was the object contemplated by Sigismund, Emperor
of Germany. To suppress heresy was that of John XXIII., Pope
"concurrent," who summoned the Council, and went thither with
trembling.* Mounted on horseback, and followed by a long train
of Cardinals, Prelates, and courtiers, he entered the town (October
28th, 1414). A procession of Clergy, bearing relics of saints,
real or artificial, met him on the way ; four chief Magistrates
received him under a canopy of cloth of gold ; two Counts took the
bridle ; and he, thus canopied and led, amidst a multitude of sight-
seekers, went to the Episcopal palace, preceded by the host, carried
on a cushion. There he reposed, and, with seeming promptitude,
but meditated delay, convened, and then again prorogued, the
dreaded Council. John Huss had been summoned to appear at that
tribunal. Without delay he prepared for the journey, first asking
^for a hearing in a provincial Synod then assembled at Prague, but
without obtaining one. He then affixed papers to the church and
palace doors of the city, inviting his accusers to meet him at Con-
stance, and to convict him, if they could, of heresy. Strange to
tell, he received certificates of orthodoxy from Conrad, Adminis-
trator of the archbishopric of Prague, and from Nicholas, Bishop
of Nazareth, Inquisitor of Bohemia. From the King he obtained a
safe-conduct to Constance. Thus furnished, he crossed the present
kingdoms of Bavaria and Wurtemburg, at each town causing chal-
lenges to his accusers to be posted in public places. At Nuremberg
the announcement was as follows : — " Master John Huss is going to
Constance, there to make declaration of the faith which he always
held, which he still embraces, and which, by the grace of God, he
will adhere to until death. Therefore, as he has given public notice,
throughout the whole kingdom of Bohemia, that he was willing,
before his departure, to give an account of his faith in a general
Synod of the Archbishop of Prague, and to answer all things that
might be laid to his charge, he gives the same notice to the imperial
city of Nuremberg, that if any person has any error or heresy to
reproach him with, he need only repair to the Council of Constance,
because he is ready there to give an account of his faith." Yet,
amidst this confidence, he secretly foreboded a cruel death, as appears
hibition to preach was evaded at Bethlehem, by the reading of his treatise on the
Church ; a crude composition, as to theology, erroneous in many points, but in others
calculated to keep the public mind awake to points at issue. Until his departure for
Constance he indefatigably plied the pen. This note is accessary, to account for the
interval not noticed in the text, because not affording material so appropriate to the
design of this work. (" Concile de Pise," liv. viii.)
# Popes have not been the most fortunate riders, except on the necks of Princes.
As John XXIII. was being jolted over an eminence of the Voralberg, his clumsy car,
riage turned over with him. Stretched on the ground, he grumbled out a pettish jest,
too coarse to be translated : " Jaceo hie in nomine diaboli." Soon afterwards, on get-
ting the first view of Constance in the distance, he greeted the un welcome object with,
" There is the ditch where they catch foxes." Which did he mean, Autipopes or here-
tics ? (L'Enfant, Hist. Coun. Constance, English edit., i., 18.)
HTJSS AT CONSTANCE. 9
from letters written before setting out. His reception was everywhere
respectful, and in some places cordial, even to enthusiasm. Attended
by three Bohemian Lords, John of Chlum, Henry of Latzenbock, and
Wenceslaus of Duba, to whose care the Emperor and the King had
confided him, with their train, Huss entered Constance six days after
the Pope, and was entertained at the house of a well-disposed widow.
Next day two of them waited on the Pope, to announce the arrival
of Huss, and inform him that he had received, while on his way, at
Nuremberg, a safe-conduct from the Emperor, in addition to that
given by the King of Bohemia. John protested that, even if Huss
had killed his own brother, he would use all his power to prevent
any injustice being done him while he should stay at Constance.
The following day (November 4th) the Pope announced his arrival in.
the consistory of Cardinals, and was so kind as to revoke the sentence
of excommunication. After a general congregation,* this famous
Council was opened with great solemnity and pomp, November 16th,
1414 ; and a contest began between the "concurrents," John XXIII.
and Gregory XII., which it is beside our present purpose to narrate.f
Two inveterate enemies of Huss were now arrived at Constance,
Stephen Paletz, Professor of Theology at Prague, and Michael de
Causis, a parish Priest of doubtful reputation. These men, after the
fashion of their times, posted up bills, and distributed papers, in Con-
stance, denouncing Huss as a heretic ; and the Pope, when appealed
to for the protection he had promised, declared himself unable to
afford it. They also complained that he celebrated mass daily, and
conversed on religious subjects with undue freedom. Having thus
marked their victim, the leading members of the Council assembled in
congregation at the Pope's apartments, and sent two Bishops to call
him into their presence. They delivered the summons with great
courtesy, yet taking care to have a body of soldiers in the street
ready to enforce it, if the Bohemians should resist ; and Huss, accom-
panied by his faithful friend, John of Chlum, proceeded with the
Bishops, to answer for himself. He denied the charge of heresy, and
professed willingness to submit, if it could be proved that he was in
any error. The Cardinals professed to be satisfied, and retired to
dinner, but left him and his friend under arrest until their return,
when they placed him in close custody, without any further ceremony.
At first he was confined to a private house ; while Chlum laboured to
obtain redress from the Pope, and demanded his liberty, according to
the terms of the imperial safe-conduct. But it was determined to
crush the Bohemian Preacher ; and therefore, at the end of a week,
he was incarcerated in the Dominican monastery. The two perse-
cutors presented a paper to the Pope, containing several articles
of offensive doctrine ; — such as, that the eucharist should be adminis-
tered in both kinds, and not by Priests living in mortal sin ; that the
Church does not consist of the Clergy only, and that Church property
may be confiscated to the state ; that endowments and Episcopacy
* A congregation is an assemblage of Ecclesiastics to prepare business for the Coun-
cil at the ensuing session.
t The schism of the Papacy is described in the preceding volume, book v. chap. 5.
VOL. III. C
10 CHAPTER I.
are unscriptural, sinful men incapable of holding the priestly office,
and their acts of excommunication unworthy of respect. They also
charged him with circulating the doctrines of Wycliffe, and with
being followed by none but heretics. Hence they inferred that, if he
were not put out of the way, he would do more harm to the Church
than any other heretic had done from the days of Constantine ; and
prayed that Commissioners might be appointed to examine the case.
Meanwhile Huss fell sick, and was attended by the Pope's Physicians,
sent, as it has been thought, to keep him alive, that he might not die
a natural death. A Patriarch and two Bishops went to his prison,
read the charges, and required him to answer. He pleaded sickness
as a reason for indulgence, and desired that he might be allowed an
advocate to plead his cause ; but they told him that the canon law
prohibited espousing or pleading the cause of a person even suspected
of heresy. Yet men who had been principally irritated by his preach-
ing at Prague, were brought to Constance as witnesses against him ;
and, while he languished in prison, no one was suffered to act on his
behalf. Besides those deputies, a numeroxis commission of high dig-
nitaries was appointed to examine and condemn his doctrine. Mean-
while Chlum had written to the Emperor, who sent a peremptory
requisition for the release of Huss, and ordered that, if necessary, the
prison should be broken open. But the order was not executed.
Sigismund himself came to the Council on Christmas-day ; but,
dazzled by the splendour of the scene, and overcome by the arts
of the Ecclesiastics, he gave up the man whom he was bound in
honour to protect, and allowed the Council to do with him as they
pleased ; being superior to himself, he said, in spirituals, and not
bounden to keep faith with heretics ; personal liberty and life, in his
estimation, being rightly abandoned to the guile of the Priest, rather
than intrusted to the care of the Prince. Moreover, Sigismuud put off
his imperial robe, and, in the simple habit of a Deacon, read the Gospel
for the day,* at first mass ; which Gospel, remarkably enough, begins
with these words : " At that time there went out a decree from Caesar
Augustus that all the world should be taxed ; " an evil augury for the
Fathers of Constance. The intelligence of their perfidy reached
Prague, and the Bohemian nobility wrote to Sigismund, desiring the
liberation of Huss, and wrote again ; but he was deaf to all but those
who taught him that he was not to keep faith with heretics. John
XXIII., whom he had patronized, shamefully fled from Constance,
disguised as a groom, to avoid the importunity of the Council, who
wished to get rid of all three pretenders to the Pontificate ; and
Huss was transferred, by the Bishop of Constance, to another place
of durance, the castle of Gotleben, where he suffered extreme anxiety.
Jerome, his friend, having promised that, if he should be ill treated
at Constance, he would come thither to plead for him, fulfilled the
promise, and, contrary to the entreaty of Huss, ventured to appear in
Prague, (April 4th, 1415,) with only one companion; but, hearing
that there was some design to deprive him also of liberty, withdrew to
* According to the order of the Missale Romanum, where the same Gospel stands
for the first mass on Christmas-day.
HUSS AT CONSTANCE. 11
Uberlingen, and thence applied to the Emperor for a safe-conduct,
which he obtained, after great difficulty ; but only to go to Constance,
not to return to Bohemia : neither was the passport from the Emperor,
but from the Council ; and was, in fact, an order to appear before
them within a fortnight, with an express reservation in favour of the
demands of "justice and the orthodox faith." It is not certain that
he received a copy of that document, which, however, was published
at Constance ; but, on some pretext, he was arrested, and brought
in custody to the Council, laden with chains. After a tumultuary
sentence of the congregation to which they carried him, he was thrown
into prison, subjected to extremely cruel treatment, and remained in
that condition until his death by fire, more than a year afterwards.
After Huss had lain in the fortress of Gotleben about two months,
an assembly of nations * was held to consider his case, where the
Bohemians, supported by Sigismund, at last succeeded in obtaining
a reluctant promise that he should have a public hearing. But
to avoid such a procedure, if possible, the Council appointed a
deputation to visit him in prison, and endeavour to extort a re-
tractation. Those visits were frequent, and the deputies employed
the most insolent and threatening language, in order to overcome his
constancy. "Michael de Causis," says Huss himself, in a letter
describing one of those visits, " was there, holding a paper in his
hand, and stirring up the Patriarch of Constantinople to oblige me
to answer to every article. He is contriving fresh mischief every day.
God has, for my sins, permitted him and Paletz to rise up against me.
Michael examines all my letters and words, with the air of an inqui-
sitor ; and Paletz has set down all the conversations we have had
together for many years. The Patriarch says aloud that I have a
great deal of money. An Archbishop said to me, in the hearing
of all, that I had seventy thousand florins. 'Ha! ha!' said Paletz to
me, 'what's become of that robe so lined with florins?' I have this
day suffered great vexation." As if to avoid owning that their labour
had been spent in vain, the Commissioners circulated a report that he
was willing to submit to the judgment of the Council ; but, agreeably
to his constant profession, both before and afterwards, and to his
language in private correspondence, there is every reason to believe
that he only expressed a willingness to yield when it should be
proved that he was in error. Many errors, no doubt, were contained
in his writings ; but they were chiefly errors of the Romish Church,
points of agreement with his persecutors, not of difference. His
faith in God stood unshaken.
From Gotleben he was taken to Constance again, with promise
of a public hearing, and placed in the Franciscan monastery, where
almost all the Cardinals, Prelates, and other Clergy assembled, for
the examination of the articles extracted from his books ; and
were proceeding to condemn him unheard, when a Hussite Notary,
who was present, hurried away to inform his friends, Duba and
* The members of this Council were classified according to their countries. Those
of the same nation sometimes sat separately ; at other times " the nations " met, as
above, in a general assembly.
c 2
12 CHAPTER I.
Chlum, who instantly obtained from Sigismund an injunction to
stay proceedings until further examination. He was then called
into the assembly, (June 5th,) but treated with boisterous derision
when he attempted to answer for himself. Again he was per-
mitted to appear, the Emperor being present, at the desire of the
Bohemians, to enforce order ; and the entire time of the session was
that day spent in endeavouring to force on him heretical opinions
that he had never entertained, and to prove him guilty of offences at
Prague that he had not committed ; and, after ah1, the feeble Emperor
gave him to understand that, notwithstanding the safe-conduct he had
given him, he should abandon him to the decision of the Council,
which would be assuredly fatal, unless he would submit. But to
have submitted would have involved a retractation of propositions he
had never maintained ; or of truths, in regard to the corruptions
of the Clergy, and the exorbitant pretensions of the Popes, that he
could not conscientiously deny ; and the Archbishop of Riga recon-
ducted him to his cell in the monastery. A third public examination
(June 8th) was conducted in a similar manner, and with the like
result. New accusations were brought, menaces and entreaties were
tried ; but he resisted all, and, attended by his noble friend, John
of Chlum, and laden with irons, was carried back to prison. Thither
a form of abjuration was sent him, which he might have signed, as the
terms were general, and even the same as he had himself employed ;
but he knew that by such an abjuration he would seem to have swerved
from strict integrity, and therefore humbly, but steadfastly, refused.
Efforts to subdue his constancy were incessantly repeated. The
Council wished, at least, to humble him into the condition of a self-
convicted penitent, while Sigismund faltered in giving up a man who
had come to the Council under the faith of his own safe-conduct ;
and, although he had said that he would readily bring the fire to burn
him with his own hand, still hesitated. After some weeks had
passed thus, the Archbishop of Riga came to the prison, (July 6th,)
and required him to appear again before the Council. A Cardinal
presided. The Emperor and all the Princes of the empire were there,
with an immense multitude of spectators. As Huss reached the church-
door they were singing mass, and he was made to wait on the outside
until the mysteries were over, lest they should be profaned by the
presence of a heretic. In the body of the church was a high table,
on which were laid a suit of Priest's habits, and behind it a lofty
stool, on which the obstinate Bohemian was to be seated. He took
the seat, exposed to the gaze of the vast congregation, bowed his
head, and offered silent prayer. As he thus cast himself into the
hands of the Lord Jesus, supreme Judge, the Bishop of Lodi mounted
the pulpit ; and, taking for his text the words of St. Paul, " That the
body of sin might be destroyed," began with describing the evils of
the schism of the Church by Antipopes ; advanced to those of heresy,
as a consequence of schism ; and then, addressing the Emperor, and
pointing to Huss, said, " Destroy heresies and errors, but chiefly that
obstinate heretic" Sermon being ended, the Bishop of Concordia
arose, and read a decree of the Council, commanding all present, even
HUSS MARTYRED. 13
Emperor, Kings, Cardinals, and Bishops, to keep perfect silence
during the ceremony to follow, under penalty of imprisonment.
Several articles, said to be taken from WycliftVs •writings, were then
recited, and declared heretical ; and others, attributed to Huss, were
treated in the same manner. He endeavoured to disclaim some
of them, but was silenced ; and, neither being permitted to address
his Judges nor the assembled multitude, fell on his knees, raised his
hands towards heaven, and in a loud voice repeated his appeal to
Jesus Christ, the sovereign Judge of all. The Council and the spec-
tators were mute, in fear of the punishment denounced on any who
should speak or break silence by any movement of hand or foot, a
few, perhaps, excepted, who endeavoured to enforce the prohibition
upon him. But he would not keep silence. He prayed fervently to
Christ ; and then, standing up, briefly justified himself in answer to a
reproach for having preached at Prague when under excommunica-
tion, complained of the contempt and violence inflicted on his Proc-
tors, whom he had sent to Rome to answer in his cause, and declared
that he had freely come to that Council, because under the safe-
conduct of the Emperor there present ; on whom, speaking thus, he
fixed his eyes. Sigismund could not conceal a blush ; and the inci-
dent was not forgotten when, a century afterwards, Luther stood
before Charles V. at Worms. Solicited to give up Luther to the ven-
geance of his enemies, Charles replied, " I do not care to blush with
my predecessor, Sigisraund." The Proctor of the Council then called
on the Bishop of Concordia, who read two sentences ; one condemn-
ing the books of Huss to be burned, and the other himself to be
degraded. A company of Bishops were appointed to carry the degra-
dation into effect forthwith. He was, therefore, robed and unrobed,
according to the form prescribed. Throughout the whole process he
neither betrayed fear nor kept silence, but made every objectionable
sentence, and each ceremonial act, a subject of observation. From
degradation the Council proceeded to deliver him over to the secular
arm, as his soul had been already, to use their words, " committed to
the devils." Sigismund received him accordingly, as Advocate and
Protector of the Church ; and commanded the Elector Palatine, as
Vicar of the empire, to deliver him into the hands of justice. The
Elector handed him over to the Magistrates of Constance ; and the
city Sergeants and executioner were ready to do their work. With
this began a new • ceremony. Four Sergeants placed him between
them, and moved out of the church. The Princes of the empire fol-
lowed, and after them a large body of armed men. The procession
passed slowly through a dense mass of spectators, taking the episcopal
palace in their way, that Huss might see there a bonfire of his books.
He did see the fire, but could not forbear smiling at the impotence
of a persecution that was wreaking, its vengeance on parchment and
paper, after the truths thereon written had gone forth into the
world. But, mindful of his nearness to the divine tribunal, he
approached the place of execution with solemnity, knelt down,
recited some passages from the penitential psalms, and said, " Lord
Jesus, have mercy, on me ! into thy hands I commit my spirit."
14 CHAPTER I.
Having expressed a desire to confess, a Priest came to him, and
desired that he should first recant, as, according to canon law, a
heretic can neither administer nor receive a sacrament. But that was
to him impossible. Once more he called on the Saviour : " Lord
Jesus, I humbly suffer this cruel death for thy sake ; and I pray
thee to forgive all my enemies." He was then bound to the
stake, with many marks of ignominy, which he meekly suffered ;
and the wood was piled round him. At that moment the Elector
Palatine and the Marshal of the empire came forward, and exhorted
him to retract, and save his life. But he declared that what he had
written and taught was only to rescue souls from the power of the
devil, and deliver them from the tyranny of sin ; and that he was
glad to seal his doctrine with his blood. The Elector withdrew, the
wood was kindled, and John Huss, suffocated in the flames, quickly
ceased to suffer.
They say that the Hussites gathered earth from the spot, and carried
it to Prague ; and that a Cardinal, on the other hand, caused a dead
mule to be buried there.* Those expressions of malice and venera-
tion were equally trivial ; and whether or not this victim of Papistical
hatred should be associated with martyrs to Gospel truth, is still a
question. His doctrine, as his works show, was not in all points evan-
gelical ; and he was rather eminent as an antagonist of ecclesiastical
wickedness than as a preacher of saving truth. Heresy, indeed, is the
name of every offence committed against Rome, and it was therefore
applied to him ; but he faithfully acted up to what he knew, and
chose to die rather than break the law of God. His real offences
appear to have been these : Approving of the writings of Wycliffe,
although he never adopted all Wycliffe's doctrine ; offending the Ger-
mans in a quarrel between them and the Bohemians in the Univer-
sity of Prague ; being a realist, whereas the Clergy at Constance were
principally nominalists, and the Doctors of those philosophical sects
hated each other with bitterest aversion. And it has been affirmed,
that the higher Clergy, mortified at the effects of his preaching at
Prague in promotion of the ancient usages of the Bohemian church,
and to the discredit of the foreign Priests, employed bribery and
intrigue to obtain the concurrence of those who might otherwise have
exerted themselves to save his life ; while his firmness was regarded
as obstinacy, and irritated even those who otherwise would have been
willing to pronounce a milder sentence. f Yet the event of his death,
and that of his friend Jerome, was so influential on the subsequent
state of Europe, that a distinct narration of their sufferings could not
be omitted.
We pause for a moment to mark an impression which con-
stantly characterized the mind of Huss. He felt that he had still
much to learn ; believed that Gospel truth would yet be better under-
stood ; and, while in custody at Constance, writing to Prague, expressed
a hope that, if spared to return home, he might be favoured with
grace to attain to greater knowledge of the doctrine of Christ, in
* L'Enfant, Council of Constance, books i., ii., iii.
t Mosheim, 'Eecles. History, cent, xv., part 2,
HUSS PREDICTED A REFORMATION. 15
order that he might destroy that of Antichrist. This idea possessed
his mind, was produced in letters and in conversation, until his perse-
cutors feared to leave him at large, lest he should commit further
innovations, and, as a cherished hope that occupied the imagination,
appeared to himself in dreams. One night, either at Constance or
Gotleben, he dreamt that he was in his church of Bethlehem, painting
on the wall a representation of Jesus Christ. While admiring the
figure, some one came and defaced it ; but next day other painters
came, far more skilful than he, and covered the walls with pictures
of the Saviour, far surpassing his : a crowd of Bishops and Priests
came in, and bade those also be defaced ; but the artists defied the
Clerks, the people applauded, the paintings remained, and Christ was
exhibited at Bethlehem in spite of them. During the last hours
of his life, when appealing from the iniquitous sentence of the Council
to that of Christ, he appears to have said many things under the
influence of this hope. Those sentences were not prophetic, in the
proper acceptation of the word, but, dictated by a strong persuasion
that a reformation was at hand, were remembered by some who heard
them, were repeated in Bohemia, and one was thought remarkable
enough to be perpetuated on a medal struck to commemorate his
martyrdom. The medal is, or was, in the cabinet of the King
of Prussia, with a portrait of Huss on one side, his name, (Joa. Hus.,)
and a legend on the margin, " Credo unam ecclesiam sanctam cato-
licam," "I believe one holy catholic church;'* and on the reverse,
Huss at the stake, with an inscription, " Jo. Hus. anno a Christo
nato 1415 condemnatur," "John Huss is condemned in the year
1415 from the birth of Christ." And a legend, " Centum revolutis
annis Deo respondebitis et mihi : " " When a hundred years are past,
ye shall answer to God and to me." A hundred years afterwards, or
little more, (A.D. 1517,) Luther appeared, like Huss, as the antagonist
of Tetzel, a seller of indulgences ; and so striking is the coincidence,
that some Romanists have disputed the authenticity of the medal with
the same argument as that which Porphyry levelled at the book
of Daniel : " It is so exactly true, that the prediction must have been
written after the event." But numismatists allow that the medal
is of the fifteenth century ; and, therefore, whenever struck, at what-
ever time during the Hussite war, it was anterior to the event, and
earlier than any indication of the rise of Luther.* From such facts
as these our conclusion is, that Huss and his contemporaries did not
regard their own affairs as distinct from a general renovation of the
Church, nor their labours as independent of the agency of God.
We now return to Jerome. Five months had elapsed from the time
of his arrest on the way towards Constance. During this period of sick-
ness and imprisonment he had been subjected to several examinations
and innumerable visits, for the sake ef extorting a confession of heresy,
and gathering materials to justify a condemnatory sentence. The
burning of his friend, too, whom he came at first to defend, was
enough to convince him that his death was desired. Thus, when every
* L'Enfant, Council of Constance, i.. 446 — 449 ; Gerdesii Historia Refomnationis,
i.. 51,52.
16 CHAPTER I.
thing conspired to overcome him, he was taken before a public con-
gregation (Sept. llth) in St. Paul's church, and induced to sign a
writing condemnatory of the forty-five articles of Wycliffe, and the
thirty articles of Huss. But he added some limitations that spoiled
the triumph of the fathers. Encouraged, however, by so great a con-
cession, they redoubled their efforts to weary or frighten him into a
retractation of whatever heterodoxy in religion or scholasticism had
been laid to his charge ; and by the next session of the Council,
(Sept. 23d,) a form of retractation was prepared. First, the Cardinal
of Cambray, one of the Commissioners appointed to confer with him,
read the document in full Council ; and then Jerome himself read it
aloud, anathematizing all heresies, especially those of Wycliffe ; the
doctrine which he had learned at Oxford, and sedulously promoted in
Bohemia and in many other countries ; and that of his martyred
friend, whose cause he had vowed never to desert. None of the
usual terms of detestation were wanting, nor any profession of obedi-
ence to the Church. But, after all, instead of receiving solemn abso-
lution and reconciliation to the Church, he was remanded to prison,
and merely allowed a little mitigation of severity, with permission to
move about within the walls. And his worst forebodings were to be
realized. Michael de Causis and Stephen Paletz, the two chief ene-
mies of Huss, had been collecting new charges, and demanded,
together with the Carmelites of Prague, that he should be tried again.
The Cardinal Commissioners, who thought they had conducted the
negotiation to a satisfactory issue, objected to the trial of one
whom the Council had admitted to reconciliation ; but the accusers
pressed for a second hearing ; some one remonstrated with them on
their reluctance to try so notorious a disturber of the Church, and
even uttered a suspicion that they had been bribed to intercede for
him by the King of Bohemia, or by the Hussites. The Cardinals,
indignant at the imputation of complicity with heretics, resigned their
commission, and others were immediately appointed to act in their
stead. Tn addition to mere dogmatizing, the Carmelites accused him
of monstrous offences against God and man, outrages of humanity
and decency, which, notwithstanding the length of time that had
passed since the alleged perpetration of no less crimes than sacrilege,
incest, and even murder, had not been thought of until then. But
it was enough. The accusation was gravely admitted by the Council,
and Jerome was again set before them (May 23d, 1416). But he seemed
to be another man. Disgusted at their conduct, and repentant of his
fall, he had refused to be examined on oath by the new Commission-
ers ; and refused also to be sworn before the Council, unless they
would previously allow him perfect liberty of speech. That was
refused, and the matter adjourned to an early day, when he was
brought to a congregation, and, still without submitting to be sworn,
briefly denied the charges, recapitulated their proceedings towards him
from the first, and closed by making public confession of his coward-
ice. " Nothing," said he, " but the fear of punishment by fire made
me consent basely, and against my conscience, to the condemnation
of the doctrine of Wycliffe and John Huss." And he described his
JEROME OF PRAGUE IS BURNT. 17
recantation as the greatest crime he had ever been guilty of. Nothing
therefore remained for his enemies to do but to condemn him to the
stake. The sentence was read in the next session of the Council,
(May 30th,) when the Bishop of Lodi, who had officiated in the same
way at the degradation of Huss, preached a sermon. Jerome stood on
a bench and made a speech that still remains as reported by Poggio
of Florence, who acknowledged that all present were deeply affected by
his resistless eloquence ; and it is certain that some, even then, compas-
sionately entreated him to recant again. But he was not to be moved.
The Patriarch of Constantinople read the sentence of " the sacred
Synod," casting him out as a withered branch, a heretic relapsed, ex-
communicated, and accursed. They forthwith delivered him to the
secular power, with a charge that, whatever they might do with him, he
should be treated with humanity, and not insulted. Being a layman,
there was no ceremony of degradation ; a paper cap or mitre was put
on his head, like that which Huss had worn, with devils painted on
it ; the Sergeants laid hold on him, and led him away to the place
of burning. He walked steadily, singing hymns as he went, and the
Apostles' Creed. At the stake, he knelt down and made a long
prayer, but in a low voice, and was then bound, and faggots heaped
round him to the chin. While they were arranging the wood, he
sang the Paschal hymn,
" Salve, festa dies toto venerabilis aevo,
Qua Deus iufernum vicit, et astra tenens."
" Hail ! happy day, and ever be adored,
When hell was conquer'd by great heaven's Lord."
He told the people that as he had sung so he believed ; but that he
suffered there because he would not consent to the counsel of the
Priests who had condemned John Huss, an upright and holy man, a
true Preacher of the law and the Gospel of Jesus Christ. For about
a quarter of an hour he struggled with the pain of martyrdom, pray-
ing in Bohemian as long as he could articulate. JEneas Sylvius
(afterwards Pope) wrote of these martyrs, that " they suffered death
with very great constancy, and went to the fire as if it had been to a
feast, without complaint. While the fire was kindling about them,
they sang a hymn, which neither the flame nor the crackling of the
burning faggots interrupted. We do not find that any of the philo-
sophers suffered death with so much courage as theirs amidst the
fire." * In the same session of this Council, when Jerome was con-
demned, the notorious declaration was made, that faith is not to be
kept with heretics ; f a doctrine which it is easy for Romanists to dis-
* L'Enfant, Council of Constance, books iii., iv.
t Such a declaration was, doubtless, made, and the understanding that faith was not
to be kept with heretics, must have been general among the clerical part of the great
assemblage at Constance, and acquiesced in by the laymen,~the Bohemians and Poles
excepted. But the fathers were not so imprudent as to embody the principle of perfidy
in so many written words. The decree relating to this subject is to be found in the
printed Acts of the Council, and is thus literally translated : " The present holy Synod
declares, that no safe-conduct whatsoever, granted by Emperor, Kings, and other
secular Princes to heretics, or to persons under the infamy of heresy, thinking (that is,
the grantors of safe-conduct thinking) to recall the same from their errors, by what-
VOL. 111. D
IS CHAPTER I.
own, but which their Church has not yet relinquished. Their chief
business, the healing of the schism, was completed in the enthrone-
ment of Martin V. ; but the disastrous consequences of burning the
two Bohemians extended through the century, yet attended with other
results of a very different kind, of which the existence, at this day,
of the United Brethren, or Moravians, is a triumphant evidence. As
fcr Constance, it was ruined by the Council, and has not recovered to
this day. The Hussite war, as it is called, and the rise of the Bohe-
mian Brethren, are, therefore, the two great events that now demand
attention.
Between the Bohemian nobles and others at Prague, representatives
of Bohemia at Constance, and the Council, there had been much cor-
respondence ; but their countrymen were sacrificed to sectarian malig-
nity, in spite of every remonstrance. Passing by the laity as if they
were not entitled to any consideration, the Council sent a letter to
the Archbishop, Chapter, and Clergy of Prague, a few days after the
execution of Huss, to inform them that, after long patience and
innumerable efforts to retrieve him from the unutterable and detest-
able heresy of Wycliffe, and hearing unexceptionable evidence that he
had laboured to subvert the foundations of the Christian faith, and to
engage the people in his damnable doctrine, they had been compelled
to condemn him as a notorious heretic, degrade him from the priest-
hood, and deliver him to the secular arm for final punishment. They
then exhorted the Bohemians to be animated with the like zeal for the
extirpation of heresy, and to excite their King to do the same ; but
enjoined the Clergy to use all diligence in that holy work, under pain
of excommunication, deprivation of their benefices, and degradation.
0
ever obligation (quocunque vinculo) they may bind themselves, either can or ought
to cause any prejudice to Catholic faith, or obstruction to ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; but
that it is lawful, notwithstanding, to a competent and ecclesiastical Judge, to inquire
concerning the errors of this kind of persons, and otherwise to proceed duly against
them, and punish them, as far as justice shall require, (sztadebit,) if they pertinaciously
refuse to retract their errors, even if, trusting in a safe-conduct, they come to the place
of judgment, which otherwise they would not have done. (And the Synod declares
that) neither does the (Prince) so promising, when they shall have done as is herein
expressed, any longer remain under any obligation. Which statute, or ordinance, Lav-
ing been read, the same statute was approved by the Lord Bishops in the name of the
four nations, and by the most reverend father, the Lord Cardinal, Bishop of Ostia, in the
name of the College of Cardinals, by the word Placet." (Binii Cone. Gen. et Provinc.,
torn, iii., pars 2 : Cone. Const. Sessio. XIX.) The truth is, that the Church ignores
the authority of Princes to protect their subjects, or themselves either, from penalties
inflicted by the ecclesiastical Judge. Not only does the decree mean that faith is not to
be kept with heretics, but that it is to be withheld from them ; that the heretic, real or
even reputed, is outlawed, ipso facto ; that when a man is harcseos imputatus, under
the imputation of heresy, though that imputation be never so false and malicious, he is at
once withdrawn from secular to ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Faith is not kept, because, in
such cases, faith is out of the question. The decree is, in form, a simple assertion of ec-
clesiastical superiority over all earthly tribunals ; but, in reality, is all that the most partial
Protestant expositor could represent it to be. But we must not overlook an important
fact, that the " Placet," or affirmative vote, was only given by Cardinals and Bishops ; and
that the cowardice and perfidy of Sigismnnd towards John Huss did not suffice to raise
this outrage on common justice and humanity by their hands, into an acknowledged
precedent. At the diet of Worms, Charles V. refused to blush with hin predecessor, Sigis-
mund, rightly considered the imperial sword to be better, in such a case, than the cro-
zier, and protected Lnther, in spite of solicitations to give him up to the inquisitors
of heresy. It is the pretension that shows the spirit of the Latin Church, whatever bv
its power or its weakness.
REMONSTRANCE OF THE BOHEMIANS. 19
On hearing of this letter, about sixty chief persons, being the most
powerful of the Bohemian nobility, and not fewer than four hundred
others, assembled in the church of Bethlehem, (Sept. 5th, 1415,)
decreed the honours of martyrdom to John Huss, and to his friend
Jerome, whom they supposed to have been already executed. They
unanimously gave the fathers of Constance the titles of murderers
and hangmen, and declared their sentence to be nothing less than an
insult to the Sovereign and to the nation of Bohemia. A letter,
previously written, and therefore conveying their deliberate judgment,
was read again, received their signatures, and was intrusted to a
faithful messenger. They therein told the Council that the reverend
master John Huss, Bachelor of Divinity and Preacher of the Gospel,
had been condemned and put to a cruel death as a heretic, without
having been convicted of any error or heresy, on the false accusation
of his enemies, and those of the kingdom, by the instigation of
traitors, and to the eternal scandal of Bohemia and Moravia. That
this had been already said in a writing sent through Sigismund the
Emperor, and successor to the throne of Bohemia, which writing,
instead of being read in Council, was contemptuously burnt. They
therefore protested, with heart and voice, that Huss was a most
honest, just, and catholic man, long known and honoured by them,
and his writings still held in high esteem. Not content with this,
the Council, they complained, had proceeded against Jerome, and,
probably, put him also to death ; and, as if those outrages were too
little, had admitted slanderous accusations of heresy against the King
and people. Therefore, by those presents, they solemnly made known,
that whosoever had affirmed that heresy was propagated in Bohemia
and Moravia, lied capitally, and was himself guilty of villany, treason,
and heresy ; excepting, however, Sigismund, whom they believed to
be innocent of calumniating them. They left the guilty to the judg-
ment of God ; reserved the right of appeal to the Pope, when there
should be a Pope over all the Church ; but prayed that effectual
remedies might be applied to the evils of the kingdom, and declared
themselves ready to sacrifice their lives in defence of the law of Christ,
and of his faithful Preachers, who expounded that law with zeal,
humility, and constancy, notwithstanding any human constitutions to
the contrary. And they passed some resolutions in the same assem-
blv, amounting to a withdrawal of their national Church from foreign
jurisdiction, leaving the appointment of Pastors to the secular autho-
rity, and the administration of orders and internal discipline to the
Bohemian episcopate alone. A most important determination, indica-
tive of the doctrine of episcopal independence ; a doctrine constantly
repeated all over Popedom, and, ever since, threatening the disinte-
gration of the Papal system.
On the receipt of the remopstrance, the fathers thought it
desirable to appease the indignation of the writers, if that could
be done by sparing Jerome, who was still languishing under dis-
ease and anxiety in his prison, and therefore made extraordinary
efforts to extort from him a recantation ; but, as we know, without
ultimate success : . for the zealots, by intemperance, frustrated the
D 2
20 CHAPTER I.
endeavour of the more sagacious, whose prudence was only mo-
mentary. The Council issued an edict, (Feb. 23d, 1416,) to be
affixed to all the church-doors of Constance, reciting the proceedings
of the heresiarchs, or ministers of damnation, as they chose to call
them, who had set themselves up above the hierarchy of the Church
militant, and were followed by increasing multitudes in Bohemia and
Moravia. "Adding iniquity to iniquity," said they, "they write
defamatory letters, sealed with their seals, in which they under-
take the vindication and praise of John Huss, who was burnt by
the just judgment of God and our sentence." They spurned the
men who had presumed audaciously to address the sacred Coun-
cil ; resolved to smother and crush the spreading doctrine ; declared
all the signers of the letter, who were none other than the flower
and strength of the Bohemian nobility, to be publicly defamed,
and suspected of heresy ; and, as they could not be come at with
safety in their dwellings, summoned them to appear before the
high tribunal at Constance.
No more appears to have been done until four or five months
afterwards, except deliberation in the congregations, until the
edict was read in Council ; and the Patriarch of Constantinople,
already honoured with the office of Inquisitor extraordinary, was
appointed to examine any Hussites who might make their appear-
ance, and report. But one only, and he a political conformist,
was the trophy won by the perseverance of the sacred Synod.
Henry of Latzenbock, a man distinguished in high office, and
once a friend of Huss, abjured his doctrine ; but, unlike most rene-
gades, was very lukewarm in the bad cause of persecution. They
next wrote to Sigismund, soliciting his help to resist a persecution
which, they said, the Catholic Church was suffering in Bohemia,
where, in fact, the declamations of their adherent Clergy provoked
reprisals from those who had seceded, and aroused the anger of a rude
and often furious population. Wenceslaus, the King, was, no doubt,
mortified at seeing the Council lay his kingdom under excommunica-
tion, or a charge of prevailing heresy, which was almost equivalent
with interdict, and perplexed at finding his brother Sigismund sub-
servient to the Council. He could neither suppress the tumult, nor
assume a position hostile to the Church.
But there were two nobles whose courage and patriotism urged
them to head a revolt against the alien oppressors. One was
Nicholas of Hussinetz, already mentioned as a relative and prote tor
of Huss. The other was John of Trocznou, " the formidable Ziska."*
He had served as a General in foreign war, received many wounds,
and won the respect of his countrymen and the favour of his
Sovereign. He despised the licentious priesthood ; and the dis-
honour of a sister had deepened his contempt into hatred of the
monastic orders. But Huss he had revered as the great Doctor
and advocate of his country. Just after the intelligence of the death
* They who understand Bohemian say, that Ziska means " oiie-eyed," John of
Trocznou having lost an eye in battle.
ZISKA AND HUSSINETZ. 21
of Huss had reached Prague, he was walking thoughtfully in the
court-yard of the royal palace, absorbed in sad reflection on the wrongs
inflicted on Bohemia. Wenceslaus was near, but unobserved, and,
walking over to the veteran, pleasantly asked what he was think-
ing about. " I was thinking," said he, " of the insult inflicted on
Bohemia by the execution of John Huss." " Neither you nor I,"
said the King, " have power to help ourselves. But, if you know
how to do it, take courage, and avenge your countrymen." No more
\vas said ; but from that moment Ziska thought of nothing else. He
retired from Prague, and, attended by Coranda, a zealous Preacher,
laboured to instruct people in the doctrine of Huss. Hussinetz,
unlike him, was dreaded by the King, and disliked Wenceslaus in
return. Assembling a large body of men, he encamped on a hill
near Prague, afterwards called Tabor, gathered multitudes of the
citizens, and had the eucharist administered to them in both kinds,
not so much in memory of the great sacrifice, as in token of opposi-
tion to Rome, and defiance of the Council. In a short time, sur-
rounded by forty thousand armed followers, he meditated insurrection,
and proposed that another King should be elected, which would
probably have been done, had not the Priest just mentioned, as the
associate of Ziska, suggested, that as they had one who allowed them
to do as they pleased, a change might be for the worse.
Carnal weapons were thus raised for the overthrow of Antichrist ; but
being carnal, they were powerless for the higher service by which alone
Antichrist can be overthrown. The party then raised, and afterwards
largely multiplied, were the Taborites of the Hussite war. All over
the kingdom the communion was celebrated in both kinds (March
17th, 1417). The University published their approbation of the
practice ; and Peter of Wintzov, a Professor of Divinity, who had
hitherto opposed Huss, now made a public profession of adherence to
the doctrine. Wenceslaus shut himself up in a fortress, gave no
one audience, and left Bohemia without an earthly governor. Lords
followed the new worship ; Priests did the same ; and churches,
with permission of the King, were taken into the exclusive pos-
session of the Hussites, constituting a formal secession from Rome
at that time unprecedented. The residuary Clergy were the minority.
Their followers were few ; their churches few ; their revenue dimi-
nished. Wenceslaus, who had been persuaded to return to his resi-
dence at Prague, 'sanctioned all by feeble assent, but supported
nothing. Law was set at nought by both parties. The cities were
scenes of petty warfare, and the highways infested with robbers.
Sigismund wrote a letter of expostulation and threatening, (Sept. 3d,
1417,) addressed to a town called Launy, where the defection appears
to have been general ; but his language was too lofty, and aggravated
the strife. He sent a general safe^conduct to those who had been
cited to the Council ; but, even if they had been disposed to go, the
decree cited on a former page must have deterred every one from
going to Constance, where no faith was to be kept with heretics.
And the Council displayed that impotence and blindness which so
frequently, in their- acts, remind us of the infatuation of Ahithophel,
22 CHAPTER I.
by the enactment of a set of articles,* to the effect, that the timorous
Wenceslaus should swear to protect the Church in its liberties and
revenues ; that every Hussite should abjure, or suffer the utmost
penalty, as if the majority of the Bohemians could be burnt ; that
the Clergy should be reinstated, and the Church property restored ;
that the University of Prague should be reformed, and all the
Wycliflites, that is to say, almost every member, be turned out ; that
the leading heretics should appear at Rome ; and that several other
things, equally impossible, should be done. Martin V. — for by this
time the Council had beaten off the Antipopes, except one, of whom
death disembarrassed them, and created a Pontiff so designated —
Martin V. followed this up by a Bull, too insignificant to be recited,
and wrote a letter to the nobles, charged with the usual amount of
threatening, (March, 1418,) and only remarkable for allegations, pro-
bably true, that images were broken, trampled under foot, and burnt ;
and that laymen intruded on the priestly office. One or two persons
now again abjured Hussitism ; and in this terminates the sorry contest
of, the Council of Constance with the insurgents of Bohemia (April
13th, 1418). f
About sixteen months after the dissolution of the Council, (April
22d, 1418,) the King of Bohemia died, and Sigismund, Emperor
of Germany, succeeded to the throne. A few days (July 30th, 1419)
before the death of the King, there was a great tumult at Prague.
To counteract the proceedings of the City-Council, which was alto-
gether Hussite, and had received his sanction, he foolishly created
another Council, which was to supersede the old one. No measure
could have been more certainly calculated to produce a civil war ; and
if the King intended this, his intention was fully answered. The new
Council imprisoned two Hussites. Ziska, it is said, assembled the
people, walked in procession at their head, carrying the sacramental
cup ; and, on arriving in front of the Council-house, demanded the
liberation of some Hussite prisoners. The Council refused, and the
mob broke in, and flung thirteen of the new Councillors out at the
windows, who were caught on the points of lances^ and butchered on
the spot. The death of the King, (August 16th,) smothered by his
attendants, was the signal for a general insurrection. The monasteries
were entered ; the churches not already occupied by the Hussites -were
stripped of their idolatrous decorations ; and a zealous Priest dispensed
bread and wine to the promiscuous mob, from a rude table in the
open street. The wealthier citizens, dreading utter ruin, sent to
Sigismund, now their Sovereign, for succour ; while Ziska called
the neighbouring peasantry to arms, who flocked into the city,
armed with flails and other rustic implements, and besieged the
royal castle, whence, however, the widow-Queen had fled. Ziska was
now at the head of the insurrection ; and the Taborites ranged
Bohemia at pleasure. The chief men, Hussites though they were,
could not restrain the fury of the armed population, and, therefore,
sent a deputation to the Emperor, entreating him, as King of Bohe-
* Bioii, torn, iii., pars 2 ; Daraaat. Errorum Wicl. et Husz.
t L'Eufant, Council of Constance, books iv., v.
THE TABOR1TES. 23
mia, to interpose for the pacification of the country, not to suppress
the new worship, but to allow liberty to both parties. Sigismuml,
with characteristic pride and indecision, kept them kneeling for a
long time, and at last refused their proposals, which would have saved
the bloodshed of a protracted war : he insulted all, both nobles and
peasantry, and left things to take their course. Meanwhile, Hussites
who crossed the frontiers were persecuted, and even burnt. Acts
of that kind provoked horrible reprisals, in which Ziska was not
guiltless ; and a warfare, barbarous as ever disgraced humanity, raged
throughout the land. Nor was this all. The Hussites, with Ziska at
their head, swore never to acknowledge Sigismund as King of Bohe-
mia ; and, in order to abolish Monkery altogether, began to pull down
the monasteries and commit other acts, which might have been rightly
enough performed under legal or juridical sanction, but were utterly
unjustifiable as the effect of tumultuary violence. Then Sigismund,
instead of coming as an acknowledged and invited King, prepared to
invade Bohemia as an enemy. The Queen's General, Schwamberg,
sent to open the campaign, came up with Ziska at Pilsen, but
was discomfited by a singular stratagem of that ingenious soldier.
He directed the women of Pilsen to spread their gowns and veils on
the ground ; the horses got their feet entangled, many of them fell,
the cavalry were beaten, and, for a moment, Ziska was victorious.
Sigismund then joined the Queen in Silesia ; and Bohemia was
invaded with as complete strategy as the soldiers of those times could
exhibit.*
Having marked the first stage of this war with sufficient distinct-
ness to show that it was provoked by the murder of Huss and Jerome,
and the insolence of the Council of Constance ; encouraged by the
imbecility of Wenceslaus, who even gave the first hint to Ziska,
and raised Hussitisra by sanctions, valid, although given with reluc-
tance ; aggravated by the intemperance of the Popish Preachers, and
by many acts of overt persecution ; and embittered by the contempt
of Sigismund ; we must now pass over the details of the war, merely
noticing the more characteristic incidents.
The Hussites were by no means alone in sacrilegious and profane
excesses. To destroy an idol, certainly, is not sacrilege, or, if it were,
the mawmets of Popery should have been receiving public veneration
in our own country to the present hour. To administer the emblems
of our Saviour's passion to ungodly multitudes, and that in the camp
and in the street, during the heat of insurrection, is so nearly pro-
fane, that we should revolt from participation in such a procedure ;
but the error at Prague arose out of passing from a religious contro-
versy into a political strife. Yet that was the prevailing error of
Christendom from the days of Constantine, and is the constant error
of Popery. It was forced on the* Bohemians by their oppressors.
On the other side, nothing could be more wantonly extreme than the
sacrilege of Papists. In the beginning of this war, (Dec. 26th, 1420,)
an imperial Captain broke into the church of Kerczin during divine
service, ordered some of the worshippers to be massacred, and others
*"Menzel, History of Germany, chap. 185,
24 CHAPTER I.
to be taken prisoners ; taking a chalice full of wine from the commu-
nion-table, he drank health to his horse, and then, putting the sacred
vessel to the brute's mouth, declared that his horse, too, was a utra-
quist. A party of horse, belonging to Albert of Austria, in the
service of Sigismund, seized a village Curate, with his Chaplain, three
peasants, and four children, the eldest of whom was only eleven years
old. The Priest had administered the sacrament in both kinds ; the
others had partaken of it. The commanding officer sent them to the
Bishop, who required the Curate to promise that he would never give
his people the cup again ; and threatened him with flames if he would
not submit. The good man quoted Scripture and the Missal in
defence of that mode of administration, at which, in the Bishop's
presence, a soldier struck him with his fist so violently, that his face
was covered with blood ; and the Bishop, notwithstanding his doc-
trine of priestly sanctity, kept the Priest and the others in custody,
mocked them the whole night, and next morning, that being the Lord's
day, took them to the stake, made the Priest sit there with the chil-
dren tied on his knees, and burnt the entire company in one fire, look-
ing on until the work was done. The murder of a man created in
the image of God, the destruction of human life, sacred as it is, and
guarded, from the creation of the world, by a distinct law of judicial
retribution, may not be sacrilege in the estimation of those who say
that they kill the body for the good of the soul ; but such persons
can understand us when we speak of the barbarian Bishop who
burned a Presbyter, not ceremonially degraded, and so committed
sacrilege, his own Church being judge, and therefore should have
incurred the guilt of heresy in her eyes.
" At Leitmeritz," says a German historian, " the Burgomaster Pichel,
a cruel and deceitful man, seized in one night twenty-four respectable
citizens, among whom was his own son-in-law, and threw them into a
deep dungeon near St. Michael's gate. When they were half dead
from cold and hunger, he, assisted by some of the imperial officers, had
them taken out, under a guard, and pronounced upon them the sen-
tence of death.* They were then chained upon waggons, and conveyed
to the banks of the Elbe, to be thrown into the water. A multitude
of people assembled, with the wives and children of the prisoners,
making great lamentation. The Burgomaster's daughter came also.
She was his only child, and with clasped hands threw herself at his
feet, interceding for the life of her husband. But the father, harder
than a stone, said, ' Spare your tears, you know not what you desire.
Cannot you have a more worthy husband than he?' Finding her
father thus inexorable, she arose, and said, 'Father, you shall not
give me in marriage again!' Smiting her breast, and tearing her
hair, she followed her husband with the rest. When the martyrs had
arrived at the bank of the Elbe, they were thrown from the wag-
gons ; and while the boats were preparing, they raised their voices,
calling heaven and earth to witness that they were innocent ; then,
bidding their wives and children and friends farewell, they exhorted
* We have already seen the municipal authorities at Prague exercising the exorbi-
tant prerogative of pronouncing and inflicting capital punishment at their pleasure.
MASSACRES OF TABORITES. 25
them to constancy and zeal, and obedience to the word of God, rather
than the commandments of man. Finally, they prayed for their
enemies, and commended their souls to God. Their hands being
bound to their feet, they were conveyed in boats to the middle of the
river, and then thrown into the stream. The banks were lined with
executioners, provided with pikes, who took care that none should
escape ; for when any came floating near the shore, although half
dead, they were stabbed, and forced back to the middle of the river.
The Burgomaster's daughter, fixing her eyes upon her husband, sprang
into the river, and, embracing him, strove hard to draw him from the
water. But as it was too deep for her to get a firm footing, and she
was unable to loosen his bands, they both sank. The following day
they were found clasped in each other's arms, and were buried in one
grave. This was done on the 30th of May, 1421." *
Perish the fairest works of human art ; let the fanes of saint-
worship be all violated ; let the grandest fabrics of ecclesiastical anti-
quity be demolished ; let every charm of ancient hierarchies die and be
forgotten ; rather than that the fell demon of priestly hate should go
to and fro in the world, to perpetrate sacrilege on every humane senti-
ment and holy right ; to make Christianity herself suspected by the
Heathen, in whose eyes her counterfeit is hateful. As for charging
the Hussites with cruelty, and the Protestants with Vandalism, the
reader of such horrible narratives as these must pass by the complaint
as beneath ridicule.
In the same year, beside the massacre of multitudes by the
sword of Sigismund, and burnings and drownings in all directions,
several thousands of Taborites were thrown into the old mines of
Kuttenberg. There were precipitated 1,700 into one pit, 1,308
into another, and 1,321 into another. They were prisoners of war,
no doubt, of that holy warfare in which there is neither truce nor
quarter. For two centuries a solemn yearly meeting was held on
the ground, where a place of worship stood, in memory of the sad
event. Some of the Romish nobles displayed their zeal by murdering
whomsoever they could. We hear of two who, with a band of their
men, set part of a town on fire, went into a church and killed a
Minister as he was officiating at the Lord's table. A person who had
been seen to turn his back on the host, was put into a barrel and
burnt. A Utraquist Priest, who had succeeded in escaping into
Moravia, was seized there, with another, and both of them, Martin
Loquis and Procopius Jednook, were laden with irons and condemned
to die ; then reprieved from death for a time by a Priest of the old
communion, who hoped to extort a recantation from them ; but he,
failing, cast them into a dungeon, where they were kept for two
months, and tortured by the application of fire to their bodies, until
their bowels burst out. They were then put into a barrel and burnt
(August 21st, 1421).
Horrified at those barbarities, and convinced that his Church wa?
hostile to Christianity, the Archbishop of Prague himself, Conrad of
* The Reformation and Anti-Reformation in Bohemia : from the German, vol. i.,
pp. 14 — 16. A work_bearing every mark of accuracy.
VOL.. III. E
26 CHAPTER I.
Westphalia, although Primate of the kingdom, Prince of the empire, and
Papal Legate, surrendered his dignities. Hazarding his life hy that act,
he declared himself a Utraquist, offered himself as their chief, and asso-
ciated some of their Ministers as administrators of a consistory, That
consistory survived the persecution, and even received the sanction
of Sigismund ; and the archiepiscopal see was vacated for one hundred
and forty years. Conrad died in exile. One of those administrators,
Zeliveus, perhaps improperly, busied himself in endeavouring to per-
suade the people of Prague to change the Town Council, which was
unfriendly to the Hussites. For this offence a full measure of ven-
geance was dealt out. The Governor of the city decoyed him and
twelve others into the town-hall, where they were instantly seized and
beheaded. But, again, as once before, a stream of blood, overflowing
the threshold, betrayed the deed ; the citizens burst the door, brought
away the bodies for interment ; and Gaudentius, a Priest, laying the
head of Zeliveus on a dish, carried it through the city, and called
aloud for vengeance. The multitude, infuriated, plundered the Col-
leges, and killed some of the Senators. But it is time to turn away
from scenes like these. Let it, therefore, suffice to say, that the
Hussites could nof be conquered by foreign military force or domestic
persecution.
Although divided by a party-distinction that we must hasten
to notice, they all united when expecting an attack from Sigismund ;
and at last, a Council being assembled at Basil, (A.D. 1433,) it was
found that the way of force being impracticable, that of concili-
ation must be tried. Three hundred Bohemian delegates appeared
at Basil ; and the Clerks, seeing that the Emperor himself was com-
pelled to respect their valour, and unable to subdue their spirit, sub-
mitted to sanction heresy, the heresy for which so many thousands
had already been slaughtered, and accepted four articles, called com-
pactates, as the terms of reconciliation with Bohemia, — terms, as
those brave men said, which were either to be granted, or they would
fight for them. They were these : 1. That the communion of the
most divine eucharist, useful and salutary under both kinds, that is,
of bread and wine, should be freely ministered by the Priests to all
believers in Christ in Bohemia, Moravia, &c. 2. That all mortal sins, and
especially public ones, should be restrained, corrected, and put away
by those whom it concerned to do so, reasonably, and according to
the law of God. 3. That the word of God should be freely and faith-
fully preached by Ministers duly qualified. 4. That it is not lawful
for the Clergy, under the law of grace, to have temporal dominion over
worldly goods.* One of the Hussite Priests, Rokyzan, was called
Archbishop of Prague. Legates from the Council went to Bohemia to
tell them that they were again dear children of the Church, and to
exhort both parties not to hinder or fight with one another. Rokyzan
was, for a time, half melted by showers of Papal and imperial
honour, and occasionally seemed to temporize ; but he continued
to be a stern C&lixtine, went to the full extent of the compactates, and
again promoted scriptural doctrine as far as he understood it. For a
* Binii, torn, iv., Cone. Basil. Appendix, p. 153.
THE BRETHREN OF BOHEMIA. 2?
time, too, Bohemia had some rest ; and at last the Hussites succeeded
in placing one on the throne, (Podiebrad,) who protected them from
persecution. The Latin Church, however, soon resumed its naturally
hostile position. After Podiebrad had governed Bohemia well
for twenty-seven years, the Council of Florence having revoked the
concessions made at Basil, Pope Paul II. (very unlike the first Paul)
anathematized him, and pretended to absolve his subjects from their
allegiance, and many of the nobles and cities of Bohemia, Moravia,
and Silesia relapsed into Popery again. Bands of crusaders, fortified
with the Pope's blessing, ravaged the country, and killed those defence-
less heretics, whom a predecessor had called dear children of the
Church. Their crusade was remarkably distinguished by child-murder,
as if Divine Providence had suffered them to provide an historical
monument of their own cowardice. They used to cut off infants'
heads, pile them in heaps, and toss them as balls.*
This national testimony to a part of evangelical truth, and to the
principle of religious liberty, was not lost on Europe, and no
doubt pointed out to other states the way of religious independence in
which they followed in the next century ; for Bohemian liberties were
vindicated down to the days of Luther and Zuinglius. But the most
satisfactory issue of this protracted struggle still appears in the Church
of the United Brethren. Their predecessors were the Brethren of
Bohemia. The Calixtines,f persecuted by the Papists, naturally
began to think of some way of escape from Papal jurisdiction. The
compactate articles had been granted by the Council of Basil ; and
although those articles were still acted on, and the Archbishop
Rokyzan was persecuted as a heretic, and Bohemia was anathematized
and bleeding under a crusade, they had not utterly renounced the
authority of the Church of Rome. It was obviously desirable to do
so, and a Diet of the Calixtine states, assembled at Prague, (A.D. 1450,)
attempted the first step of a secession by sending an embassage to
Constantinople to seek ordination for their Ministers. Had not the
Greek Church been falling, or had it been purer, such an alliance
might have been effected. On the article of the cup, however, they
were united ; in hatred or envy or fear of Romanism they agreed ; and
the Calixtine envoys were received by the Greek Bishops with the
utmost cordiality. But the Greeks were negotiating for union with
Rome, Constantinople was trembling before the Turk, and the Hussite
ambassadors had not long left the city of Constantine, when the
Crescent supplanted the Cross under the dominion of Mahomet II.
Another way of escape was prepared for those who were willing to
separate themselves from the world for Christ's sake. During the
crusade just mentioned, while Legates from Rome were secretly, and
but too successfully, endeavouring to beguile the more political and
less earnest of the Calixtine Clergy.; and while these were diverging
into two parties more distinctly hostile to each other, — the moderate
Calixtines, and the fanatical Taborites ; a third party, not neutral, but
* The Reformation, &c., in Bohemia, chap. i. ; Clarke's Martyrology, chap. xxv.
t From calix, " cup," or " chalice," those who contended for the iidiuiuistrutii.n i.i'
the I'Ufharist iu both kinds, were called Calixtine f.
E 2
28 CHAPTER I.
more profoundly earnest than either of them, emerged out of the
confusion. They did not fight for the cup : their first object was not
ecclesiastical reform. They desired personal salvation, loathed party
strife, repudiated sectarian badges, longed for peace, not reconciliation
•with Pope or Patriarch, but peace with God. Some of them preached
•with unwonted spirituality arid power, and their holy zeal was quick-
ened as the horrors of the crusade multiplied. Several persons,
actuated by this desire, conceived the idea of uniting themselves into
a Christian fellowship, and petitioned Podiebrad, the moderate King
of Bohemia, for permission to form a settlement remote from the
scenes of controversy, that they might there dwell in Christian peace.
The petition was favourably heard, and Podiebrad allowed them to oc-
cupy a tract of laud in the lordship of Lititz in the mountain-country
bordering on Silesia (A.D. 1451). This was the rallying-point for
others of like mind, and (A.D. 1453) several pious nobles and learned
men, quitting the tumult of the metropolis, joined them there. At
first they attended the ministry established according to the Calixtine
form ; and one of the Ministers, Bradacz, no longer timorously
following the compactatea, gratified the settlers by abolishing many
superstitious ceremonies, excluding unworthy communicants, and
maintaining strict Christian discipline. His brethren, well-meaning
men, it might be, but mere Calixtines, disapproved of his proceedings,
and complained against him to the Consistory as an innovator. The
Consistory forbade Bradacz to preach. He appealed to Rokyzan, as
Archbishop, and to his suffragan, Lupacz. Rokyzan was not the
man to peril himself by espousing a novel cause, and therefore gave
no redress : but Lupacz advised him and his flock to prosecute their
work with confidence and firmness ; to learn from obstacles thrown in
their way that they should not expect help from others ; to form an
ecclesiastical constitution of their own, following the primitive church,
both in doctrine and discipline. He told them that they would
inevitably exasperate the hatred of the Romanizing party and their
chiefs ; but exhorted them to fulfil the will of God, and see to their
own salvation, emulating the holiness, fidelity, and patience of the
primitive confessors. Others gave them similar advice.
The advice was taken. Bradacz removed from his former church of
Zamberg to Kunewalde, where the settlers were most numerous, and
invited the more pious Calixtiue Clergy of the adjacent villages to meet
him there for conference. Gregory, nephew of the Archbishop, was there,
and long after proved his sincere devotion, by suffered persecution for
the love of Christ. They agreed on fundamental principles of action,*
* Nearly three hundred years later, a Conference was holden in London by the Rev. John
Wesley, who, like Bradacz, invited a few pious brethren to meet him, not to form a
distinct ecclesiastical system, which was not as yet contemplated, although it really
grew out of that Conference, but to consider " how to save their own souls, and thr-m
that heard them." The one Holy Spirit, who work* all grace in all men, taught both
those initiators of Christian churches the supremacy of truth over conscience. The
latter asked this question: "Can a Christian submit any farther than this " (saving his
conscience) " to any man, or number of men upon earth ? " The answer was : " It i*
undeniable, he cannot ; either to Council, Bishop, or Convocation. And this is that grand
principle of private judgment, on which all the Reformers proceeded : ' Every man must
judge for himself; because every man rnxut give an account for himself to God.' " (Mi-
ORIGIN OF THE MORAVIAN CHURCH. 29
not gathered from human rules and traditions, but from the law
of God. Like the first Christians, they took no private name, but,
addressing each other as " brethren and sisters," they described their
communion by the simple appellation of UNITAS FRATRUM, " Unity
of Brethren ;" and themselves as FRATRES LEGIS CHRISTI, "Brethren
of the Law of Christ." Perceiving that some persons misunderstood the
distinction implied by the words " Legis Christi," they dropped them,
and preferred to be only known as "Brethren." The law of Christ was
to them, according to the doctrine of Wycliffe and HUBS, the New
Testament, the only infallible rule for the guidance of Christians ; all
regulations not enjoined by the word of God, or fairly deducible from
it, being mere matters of expediency, and to be altered according to
circumstances. They then elected three Elders for the general super-
intendence of their concerns ; Gregory, Procopius, and Clenovius.
They drew up a plan of strict discipline, to be administered without
respect of persons, and resolved to suffer all for conscience' sake, not
to use arms in defence of religion, but to seek protection from the
violence of enemies in prayer to God, and in dispassionate remon-
strance. This little society was indeed a new creation, and the deter-
mination, so proper for a Christian church, to refrain from the use
of arms, at once marked them as belonging to that King for whom
his servants do not fight. And their avowal of strength in God was
the beginning of the new kingdom of reformed and resuscitated
Christianity that cometh not with observation. The more distant
precursors of the Reformation of the sixteenth century deserve great
honour ; but these pacific reformers, as a collective body, a nascent
Church, are especially worthy of remembrance, and the Conference
of Kunewalde will be gladly imitated by those men of God who do
not strive, nor cry, nor lift up their voice in the street. The infant
Church was instantly established, and rapidly enlarged by the addition
of spiritually-minded persons. Other congregations were formed in
Bohemia and Moravia, and joined the UNITY.
Their fundamental principles were soon tested by persecution. The
lukewarm Calixtines, to whom the cup was more than He who gave it,
joined the Papists, who could yield the cup to the layman on an emer-
gency, but could never suffer the innovations of true piety. They were
accused of being leagued with the Taborites, and of plotting sedition in
their retreats. They were cited to appear, by deputies, at the Consistory
of Prague. Rokyzan presided ; and he, although his nephew was one
of their leaders, and although he had tacitly allowed, perhaps even
approved of, their procedure, then censured them as imprudent and
dangerous people. Podiebrad was reminded that at his coronation he
had sworn to be willing and obedient to the Roman Catholic Church, and
to the Popes, like other Catholic Christian Kings, and, in the unity
of the orthodox faith, to protect and defend that faith with all his
power ; and, God helping, to recall his people from all errors, sects,
and heresies militating against that holy Roman Church, and to bring
nutes of the Methodist Conferences, vol. i., p. 4.) This is a first principle of true reform,
where God and conscience are indeed the guides ; the first element of Methodistical
p"l''y. und °f a free Christian communion.
30 CHAPTER I.
them back to the obedience, agreement, unity, and worship of the
same Church, using all diligence to that end. Reminded of this oath,
and intimidated by menaces implied, if not loudly uttered, he refused
to protect the Brethren. They were immediately outlawed. In one
moment they found themselves deprived of country and property, and
exposed to the utmost peril. Most of their settlements were broken
up. Even the sick and infirm were driven from their dwellings, and
many of them perished with cold and hunger in the fields. Others
were thrown into dungeons, starved, racked, quartered, or burnt alive.
Their enemies hoped to rack them into confession of conspiracy or
of some other crime ; for even those who could think it reasonable to
fight or suffer for the cup, could not apprehend the possibility of any
man's suffering for the sake of Christ alone.
The Brethren in Lititz, however, were less persecuted than others, and
they sent messengers to travel over Bohemia and Moravia to seek out
and comfort the sufferers. " On one of these visits Gregory came to
Prague. A number of the Brethren were assembled in a house for the
purpose of celebrating the Lord's supper. While thus engaged, a Magis-
trate, who secretly favoured them, sent and advised them to separate.
Gregory, considering it to be the duty of Christians not needlessly to
expose themselves to danger, admonished the assembly to seek for
safety in instant flight. (Matt. x. 23.) Others, however, were of a
different opinion, and said, ' No ; he that believeth shall not make
haste.* Let us take our meal in peace, and await the consequences.'
Some young students, in particular, boasted that tortures and the
stake were considered as trifles by them." f But their conversation
was interrupted by the appearance of a Justice and a party of men
sent to apprehend them. He, too, quoted Scripture : " It is writ-
ten," said he, " that all that will live godly must suffer persecution ;
therefore, follow me." They were taken away, and put to the torture.
Most of the boasters denied their faith ; but Gregory was not intimi-
dated. He fainted on the rack, they thought him dead ; and his
uncle, Eokyzan, vanquished for the time, hasted to the prison, bent
over the wounded, or, as it seemed, dead, body of the confessor, and
exclaimed, weeping, " 0 my dear Gregory, would to God I were where
thou now art ! " But Gregory revived, was set at liberty, and lived
to advanced age, a laborious and venerated leader of the Unity of
Brethren. Encouraged, by the momentary relenting of Rokyzan, to
hope that he might yet befriend them, the Brethren reminded him
that he had at first taught them from the writings of the Apostles
and from examples of the primitive church, and then advised them to
attend the ministry of Chelezitius, whose discourses had conveyed clearer
instruction in Christian truth ; that in obeying the Gospel they had
only acted on the responsibility he had himself so freely recognised ;
and that their separation from other Hussites was not on account of
any question of ceremonial or discipline, but because of the evil and
corrupt doctrine retained among them. But the codrtier Priest could
* Isai. xx7iii. 16 : The Bohemian translation in, " He that beliereth does not flee."
t History of the Protestant Church of the United Brethren. Ijy the Rev. John Holmes,
vol. i., pp. 46,47.
DISCIPLINE OF THE UNITED BRETHREN. 31
not suffer affliction with the people of God. He shrank from the
thought of infamy and suffering, and repelled their advances. With
disappointment and indignation they closed the correspondence in a
bitter sentence : " Thou art of the world, and wilt perish with the
world."
This indiscretion was terribly repaid. The Archbishop, mortified
at the reproof, meditated revenge, and easily obtained it in an edict from
the King, ordaining that "those dangerous people should no longer
be suffered to remain in Bohemia and Moravia." To how great lengths
both Calixtines and Papists would have carried their violence, if un-
checked, may easily be conjectured ; but God so overruled Rosenberg,
Romish Bishop of Breslaw, that he interposed his influence in fear,
rather than pity, for the protection of the former brethren of the
angry Rokyzan. He represented to Podiebrad that the blood of mar-
tyrs would but increase the number of heretics.* Their lives were
spared ; but they were compelled to quit the country, and leave their
possessions to be confiscated. " They sought an asylum in the moun-
tains, the thickest forests, and the clifts and recesses of rocks, far
removed from the society of other men. They kindled fires only in
the night, lest their places of retreat should be discovered by the
smoke. And, during the winter, when snow lay on the ground, they
used the precaution, when going out, to walk one after the other, the
last person dragging a bush after him to erase the marks of their
feet." f By day their chief cares were for gathering rude sustenance,
and to watch against surprise. By night they often congregated in
caverns or in woods, and around their fires held spiritual converse, and
poured out their joint complaint, through the Divine Comforter, before
the mercy-seat of Christ ; outcasts, indeed, yet dwelling in the paradise
of a good conscience. When for about three years (from 1461 to
1464) the Brethren had remained in the mountains, and the terror
of persecution was somewhat abated, they began to consider how to
preserve, by discipline, the purity of their brotherhood. It was
evidently impossible for them to reform either Popery or Calix-
tinism, and, for the preservation of the truth for which so many
had surrendered property, country, and even life, it was necessary
that they should follow the indications of Divine Providence, and
constitute themselves a visible church, by assuming a form of disci-
pline. A numerous assembly was therefore convened in the Riesen-
Gebirge, a chain of hills between Bohemia and Silesia, and in
the neighbourhood of Reichenau, where a few fundamental rules of
conduct were unanimously adopted, and some principles of church
government discussed. "Before all other things" they agreed to
preserve to themselves the faith of the Lord Jesus Christ in purity,
and to confirm it in righteousness which is of God, abiding together
in love, and putting their trust in the living God, — manifesting that
trust in word and deed. Faithfully assisting each other in love, with
a blameless life, humility, submission, meekness, continence, and pati-
*. But couched the sentiment under a coarse comparison : '< Maggots breed in meat
half roasted." — Cranz, History of the United Brethren, part ii., (ancient,) sect. 10.
t Holmes, i., 49.
32 CHAPTER I.
ence, they were to give proof of faith, hope, and love. They bound
themselves to mutual submission in obedience to the word of God,
each receiving from the others instruction, warning, exhortation, and
correction, thereby to keep the covenant already made with God
through the Lord Jesus Christ in the Spirit. They agreed willingly
to undertake and do, according to the measure of divine grace im-
parted to each, whatever should be judged conducive to edification
and improvement ; but especially to observe Christian obedience, even
in the deepest poverty and want acknowledging one another. They
were to submit to correction with godly fear, if overtaken in sin, and
penitentially confess their guilt before God and man. They also
declared with sorrow, that if any should be unfaithful, and refuse to
keep the covenant made with God and his brethren, they " could not
insure such an one of his salvation," * but should withdraw from
him, and exclude him from their communion in divine service.
Neither could a grievous heretic or sinner be re-admitted until he
had given proof of entire amendment. The Priests and teachers, in
particular, were to set a good example, in word and deed, that
punishment and reproof might be avoided. f
That was, indeed, a lovely spectacle. A multitude of confessors,
poor, out-cast, and hunted down, rallying around their spiritual Head,
in the absence of earthly Pastors, a few only excepted, and even they,
by being separated from the Church that had commissioned them, di-
vested, in their own estimation, of all human authority to exercise their
ministry. These people were entering on a new ecclesiastical career
under the sole sanction of Him who had called them from darkness
into light. For the present, however, they were content with the
bond of brotherhood, and prayerfully awaited guidance for the estab-
lishment of complete church order. Podiebrad, perhaps admiring
their peaceable deportment, endeavoured to bring about a reconcilia-
tion between them and the Calixtines (A.D. 1465). But the effort was
unavailing, and only served to hasten his own ruin ; for the Popish
Lords, incited by the court of Rome, revolted, and he was anathematized
as a favourer of heretics, and deprived of his kingdom (A.D. 1467). Yet
at this very time, the Brethren, inured to a state of excommunication, and
indifferent to the quarrels of their persecutors, proceeded to complete
their work. The order of divine service and of temporal government
had been framed in successive Synods, and a few Waldensian refugees,
already mingled with them, brought intelligence of that people who
were dispersed and hidden in various parts of Europe. In the village
of Lhota, and in the house of a person named Duchek, about seventy
persons were assembled. Ministers, — yet no longer acknowledging the
validity of their Romish or Calixtine ordination, — noblemen, scholars,
citizens, and peasants, deputed from various parts of their own settle-
ments, and by their brethren, congregated in distant places through-
out Bohemia and Moravia, met to consider how to maintain a regular
succession of spiritual teachers. After fasting, the Synod was opened with
* Meaning, of course, that they could not hold out to such an one any hope of eal-
vatioii.
t The Reformation and Anti- Reformation in Bohemia, vol. i., chap. 1.
LAST WALDENSIAN BISHOP BURNT. 33
reading the holy Scriptures and with prayer. Deliberation followed ;
and it was unanimously determined, according to advice long before
given by Lupacz, to elect Ministers from among themselves. And
following the example of the eleven who elected Matthias by lot, they,
in like manner, committed the ultimate decision to the Lord. Twenty
men were first nominated, as qualified by their divine knowledge and
experimental piety, displayed in blameless conversation, to be Minis-
ters of Christ. Out of these nine were chosen ; and of the nine they
determined that three should be elected by lot. On nine slips
of paper was written the word non (he is not) ; and on three others,
precisely similar, the word est (he is). They then prayed that God
would appoint them three, two, one, or none, to that office, caus-
ing, if it so pleased him, that not even one should receive the affirm-
ative lot. A little boy was called in to distribute the folded papers,
promiscuously thrown together, to the nine persons. The surplus
three that remained in his hand were NON ; and Matthias of Kuue-
walde, Thomas of Prschelauz, and Elias of Krschenow, on opening their
billets, found them inscribed with EST. The Brethren sang a hymn
of praise, hailed them as chosen of God, promised them obedience,
and gave them the kiss of peace. So ended the famous Synod
of Lhota, and so began the humble hierarchy of the United Brethren.*
In another Synod, holden shortly afterwards, the question between
Presbyterianism and Episcopacy was discussed : the decision was in
favour of the latter, not as essential, but as expedient, in order to
deprive their adversaries of a new pretext for hostility ; and as it was
known that the Waldenses had still one Bishop surviving, named
Stephen, three persons, formerly ordained as Priests, but otherwise
approved, were sent into Austria to solicit consecration to the Episco-
pate, which they received, returned to Bohemia, and consecrated the
three Elders, already chosen by lot, with some others. From that
time the church of the United Brethren, has been Episcopal. The lot,
it may be observed, as in the apostolic church, was only resorted to
on an extraordinary emergency, and did not come into general use
until nearly three hundred years later. f
The example and influence of the Bohemians encouraged the Aus-
trian Waldenses to throw off the disguise under which they had
lain concealed ; their boldness attracted persecution ; and Stephen,
the last surviving Bishop just mentioned, was burnt alive, with many
others (A.D. 1480). This, however, led to a strengthening of the
holy cause, now identified, almost alone, with the church of the
United Brethren, whose numbers were suddenly increased by the
accession of a multitude of Waldensian refugees. Rokyzan, enraged
on hearing of Bishops in the wilds of the Kiesenberge, excited a
renewed and sanguinary persecution against them, in which Michael,
their first Bishop, was imprisoned until the death of Rokyzan, who
departed this life in a state of horrible despair, as if God had
ratified the hasty imprecation of the Brethren whom he had aban-
doned ; and the Bohemian confessors again came forth from the
rocks in \\luch,- for a second time, they had hidden themselves.
* Crauz, itt supra, fc.ei.-t. 11. t la the year 1741. Holmes, i., 12 £S.
\OL. III. 1
34 CHAPTER I.
They were then marked with the derisory appellation griibenheimer,
" dwellers in pits." Harassed by a succession of persecutions, and at
last expelled from the Bohemian and Moravian territories, they
migrated into Moldavia (A.D. 1481). Some alternations of fortune
are noted by the historians, but the records become increasingly
obscure. A few incidents, however, suffice to show that their church
flourished more and more. In the beginning of the sixteenth century
they counted two hundred congregations in the very countries whence
they had been expelled. They had the Bible in Bohemian, printed at
Venice, when, as yet, but one other nation of Europe had used the press
for the multiplication of copies of the vernacular Scriptures ; * and
they had on record the conclusion of a Synod, (A.D. 1489,) that " if
God should, anywhere in the world, awaken genuine Ministers and
reformers of the church, they would make common cause with them."
Occasion for such an evangelical alliance soon occurred, f
Bohemia was regarded at Rome as an infected district of Christen-
dom, and all possible care was taken to prevent the spread of heretical
contagion into other parts of the world. But as the expedients
of quarantine, lazaretto, and cordon are insufficient to retard the
inarch of pestilence, when it pleases God to scourge offending nations,
so, when he sends forth his saving health, the barriers of intolerance
cannot frustrate his work of mercy, which is as free as the wind
of heaven. The Inquisition, now reorganized or reinforced every-
where, was employed to check the progress of the Bohemian heresy,
which, nevertheless, spread over the Continent.
Of Poland, only, we shall now speak in evidence of this fact, as
there the effect of Wycliffe's doctrine was, after Bohemia, most con-
spicuous. After the death of Huss and Jerome at Constance, and the
consequent excitement in their native country, Synods were convoked
in Cracow, (A.D. 1416 and 1423,) and strong resolutions taken against
the Bohemian heresy, already apparent in the country. The Priests
were commanded to imprison suspected persons. No Bohemian was
to be allowed to teach in a Polish school, and, if possible, all inter-
course between the two countries was to be prevented. No children
•were to be sent thither for education. The books possessed by parish
Priests were to be inspected, and as some of them were imbibing
heretical doctrines by reading Wycliffe's works, the more literate and
zealous of their brethren circulated manuscripts to counteract the
mischief. That was fair. Not so a proclamation of the King (A.D.
1424) that confirmed the acts of the Synods, and declared heresy to
be high treason. Political sanctions were appealed to on both sides ;
the Bohemians offered their crown to a Polish Prince, the offer was
accepted ; and while German warriors marched into Bohemia to fight
for Sigismund and the Church, Poles invaded the country to fight
under the sign of the cup, together with, the Hussites, and, in the
battle of Aussig on the Elbe, they (A.D. 1426) won the day. But we
rather stay to notice a contest with other weapons. Despite the
* A nide translation of the Vulgate into German was printed by Fust, in the year
1462. The Bohemian Bible was printed in Venice, in 1470.
t Crauz, Ancient History of the Brethren, part ii., sect. 12—23.
FIVE PREACHERS BURNT IN POLAND. 35
inquisitorial restrictions, some Taborites from Prague go over to Cra-
cow, (A.D. 1427,) and challenge the Romanists to public disputation.
Attention is thereby drawn to the points in controversy, and after a
few years, when interest in such matters has deepened in the bosoms
of the people, a solemn disputation takes place in the capital of
Poland. The Senate are assembled, and the King himself presides.
To meet the sacerdotal advocates of Popery, we see Calixtines, Tabor-
ites, and Orphans, Bohemian dissidents of every shade, united, and
among them Peter Payne, our countryman.* The Conference lasted
several days ; the language chiefly used was Polish ; and although a
Romi'sh historian pronounces that the heretics were beaten, he gives
no details of the Conference, and we are free to note that the men
of Cracow must have heard earnest exposition of truths fatal to the
credit of the dominant religion. Still the ruinous mixture of politics
marred the work, and half justified the zeal of Inquisitors, whose
efforts, however, were almost altogether frustrated. The laws of
Poland had not been moulded at the pleasure of Ecclesiastics ; and the
only act of burning was perpetrated (A.D. 1439) by a military Bishop
who besieged a town with nine hundred horsemen, compelled the
inhabitants to deliver up five Hussite Preachers, and cast them into
the flames.
The reformed doctrine still found favour. Ten years after that
burning at Zbonszyn, a Master of Arts in the University of Cracow
expounded from his chair the works of WyclifFe. Others did the
same. The Master wrote a hymn in honour of the English Confes-
BOF. We are indebted to the pen of Count Valerian Krasinski for a
translation, and find the opening stanza conveying a tribute of earnest
praise to the first Reformer. " Ye Poles, Germans, and all nations !
WyclifFe speaks the truth ! Heathendom and Christendom had never
a greater man than he, and never will have one." The last stanza is
a prayer that soon was answered. " 0 Christ ! for the sake of thy
wounds, send us such Priests as may guide us towards the truth,
and may bury the Antichrist." The poet was driven from Cracow,
but found refuge at the court of Boleslav V., Prince of Oppeln, in
Silesia, himself a Hussite. And after another decade, an eminent
Pole, John Ostrorog, submitted propositions to the national Diet (A.D.
1459) for the emancipation of Poland from the domination of Rome.
He maintained that the King should not render obedience to the
Pope, because he had no superior but God. He thought humility
from a temporal Sovereign towards a Pope to be rather a sin than a
virtue, and would have the Clergy to bear public burdens as well as
others. He would rather leave the Clergy to an independent adminis-
tration of their own affairs, without any interference of the civil
power ; but as the Clergy were not yet spiritual, he deemed it neces-
sary that the King should elect the best of them to high offices in the
church. And it is an interesting fact, that while these advances
towards reformation were taking place in Cracow, the Bohemian
* Peter Payne was a native of Lincolnshire. His birth-place is gaid to be Hough, a
few miles from Grantham. His name is in the list of the Principals of Edmund Hall,
Oxford, from 1410 to 1415.
F 2
30 CHAPTER I.
Brethren had a flourishing high-school at Goldberg in Silesia, fre-
quented also by Polish students from the first families. And yet
again, (A.D. 1469,) Casirair, King of Poland, having already refused
the crown of Bohemia, offered to him by the Romish party on condi-
tion of helping them to put down the Hussites, prohibited in his
dominions the preaching of a crusade against them. At last, when
printing was invented, the first printer in Cracow was found to be a
Hussite (A.D. 1491) ; and before Luther was known in the world,
from that press issued a treatise " concerning the true worship of
God," and another " concerning the marriage of Priests." Another
Polish author taught that the Gospel only ought to be believed, and
human ordinances dispensed with.*
Before entering on the period of Protestant Reformation, we inquire
whether there were yet to be found in the eastern world any witnesses
for Christ, worthy to be regarded as successors of those who, in Ara-
bia, Palestine, and Northern Africa, suffered true martyrdom. But
we search in vain. The world retains what Tertullian called " hatred
of the name ;" but Christianity in the Eastern churches is a name,
and nothing more. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Chris-
tians, within the vast circle of Mohammedan dominion, were depressed
beneath the view of history, except that now and then a scanty regis-
ter or a popular tradition preserved mention of monasteries and
churches invaded, spoiled, pulled down, or converted into mosques ;
of Priests, Monks, and virgins insulted or put to death ; of entire
populations compelled to abandon Christ for the false Prophet, or
crowds of Nazareans seeking shelter among Pagans in the furthest
regions of the Eastern hemisphere. In China, the first race of Chris-
tians had become extinct ; but a few refugees from Tartar persecution
were indistinctly reported to have succeeded in their place ; and in
India, too, the vestiges of Nestorianism were but perceptible enough to
show the Heathen that Christianity was no longer able to dispute pos-
session even of a single village. In central Asia it had greater nume-
rical strength, and could send a few Bishops to keep up the shadow
of a church here and there, but nothing more. Yet even there, and to
the shores of the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, mongrel sects,
half pagan, marked the general absorption of Christianity. The Greek
empire, too, was absorbed in Turkey ; and the Sultans of Constantino-
ple seized the churches and abolished Christian worship wherever they
had taken possession by the sword. To those who capitulated they
allowed the forms of worship, but with every mark of .social degrada-
tion. Except in those European states that had been a part of the
Roman empire, or had been conquered from Paganism during the
decline of the empire, and held fast by their spurious Christianity
as part of a political or social system, the votaries of Islamism and
Pagan idolatry possessed the world. The pontifical religion that had
been paraded in Asia by Crusaders, and recommended to feeble Chris-
tian or half-Christian sects by pompous embassies, was seen to be a
failure, and in that failure, despite any subsequent appearances to the
contrary, we have it demonstrated that Popery is devoid of the spirit-
* Krasinski, Reformation in Poland, vol. i., pp. 64 — 111.
THE MODERN INQTTISITION. 37
ual energy which can alone convert mankind. Nay, Popery gives
way within its own domains before the religion of the martyrs ; the
religion professed almost alone by the poor Bohemian Brethren, of
whom the world is not worthy.
So far were the most zealous propagators of Christianity from
understanding how the kingdom of Christ can be extended, that when
a Lisbon ship touched on the newly discovered shore of Brazil on its
way to India, (A.D. 1500,) having several Priests on board, the Cap-
tain obtained the applause of the fathers by turning on shore two
Spanish convicts who were under sentence of death for crimes com-
mitted, but allowed to live, if they could, that they might learn the
language of the savages, and help future Missionaries to propagate
Christianity among them. Grave annalists record the fact with com-
placency : * they say that one of the convicts died of grief ; and what-
ever the other might have done, it is certain that Brazilian Christianity
retains exact resemblance to its first apostle.
The great instrument for maintaining that sort of religion was
" the Holy Inquisition ;" and as this establishment for torturing man-
kind into submission was invested with new power, we must here
mark its renovation, in order to understand the attitude assumed by
Romanism in the time of Luther.
In the latter years of the fifteenth century, and before Luther was
born, this institution was undergoing a remarkable revival. To com-
prehend its position in relation to Europe in general, — it is too soon
to speak of America and Asia, — we must briefly observe : First, That
in England, the Netherlands, Portugal, Lombardy, Naples, and, gene-
rally, in those parts of the north of Europe not in communion with
the Greek Church, the Bishops performed the part of Inquisitors,
aided by the civil power, the laws being, in various degrees, subser-
vient to the pleasure of the Church. In those countries it was neces-
sary for priestly zealots to exert themselves, in order to keep up a
persecution ; and, even so, the Popes and Prelates conceived their
interests to be imperfectly assured. Secondly, The Prince or the Re-
public usually interfered to mitigate the horrors of the Inquisition
where their courage, sagacity, or intelligence was insufficient to resist
its establishment ; and, in some places, they succeeded in reducing it
to an almost nominal existence. Thus, in Venice, the authorities of
the Republic took part, it is true, in inquisitorial persecution ; but
the Venetians were thereby saved from many of the worst practices
of priestly Inquisitors. In some provinces of Germany and France,
there were Inquisitors acting under Papal instructions, and supported
by persecuting laws ; but from the acknowledged absence of heresy,
or from general disaffection to the Papacy, they could seldom act. In
Poland the Inquisition had become extinct. But, thirdly, In Central
Italy and in the Spanish kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia, this hor-
rible tribunal was newly organized, and received great additional force,
about the middle of the fifteenth century, simultaneously with the
recovery of the Papacy from its divisions, the better order that had
been given to ecclesiastical business by the Councils of Constance and
* RaynalJus, an. 1500, nnm. 52.
38 CHAPTER I.
Basil, the revived spirit of Papal unity cherished in the Council
of Ferrara and Florence, and the zeal rekindled by the events occur-
ring in Bohemia. Alfonso V. of Aragon, a King devoted, politically,
at least, to the Roman See, led the way in reviving the Inquisition
within the Spanish dominions by confirming some obsolete or ficti-
tious privileges to the Inquisitor of Sicily, then subject to the crown
of Aragon (A.D. 1452).
In that act began the power of the Spanish Inquisition. Aragon,
Castilla, and Leon were united under Ferdinand and Isabella. The
Sicilian Inquisitor, Fra Filippo de' Barberi, mistrustful of the validity
of the privilege confirmed by Alfonso, embarked for Spain, and pre-
sented himself to Queen Isabella in Se villa, (A.D. 14/7,) to solicit a
second confirmation of the grant. Her Majesty readily acceded to the
request, and the Ecclesiastic lost no time in following Ferdinand, from
whom, in Jerez de la Frontera, not far from Sevilla, he also received
the desired ratification. This point being gained, the Sicilian Mis-
sionary applied himself to a more arduous labour, by representing to
the united Sovereigns of Spain the advantages that would result to
them from the establishment of the Inquisition, especially in their
dominions newly acquired from the Moors. The Prior of the Domi-
nican convent in Sevilla descanted with extreme fervour on the neces-
sity of such a measure, to prevent the numerous converts from Juda-
ism, " new Christians," as they were called, from relapsing into their
ancient unbelief. The Pope's Nuncio gave all the weight of his office
to the proposal, enraptured, like a good Roman, at the opportunity
of winning the applause of his master. The Dominican brought in
tale after tale of Jews who had whipped crucifixes, crucified Christian
children, and perpetrated every sort of sacrilege in contempt of Chris-
tianity. If not quite unfounded, — since it is not improbable that
Jews, while living under a Mohammedan government, may have both
spoken and acted with contempt towards Christianity, and especially
such a Christianity as was then prevalent, — those tales were monstrous
exaggerations ; but bigotry and covetousness were to be satisfied ; the
cupidity of Ferdinand was inflamed with the project ; and Isabella,
believing in her conscience that such abominations ought not to be
unpunished, yet shuddering at the prospect, gave consent. The
Bishop of Osma, Queen's Orator, was commanded to solicit of the
Pope a Bull for the establishment of the Inquisition in the kingdom
of Castilla; and the parchment, heavy with lead, and heavier with
curse and woe, was presented to the " Catholic Kings" after but a
few months had passed away, and they were flattered with permission
to elect men of their own choice, to be the first Inquisitors. The
Queen's conscience again revolted at the thought of letting loose
the hounds of the Holy Office on her people ; she suspended the
execution of the Bull ; and having already caused the Archbishop
of Sevilla, the Cardinal Mendoza, to write a catechism for the
instruction of the " new Christians," the book was published, (A.D.
1478,) with a recommendation to Priests to explain the Christian doc-
trine with frequency and clearness, and in private conversations with
young converts. And her just principle of preferring moral means
VICTIMS OF THE SPANISH INQUISITION. 39
to violence, was yet more fully exemplified ; for when a Jew wrote a
book against Christianity, she engaged her Confessor, Fray Fernando
de Talavera, to write another in reply (A.D. 1481). She had also
employed several Ecclesiastics to ascertain the effects of these gentle
measures ; but their report was as unsatisfactory as might have
been expected from such persons ; and, overcome by the importunity
of the King and the Papists,* she yielded at last, after nearly two
years' resistance, and concurred in the appointment of two Dominican
Friars as first Inquisitors, to be assisted by an Assessor and a Fiscal
(Sept. 17th, 1480). Torrents of blood beg'an to flow. To detail the
proceedings of the Inquisitors would be tedious and sickening, and we
shall have to refer to them again and again. We therefore only set
down, in this place, a numerical summary of victims during a few
years, by the Inquisitions of Sevilla, Cordova, &c.
1481. Burnt alive in Sevilla, 2,000 ; burnt in effigy, 2,000 ; peni-
tents, 17,000.
1482. Burnt alive, 88 ; burnt in effigy, 44 ; penitents, 625.
1483. About the same as in preceding years in Sevilla, and in Cor-
dova ; in Jaen and Toledo, burnt alive, 688 ; burnt in effigy, 644 ;
penitents, 5,725.
1484. About the same in Sevilla; and in the other places, burnt
alive, 220 ; burnt in effigy, 110 ; penitents, 1,561.
1485. Sevilla, Cordova, &c., as the year preceding; and in Estre-
madura, Valladolid, Calahorra, Murcia, Cuenca, Zaragoza, and Valen-
cia, there were burnt alive, 620 ; burnt in effigy, 510 ; and penitents,
13,471.
1486. In Sevilla, Cordova, &c., as the year before. In the other
places, burnt alive, 528 ; burnt in effigy, 264 ; penitents, 3,745.
1487. About the same as the year before. And in Barcelona and
Majorca many more, making in all, burnt alive, 928 ; burnt in effigy,
664; and penitents, 7,145.
1488. In the thirteen Inquisitions, burnt alive, 616; burnt in
effigy, 308 ; and penitents, 4,379.
1489. About the same as the preceding year.
1490. Burnt alive, 324; burnt in effigy, 112; and penitents,
4,369.
1491 to 1498, at about the same rate.
" Torquemada,' therefore, Inquisitor-General of Spain, during the
eighteen years of his inquisitorial ministry, caused 10,220 victims to
perish in the flames ; burnt the effigies of 6,860 who died in the
Inquisition or fled under fear of persecution ; and 97,321 were
punished w^ith infamy, confiscation of goods, perpetual imprisonment,
or disqualification for office, under colour of penance ; so that not
fewer than 114,401 families must- have been irrecoverably ruined." -f-
And the most moderate calculation, gathered from the records of the
Inquisition by the laborious Secretary, Llorente, up to the year 1523,
when the fourth Inquisitor died, exhibits the fearful aggregate of
18,320 burnt alive, 9,660 in effigy, 206,526 penitents. Total
* As the Spaniards'designate the adherents of the Pope, or Ultrainontaaes.
t Llorente, Inquisickm de Espafia, cup. viii., art. 4.
40 CHAPTER I.
number of sufferers, 234,506, under the first four Inquisitors-
General.
But we cease from this wearisome statistic. It is confessedly im-
perfect, and may be confidently regarded as beneath, far beneath, the
truth ; for who can believe that, amidst such profligacy of life, every
victim would be registered ? These figures are but a few of the rigid
prints left by the hoof of the destroyer on a desolated realm. Ages
will not wear them away ; and if all the remaining vestiges were
tracked by the Christian philosopher, compared with contemporary
monuments of persecution, and the whole estimated, arranged, and
filled up according to the established analogies of history and nature,
the result would be an image of bloodshed, terror, perfidy, sacrilege,
with a cowardly, dark, heartless, and atrocious blasphemy, surpassing
aught the world had ever witnessed. Simon de Montfort was humane,
the Crusaders of Languedoc were brave Knights, in comparison with
Torquemada and his familiars. But the Spanish Inquisition was the
normal development of zealous and infuriated full-grown Romanism.
It rises conspicuously in the eve of the bright age of Gospel renova-
tion ; and leaving the reader to con the volumes of Limborch,
Llorente, and others, who have drudged through their doleful records,
\ve must mark a few details of that gigantic, but futile, undertaking
for the extinction of human independence and of divine truth.
Torquemada enjoyed the infamous distinction of being the first
Inquisitor-General of Spain. The primary object of Ferdinand was
to confiscate as much property as possible, and chiefly to enrich him-
self at the expense of the Jews. Torquemada justified his choice
of him by boundless rapacity. Attended by Lawyers and Canonists,
he established himself at Madrid, and there presided over the Royal
Council of the Inquisition. The Council, with him, exercised final
jurisdiction in all cases wherein the royal prerogative was concerned ;
but in spirituals, that is to say, in inquisition for heresy and the con-
sequent sentence, the General alone, as representing the Pope, was abso-
lute. There \vere four subordinate tribunals in Sevilla, Cordova, Jaen, and
Villareal, which last was afterwards transferred to Toledo. The con-
fusion of temporal and spiritual attributes in the Inquisitors caused
frequent disputes with the Sovereigns of Spain ; but as the Judges
were invariably Ecclesiastics, the decision was always given in favour
of the Church.
In an assembly of Inquisitors from the four provinces, united
with those of the supreme Council, a code of laws was framed,
under the name of Instructions, and afterwards enlarged by suc-
cessive enactments. These instructions were to the following
O
effect: — 1. The institution of the Inquisition, according to the forms
iu use at Sevilla, should be published in every town, notwithstanding
any local privileges to the contrary. 2. An edict, read in every
church, denounced canonical censures against Jews and others who
had apostatized, unless they would lay information against themselves,
and against all who obstructed the Holy Office. 3. Thirty days' time
was given to heretics for informing against themselves. Within that
time they might be indulged with a pecuniary penance ; beyond it
INQUISITORS' INSTRUCTIONS. 41
their property was to be all confiscated. 4. They were to make the con-
fession in writing, before the Inquisitors, and in presence of a Notary,
giving also the names of all their accomplices in heresy, and be ques-
tioned and cross-questioned. 5. If any other human being had
known of the heresy of the self-reported sinner, absolution could not
be given in private, but before the public. (Many thousands appealed
secretly to the Pope, and bought of him absolution after a general
confession, in order to avoid the disgrace of open penance. This
brought immense sums to his treasury.) 6. Persons reconciled by
penance were to be for ever excluded from honourable employments,
and forbidden to wear gold, silver, silk, or fine linen, that all the world
might know the infamy they had incurred. (This sentence was also com-
muted at cost of vast sums of money paid by rich offenders to the Pope.
At last Ferdinand and Isabella remonstrated, the Pope cancelled his
Bulls of rehabilitation, kept the money, and left the penitents to a
second persecution and disgrace.) 7. Voluntary, or " spontaneous,"
penitents were, although reconciled, to pay a tax ever after for the
defence of the holy Catholic faith. 8. The voluntary penitent who
should have allowed the thirtieth day to pass, was to have all his
property confiscated, notwithstanding his confession. 9. Minors and
children might be indulged, on voluntary confession, with light pe-
nance. Such light penance was wearing sackcloth openly for one
or two years, and attending mass on all feast-days in that shameful
sambenito, walking with it in procession, and whatever else the Inqui-
sitor might command. 10. The voluntary penitent should be spoiled
of everything he had received during the period of his heresy. Of
dowry, for example, or of estates bequeathed. 11. An imprisoned
heretic might be indulged with perpetual imprisonment instead of
burning, if his repentance were sincere. 12. But at any time he
might be declared a false penitent, and burnt. 13. So might any one
who should be found to have concealed any thing in the " spontaneous"
confession. 14. The penitent might be burnt if the witnesses in his
case were not agreed. (So that any man might have another sacri-
ficed to his private enmity.) 15. If proof were incomplete, the accused
might be put to torture ; burnt, if he confessed, and afterwards con-
firmed his confession ; tormented again, if he did not. (The repetition
of torture was prohibited in a subsequent instruction ; but many Inqui-
sitors repeated it, notwithstanding, and evaded the law by calling several
applications one torture.) 16. The accused should never have a copy
of the evidence given against them. 17. The Inquisitors should
ascertain that witnesses were not disqualified. (An instruction
that could seldom be fulfilled : for the subalterns, anxious to prove
heresy, concealed all that would discredit the testimony of wretches
suborned to deprive a rich man of .property and life.) 18. Two Inquisi-
tors, or at least one, should be present during the infliction of torture.
19. A person cited to appear on a charge of heresy, and not appear-
ing, should be deemed guilty, and burnt if he were caught. 20. The
body of a deceased heretic might be exhumed and burnt, his property
confiscated, and his family declared infamous. 21. All civil Magistrates
should help the Inquisitors, or be themselves punished as heretics.
VOL. III. G
42 CHAPTER I.
22. The children under age of heretics punished, should be placed
under good Catholic guardians, and maintained out of their parents'
estate. (Llorente assures us that he had examined all the records
of the Spanish Inquisition with minute care, but never found one
instance of obedience to this instruction.) 23. A reconciled penitent
could not receive property if it came to him from a person convicted
of heresy. 24. The Christian slaves of a reconciled and absolved
penitent were to be confiscated to the Crown, notwithstanding the
absolution. 25. The Inquisitors and their servants were not to take
presents. (Nor needed they, for they helped themselves.) 26. The
Inquisitors were to live in peace together ; no one was to be greater
than another, not even if he were a Bishop. (The intention of this
instruction was, not to preserve harmony, but to deprive a Bishop-
Inquisitor of his episcopal power, — to unify their interests and
thereby increase their strength, for the sole purposes of the tribunal.)
27. They should keep their subalterns in order. 28. In any case not
provided for in these Instructions, the Inquisitors should act on their
own judgment.
It is notorious that the introduction of the Inquisition was every
where regarded with abhorrence, and in some places provoked the
people to insurrection. The high court of Council and the Instruc-
tions gave it a new and more terrible character, even in Aragon, where
it had previously existed ; and the first Inquisitor, under the new
system, was murdered in Zaragoza before he could enter on his busi-
ness. This man, Pedro Arbues de Epila, apprehensive of violence,
and perhaps not very tranquil in his new office, having to attend
matins,* covered himself with a coat of mail under his robes, and with
a steel helmet under his cap, took a lantern in one hand, and a heavy
club in the other, and walked from his house to the cathedral. He
knelt close to one of the massive pillars, with the lantern on the pave-
ment, and his right hand grasping the cudgel concealed between him-
self and the pillar. The Canons were chanting the appointed hymns,
and he seemed to be united in devotion. Two men knelt down near
him, awaiting a moment for the fatal stroke. Knowing that persons
in his position frequently carried mail under the soft robe, they aimed
accordingly, and at the same instant one struck him on the left arm,
and the other discharged a heavy blow on the back of his head, that
laid him prostrate, and he died in a few hours (Sept. 15th, 1485).
A contention the next day between the old Christians and the new
was the consequence ; and similar murders and contentions marked
the introduction of the new Inquisition in many parts of Europe.
Peter was beatified, then canonized. The mass of Spaniards submit-
ted, Jews and "new Christians" were the victims, the King and the
Clergy shared the spoils, and the new functionaries everywhere dis-
played their triumph with a more than priestly pomp. Torquemada
appeared in public with a guard of two hundred foot-soldiers and fifty
horse ; and the provincial Inquisitors were each attended by ten horse-
* Matins, originally a morning service, afterwards the nocturns, or vigils, -were so
called because they began after eleven o'clock at night, to usher in the next day, or
morning, after midnight.
INVENTION OF PRINTING. 43
men and forty foot. Thousands of private persons and a multitude
of the nobility hastened to accept the office of familiars, or servants,
of the Holy Office, exempted at the same time from secular burdens
and from suspicion of heresy, invested with ecclesiastical privileges,
and formed into a new and resistless army for the defence of Romish
faith. Spain was rising, first, by the conquest of Granada at
home, then by that of Mexico, and vast regions of South America,
to the highest point of wealth and power. In Italy, too, and
all over the European continent, the Church became more arrogant
and sanguinary than she had dared to show herself since the great
crusade against the Albigenses ; and this was the power that assailed
the Lollards in England, the Brethren in Bohemia, and every human
being who dared to breathe a sentence of religious, or even intel-
lectual, truth.*
Just after persecution had raged most hotly in England and in
Bohemia, and immediately before the establishment of the modern
Inquisition in Spain, printing was invented. The birth of the new art
was almost simultaneous with that deplorable event, and it is now almost
superfluous to say that the press has overthrown the Inquisition, or to
state the converse truth, that intellectual and religious liberty still
advance together. In the year 1439, if not earlier, it would appear
that John Guttenberg, a citizen of Mentz, was amusing himself in
efforts to improve the art of engraving into a similar contrivance for
the impression of words, so as to multiply copies of manuscript. By
a remarkable coincidence, by accepting some suggestion that might
have been incidentally made known to both, or by the common inspi-
ration of the Spirit that giveth understanding, Laurence Coster,
of Haerlem, the very year after (A.D. 1440) produced impressions
from wooden blocks, each block, both at Mentz and Haerlem, contain-
ing a paragraph, or a page. Guttenberg, associating Fust, a gold-
smith, with himself, for the sake of obtaining more capital for prose-
cuting the novel and expensive undertaking, laboured with great
diligence and enthusiasm in the work ; and by their united effort,
they succeeded in making movable metal type. The several stages
of the invention, the prior or exclusive claims of the inventors, and
the earliest productions of their presses, are covered in the obscurity
incident to infant arts, and still exercise the diligence of bibliogra-
phists. The details are almost concealed ; but one fact is certain, that
during five or six years the art of printing rose into a state of perfec-
tion that has never been excelled ; and that its inventors and others
who became printers in the fifteenth century brought a force of enter-
prise, self-denial, and learning to their work, that ranked them at
once among the benefactors of mankind. They were a newly-created
body of labourers for the amelioration of the condition of the world,
who owed their origin to the gracious providence of God. One of the
first great works was a Latin Bible in six hundred and thirty-seven
leaves, printed at Mentz by Guttenberg and Fust (A.D. 1450 to 1455).
One edition after another of the holy Scriptures rapidly followed in
* Limborch, Histoty of the Inquisition, vol. i., chap. 13 — 31 ; but especially Llorente,
Hiotoria Critica de la Inquisicion de Espana, capitulos 5 — 7.
G 2
44 CHAPTER I.
Latin, and one or two vernacular versions ; and the magnificent Polyglot
Bible of Aleala, while it gratified the vanity of the Cardinal Inquisitor
Ximenez, was reluctantly suffered by the Pope to see the light, and
gave the hint for more useful editions and more enlightened studies.
The history of early editions is itself a science. In a few years every
man who could print found abundant encouragement ; Germans and
Frenchmen were welcomed at the chief cities of Europe ; and ere long
even at Oxford, at that time overcast with shameful ignorance, a printer
was at work (A.D. 14C8) on St. Jerome's exposition of the Apostles'
Creed. Caxton soon followed ; and as books were then in use almost
exclusively among the Clergy and the rich, and printed books were as
yet costly, he was allowed to set up his press in a chapel of West-
minster Abbey, perhaps in the scriptorium, or place where manuscripts
were written, when a more bookish Abbot pleased to permit. Indeed
it was the aim of all the early printers to imitate their best-written
manuscripts.* As nothing unusual was done without the sanction of
the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, those authorities soon gave con-
currence, or pronounced disapprobation. Thus the University of Cologne,
through their Rector, "admitted and approved" a book printed by
Henry Quentel, then a young printer in that city (A.D. 14/9). And
the same year the same University sanctioned the " famous work of the
Old and New Testament," f printed by Conrad of Homborch. To
approve presupposed right to disapprove and to condemn : such a pre-
rogative had certainly been assumed more than two centuries before,
over booksellers in Paris ; J it was soon exercised over printers ; and
we find (A.D. 1480) four Clerics assuming the character of Censors,
and prefixing their individual sanction to a book printed at Heidel-
berg^ In England the Parliament gave permission (A.D. 1483) for
printers and booksellers to come into England and exercise their
trade ; || while the Archbishop of Mentz assumed control in the city
most distinguished by the invention, and appointed a person to the
new office of Censor (A.D. I486). ^[ The Roman Pontiff, who sel-
dom hazards his credit by beginning even an evil work, crowned the
gradual encroachment of the Clergy by a Bull, (A.D. 1501,) forbidding
any book to be printed without licence of the Archbishops of Cologne,
Mentz, Triers, and Magdeburg, or their Vicars-General. This was
afterwards (A.D. 1515) confirmed and extended by the fifth Council
of Lateran,** and we shall find that it was enforced with the utmost
rigour.
* Ames, Typographical Antiquities, edited by Dibdin ; Preliminary Disquisition, and
Life of Caxton.
" insigne Veteris Novique Testament! opus."
Hallatn, Middle Ages, chap, ix., part 2, — Revival of Ancient Learning, note.
§ Beckmann, History of Inventions, — book Censors.
|| Anno Primo Ric. III., c. 9. Afterwards repealed in 25th Hen. VTII,
If Beckmann, ut supra.
** The Council of Lateran merely heard and gave their placet to a document of the
learned and refined Leo X., the patron of scholars, artists, poets, and wits. After
acknowledging the benefits, and even the divine origin, of the art of printing, " either
invented or improved " in those times, he makes the Council say, that "because tlio
complaint of many has reached their hearing, and that of the Apostolic See, that some
masters of the art of printing have presumed, in various parts of the world, to print and
sell publicly Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Chaldee books, translated into Latin, and even
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 45
Printing, as a mechanical invention, might have been of little use,
but for its ready appropriation to the purposes of reviving literature.
The importance of the revival of learning to the reformation of the
Church and the renovation of Christianity, cannot be too highly appre-
ciated : although space for an adequate notice of it cannot be afforded
in these pages. Enough, however, may be said to enable the reader
to discover the hand of God. Ever since the twelfth century there
had been a slow, feeble, and often interrupted progress of learning.
Paper had been carried from China to Tartary, perhaps thence to
Arabia, and undoubtedly, by means of the Saracens, to Spain. The
manufacture of that invaluable material could not have lingered long
after its use. So early as the eighth century it was made at Samar-
caud ; and manuscripts of the eleventh are said to be now preserved
in the Escurial.* The labour of scribes was facilitated, and their
work cheapened. A commercial motive gave impulse to the literary
manufacture. The number of readers increased, and the increase
of study was a consequence. A few translations of Latin works
slightly enlarged the circle of knowledge, and interested others besides
the Clergy in the pursuit, and even in the propagation, of knowledge.
Collegiate libraries, and the collections of wealthy persons, became
somewhat numerous ; although yet so small that we smile as we
peruse their catalogues. Here and there, in a great city, a bookseller
might be found. The multiplication of writings hitherto unheard
of excited curiosity, and translations were called for. The new labour
of translation required grammatical knowledge, and with the acquisi-
tion grew a taste for the science. The grammarian acquired fame : his
language, at least when written, excelled the common style, awakened
admiration, was imitated, raised the standard of his vernacular ; and
in Italy, especially, an enthusiastic collection of ancient Roman classics
was accompanied by an almost idolatrous admiration of the language
which had never died, and followed by successful efforts to elevate the
daughter Italian by an infusion of the graces and the treasures of the
parent Latin.
In Greece, as in Italy, the language of their fathers had been
retained in liturgies, and its familiar use cherished in the court
and higher circles of Constantinople. The veiled matrons, who
shunned intercourse with any beyond their dwellings, scarcely
understood the barbarian corruptions of speech employed by their
husbands, who conversed out of doors with strangers from Asia and
the North ; and thus, unconsciously to themselves, they preserved the
venerable language of the New Testament, of Justin Martyr, Cyril,
into vulgar languages ; and that those books contain errors in faith, and doctrines con-
trary and hurtful to the Christian religion, and even against the reputation of persons in
high dignity, (dignitate fulgentium,) and injurious also to good morals ; the Council,
echoing the Pope, therefore determines, that no book or writing shall he printed without
a written licence under the hand of the Vicar-Apostolic, or Master of the Palace, if in
' the city,' (Rome,) or of the Bishop, if in any other diocese throughout the world." The
penalty of disobedience was one hundred ducats to the fabric of St. Peter ; the printer
not. to print anything for one year after the offence ; the books printed to be burnt ; the
printer excommunicated, and burnt, also, if contumacious, ( — per otnnia juris remcdia
castiffelur,) for a warning to others. (Binii, torn, iv., Cone. Lateranense, sess. x.)
* Hallam, Middle Ages, chap, is., part 2,— " Invention of linen paper."
46 CHAPTER I.
Chrysostom, and other luminaries of a purer age. Then, in order to
infuse this Christian element into the mass of Italian society, where
conceptions of Christianity were rapidly exchanged for those of Pagan-
ism, and at the same time to overthrow in judgment one great section
of apostate Christendom, it pleased God to deliver Constantinople to
the Turks. Already a few Greeks had taught in Italy ; a taste for
Greek had been excited; and just then a multitude of refugees,
proud of the majestic language of old Byzantium, came to satisfy
the aspiration of enthusiastic students in Tuscany, Naples, and
Rome, after the faculty of reading, and even speaking, Greek. At
first it seemed as if even the paganizing tendencies of literature would
be paramount. Lorenzo de' Medici, " the Magnificent," of Florence,
gathered around him in his princely villa at Fiesole, artists, poets,
grammarians, and philosophers, who devoted all their energies to the
prosecution of one great object, — intellectual elevation, adorned with
every possible elegance of number, form, and high conception. The
Roman pantheon began to be re-occupied by its former tenants. The
Apollo was more admired than the Christ ; amongst the devotees
of Peter the votaries of Plato mingled ; and the image of the philoso-
pher was honoured with burning lamps like the image of the Apostle.
Architecture, which is at once the work and the expression of its
age, became pagan : so did spectacles. Instead of the old legendary
mysteries, or religious processions and plays, mythological processions
and pagan recitations delighted the populace, the Princes, and the
Priests of Italy. Popes Nicholas V. and Leo X., for example, patron-
ized this fascinating pursuit after the reviving arts and languages
of old Rome and Greece. The mania reached its highest point in the
erection of St. Peter's church after a pagan type, and ended in bury-
ing for ever, as we shall soon see, the boasted catholicity of Popery under
the dome of that lofty structure. But the King of nations overruled
this intellectual revolution to the production of a great spiritual
change ; and amidst the relaxation of dogmatical severity, a few
Italians arose who first began to reduce the speculations of Plato, the
" atticizing Moses," (Mo>u'<r»jj 'ATTJXJ^COV,) and the abstractions of
Aristotle, to trial, by the standard of revelation. They carried their
zeal into the pulpits, and gained the attention of the people, while
the word of God, without comment, and the writings of many of the
Fathers, poured from the press, and gave a new turn to the thoughts
of myriads. Even then it became evident to the more discerning,
that the human mind was undergoing preparation for a better state,
was passing into a new life.
A few sentences of Erasmus, proving that this was his expectation,
may be taken as prefatory to the events of our next chapter. In a
letter to his friend, Wolfgang Fabricius Capito, (A.D. 1516,) he says,
that although he is fifty-one years of age, and therefore cannot expect
or desire to live much longer, he would almost like to be young
again, for no other reason than because a sort of golden age seems to be
drawing near. The minds of Princes, he affirms, are divinely changed.
Those whose power and courage are equal to any deeds of war,
strangely study arts of peace, and patronize learning. Even the
GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES. 47
Pope, the Emperor, the Kings of France, England, and Spain, the
Cardinal Ximenez, (although a relentless Inquisitor,) and many
Bishops, are united in the patronage of learning : while a host of
scholars emulate each other. Where letters were almost lost, as in
Scotland, Ireland, and Denmark, they revive. Germany, France, and
England begin to emulate Italy. Medicine, jurisprudence, and mathe-
matics have now followers. He mourns, indeed, over the ignorance
and bigotry of so many of the Clergy, who think that learning is
wicked, or, through indolence, pretend to think so ; and he some-
times fears lest the learned should renounce Christianity altogether.
Yet, taking all things as they are, they promise him a happy event.*
The happy event came, sui'passing the hope, and even the desire, of
Erasmus.
Together with the increased activity and better education of the
European mind, the age before us was distinguished from all others
by an enlargement of the field of human action, and eventually, of
evangelical benevolence. Flavio Gioia, a citizen of Amalfi, in Naples,
of whose station in society history is silent, had discovered the use
of the magnet in navigation (A.D. 1302) ; but the timorous sailors
of the Mediterranean ventured not, for at least half a century, to
explore any unknown sea, or voluntarily quit sight of land, except
when certain of the neighbouring shore whither their course would
lead them. The Canary Isles were added to the known world, pro-
bably by the drifting of some vessel under stress of weather ; and
Clement VI., acting as God's vicegerent, erected them into a kingdom
(A.D. 1344), and bestowed them on a Spaniard. On the north-western
coast of Africa, a bold headland, called Cape Non, in latitude 28° 41',
was the last point of land to which the European sailor would ven-
ture, until the Portuguese added a short line of coast, extending to
Cape Bojador (A.D. 1412). This trifling prolongation of the accus-
tomed voyages led to new adventure, which was rewarded by the dis-
covery (A.D. 1420) and colonization of Madeira. Beyond Cape
Bojador the enterprising mariners astonished Portugal by venturing
southward to Cape Verd, and braving a region which the ancients had
pronounced to be uninhabitable, because of excessive heat. The super-
stitious clamoured against those undertakings as a warring against
nature ; but Eugene IV. conferred on Prince Henry of Portugal au-
thority to persevere, and made him a donation of all the lands he
might discover. Maritime discovery, and the multiplication of books
by printing, then wrought a combined influence on the sedentary and
the active ; and while the Inquisition was about to be reorganized, the
Divine Head of the church was preparing a new world of refuge for
his persecuted children. That portion of the map was rapidly com-
pleted by inserting all the African-islands ; the compass being at last
trusted in voyages of discovery. After the death of Prince Henry,
enterprise languished, until, under the authority of a new Sovereign,
* " Omnia mihi pollicentur reru felicissime successuram." Erasmi Epist. apud Ger-
desium, Evang. Renovat., torn. i.,p. (20) ; Gerdes, in the work now cited, torn, i., sec.
J5 — 11 ; Hallam, chap, ix., part 2 ; Gibbon, Decline, &c., chap. Ixvi. ; Mo.sheim, cent,
xv., part ii., chap. 1 ; Roscoe, Life of Leo X., chaps, ii., xii., xv.
48 CHAPTER I.
John II., Portuguese sailors dared beyond the equinoctial, and saw
the constellations of the southern hemisphere (A.D. 1484). The iti-
neraries of missionary and commercial travellers, who had gone over-
laud to India, and visited the shores of the Red Sea, were then com-
pared with conjectures of ancient geographers, and with the constantly
enlarging space of observation. Merchants longed for a passage to
India around the southern extremity of Africa, if such were to be
found; and when a Commander, Diaz, (A.D. I486,) returned with the
intelligence of a " Stormy Cape," beyond which navigation was im-
practicable, John II. named it rather " the Cape of Good Hope."
Yet he faltered between the purposes of royal ambition and the
jealous hostility of Venice, then mistress of oriental commerce, scarcely
hazarding war for the sake of further discoveries which that Republic
was anxious to prevent. Colon, or Columbus, as he is usually called,
drew general attention, in that period of indecision, by proposals to
leave the region contested by Venice, and seek for India by sailing
westward, until, as the spherical figure of the earth led him to expect,
he should reach that continent. After almost unparalleled discourage-
ment and perseverance, although Ferdinand of Spain and other
Sovereigns had refused him any help, he again applied to Isabella,
immediately after the conquest of Granada, and found her so elated
with victory, as to be willing to give him three small and scarcely sea-
worthy vessels. With these he left Palos, a small seaport of Andalu-
cia, on Friday, August 3d, 1492, after having gone to mass with his
officers and crews in solemn procession. At sunrise they hoisted sail,
and, followed by the cheers, the blessings, and the prayers of the
people, steered for the Canaries, and thence westward, whither no
voyager had ever gone before. For thirty-six days he pursued his
undeviating course, watching every floating weed or stick, marking
the changes of the tropic sky, and the flight of birds ; and at length,
surrounded by faint-hearted and desperate Spaniards who medi-
tated mutiny, and had even determined to throw him overboard, that
they might endeavour to sail back again, he implored them to
persevere for three days more, confident that by that time they would
see the shore whence came straggling land-birds and floated leaves.
On the evening of October 1 2th, he commanded the sails to be furled,
lest they should run on shore in the night, and prayers to be offered
up for success. Strict watch was kept. As the trade-wind wafted
them gently forward, he thought he could see a distant light, but
named it not, lest it should be only a meteor. But about two hours
after midnight, from the Pinta, one of the vessels which always kept
ahead, a shout was heard, Tierra ! tierra ! tierra ! " Land ! land !
land !" It was the New World. Soon as the day dawned, an island
was seen over the bows. They hoisted sail, the three crews raised
their voices in a rude Te Deum, and, as the sun arose, they were land-
ing with hoisted flags and martial music. In honour of the Saviour,
he called the land San Salvador ; and with religious and military cere-
monial took possession of it for the crown of Castilla and Leon.*
The Pope afterwards yave the Western Hemisphere to Spain, reserving
* Robertson, History of America, books i., ii.
PEDRO DE OSMA JOHN OP WESSALIA WESSELTJS. 49
the new lands in the Eastern to Portugal. The honours lavished on
Columbus, and the desertion and ingratitude that followed, give a
mournfully instructive finish to his history ; but our only business is
to mark one of the great events of the fifteenth century, as insepa-
rably connected with all that follows. The modern Inquisition, print-
ing, geographical discoveries, the conquest of the Spanish Moors, the
expulsion of the Jews from Spain, and the African slave-trade, begun
soon after the discovery of Guinea,* — which, however, we cannot stay
to narrate, — constitute a secular boundary, so to speak, separating all
that shall follow from all that has preceded.
Here, as on some Alpine height, where the traveller gains his first
prospect of a new country, we take our stand, 'and, for a moment,
observe a few of the more eminent personages whom God honoured to
be pioneers in that warfare wherein so many fell, victims of persecu-
tion, and martyrs of Christ.
" Some new opinions on the matter of religion were current in
Castilla," says Mariana, the historian of Spain. In the University
of Salamanca a Professor of Theology taught the " new opinions ;"
and, after they had made considerable progress, published a book to
promote them more effectually. They were not the Judaism then so
zealously persecuted by the Inquisitors, but the very truths that now
distinguish Protestantism. He boldly maintained that mortal sin
could only be effaced on condition of repentance, the keys of the
Church being powerless ; that auricular confession was not divinely
instituted ; and that evil thoughts must be put away with abhorrence,
rather than related to a Priest. Retribution, he said, should be pre-
ferred to penance, which is not ordained in Scripture ; the Pope has
no power to remit the pains of purgatory, nor to overrule the Church
by granting dispensations ; and the Church may err in its decisions.
The Archbishop of Toledo, by command of the Pope, convened an
assembly of " many learned persons" at Alcala, who spent many days
before they could agree to counsel the condemnation of his writings.
Carillo, the Archbishop, alone condemned them ; and Pope Xystus IV.
prudently concealed the alleged errors from the knowledge of his Church
in general, by declaring in his Bull of condemnation, that they were too
numerous to be mentioned (A.D. 1479). The book was burnt, but
they did not burn^the author, who is said to have retracted. f
While Pedro de Osma was teaching thus from his chair at Sala-
manca, an aged German Professor of Theology at Worms, John of
Wessalia, instructed his students in the very doctrines held by the
Waldenses, and was put to silence in a similar manner by the Arch-
bishop of Mentz and the Inquisitors, who are acknowledged, by
Romish historians, to have treated him with unjustifiable violence. £
And, the same year, a shepherd (or neatherd) was burnt alive
in Franconia by the Bishop of Wurtzburg, for holding similar opi-
nions^ More eminent than his contemporaries at Salamanca and at
* Continuation de 1'Histoire Ecclesiastique de M. 1'Abbe Fleuiy, cxxv., 14.
+ Favre, Histoire Ecclesiastique, cxv., 2, 3 ; Mariana, Historia de Espafia, libiv
xxiv., cap. 19.
t Favre, cxv., 4 ; Foxe, Acts and Monuments, book vi., an. 1479.
§ Ibid.
VOL. III. H
50 CHAPTER I.
Worms, was Wesselus, also Professor of Theology in the University
of Groningen.* At the Council of Basil, and during extensive travels,
he had won the admiration of the learned and the patronage of the
Pope, from whom, however, he would accept no larger gift than a
Hebrew Bible from the library of the Vatican. His learning and
eloquence procured him the appellation of Lux Mundi, " Light of the
World ;" and although he heard of the persecution suffered by John
of Wessalia, he continued to teach doctrines at Groningen that were
equally consistent with the Gospel, and opposed to Popery ; but with
the influence of superior learning and, apparently, more decided
piety. When a young student, attracted by his fame, had travelled a
great distance to solicit his advice, and received it, he addressed him
with great earnestness, in such words as these : " Young man ! thou
wilt live to see the day when the doctrine of Thomas, Bonaventura,
and other modern and contentious theologians of the same sort, will
be rejected by all true Christian divines." After exhorting him to
prefer the old writers to the new, and especially to the schoolmen, he
proceeded to say, that in a short time " those cowled, black and white
irrefragable Doctors would be brought down to their right place."
Then, aiming at the conscience of the youth, he added, "Whoever
reads the holy Scriptures, and does not daily grow viler and viler in
his own esteem, who does not abhor and humble himself more and
more, not only reads them in vain, but to his peril." The youth
returned home, and lived to see the prediction fulfilled, and to pro-
fit by the good advice. Wesselus, wonderfully protected from perse-
cution, died in the Lord (A.D. 1490). After suffering such conflicts
as often prove the faith of dying saints, he exclaimed, in the hearing
of friends who surrounded his bed, " I thank my God that I am
permitted to overcome these temptations. I know nothing but Christ
and him crucified." With these words on his lips he expired, and
death scarcely disturbed the smile that had lit up the countenance
of the triumphant saint. f Luther afterwards wrote a preface to some
part of his works, which are honoured with a first-class place in the
Expurgatory Index of the Church of Bome.J Many traces of his
teaching yet remain in the history of Groningen ; and it can scarcely
be doubted, that to the seeds of evangelical truth sown in those two
universities of Germany is chiefly to be attributed the harvest gathered
in that country at the Lutheran Reformation.
There was also a precursor of that great event in Italy. In the
choir of the Dominican convent of Brescia, during the celebration of
worship, some words of a Psalm chanted were applied with great
power to the mind of a young Monk. Girolamo Savonarola then took
for his perpetual prayer a petition of the Psalmist : " Thou art good, and
doest good : teach me thy statutes." Believing that the Holy Spirit
of God would enlighten the mind of every sincere and faithful inquirer,
* Often confounded with John of Wessalia.
t Gerdesii Hist. Evang. Renov., torn, i., p. 43.
t " Wesselns Gansfortius, sen Basilius Groningensis, Rhetor, Poeta, Philos., Medic.,
Th. Lutb., i. cl.," is the note of the Index Expurgatorius, which calls him a Lutheran
theologian. A Lutheran, be it ehserved, when Luther was unborn !
GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA. 51
and already oppressed with grief because of the prevailing wickedness
of Italy and corruption of the Church, he sought for consolation in
the Bible. Already versed in the rival systems of Plato and Aristotle,
and instructed beyond most of his contemporaries in the original lan-
guages of the sacred text, he brought to the investigation philosophy,
literature, fervent piety, pure love of country, and an imagination,
that, even in Italy, could scarcely be equalled. While occupied in
biblical study he was removed to Florence, where he acquired unpre-
cedented eminence as a Preacher, rose to be Superior of his con-
vent, obtained Papal sanction for an enterprise of monastic reform,
and was reputed by the Florentines to be a Prophet. He exerted so
great an influence over that city, that Lorenzo de' Medici, although in
the height of his glory, regarded him with fear and jealousy, as well
as reverence ; the Magistrates did nothing without his approbation ;
and when a French invasion threatened Italy, he was sent as Ambas-
sador, to dissuade Charles VIII. from attacking Florence. The hostile
King felt that the hooded Ambassador was armed with a superhuman
power, and showed him greater deference than he had rendered to any
other person. Savonarola taught that the Bible was the only source
of true doctrine. He inveighed against the sins of Pope, Cardinals,
Clergy, Monks, Princes, and people. While he foretold the falling
of the " scourge of God " on Italy, thousands of hearers trembled ;
and even those who came to write down his sermons dropped their
pens, unable to proceed for weeping. All the people said that he was
a Prophet. He disclaimed the title ; but confidently declared that, by
the help of the Holy Spirit, he had attained to a clearer understanding
of the inspired prophecies ; and taught that any other true Christian
might attain to an equal power of discernment by faith and prayer.
Often, after predicting the judgments of God on sinners, he would
foretell a happy age to follow, and exclaim, with rapture : " Italy
shall be renewed !" Incapable of dissimulation, he braved visible
danger, rather than keep back the counsel of God ; and the court of
Rome managed, by a succession of intrigues, to surround him with
jealous "tyrants" and exasperated factious. His destroyers challenged
him to a fiery ordeal, and prepared huge piles of wood, with bags
of gunpowder, within which his antagonists, of course, refused to
enter, and so did he. He was then accused of imposture, dragged
from his monastery, and, with two brethren, imprisoned, tortured, and
tortured again ; but the Inquisitors could only extort prayers from his
lips. From the prison he was led to the scaifold, and there degraded
from the priesthood. " I separate thee," said the savage Bishop,
"from the Church militant and triumphant." "Nay," replied Savo-
narola, " from the Church militant, if you please, but not from the
triumphant" The Prelate looked abashed ; but the executioners
relieved his embarrassment by seizing on the victim. The martyr
and his fellows were hung, and then burnt. Their ashes were thrown
into the Arno, as those of Wycliffe had been thrown into the Swift ;
but the Florentines long kept the anniversary of his death ; and at
this day his name" is cherished in Italy as if it were sacred. His
words, too, have passed into a proverb ; and the oppressed Tuscan
ii 2
52 CHAPTER II.
repeats confidently his reiterated prediction, Italia rcnovabitur, " Italy
shall be renewed." When Savonarola was martyred, (A.D. 1498,) the
schoolboy, Martin Luther, was singing for bread in the streets of Eise-
nach ; and the youth of Germany, Italy, and Spain went on learning
the sentences of Wesselus, Pedro de Osma, and the reputed Prophet
of Ferrara,* whose name was heard all over Europe, and whose
writings were even translated into Arabic, and read at Constantinople.
CHAPTER II.
Martin Luther — Spread of evangelical Doctrine, and Conflict of the Reformers with tfa
Church of Rome — Confession of Augsburg.
IGNORANCE, cupidity, and profligacy characterized the Clergy in
all parts of the world ; but especially at Rome and on the Papal
throne. Princes demanded, and people clamoured for, reform. The
Clergy sometimes acknowledged that a reformation ought to be
attempted, and confessed that, through the opposition of a Papist fac-
tion, headed by the Popes, the efforts of Councils to repair a ruinous
fabric of discipline had hitherto been frustrated. Alexander VI.,
during whose pontificate Savonarola and his companions were mar-
tyred at Florence, was a monster of obscenity. His sayings and
doings are too grossly bad to be related ; and to disown the man
while yet they owned the Pontiff, was the constrained, yet worthless,
tribute to decency rendered by his surviving brethren. The con-
clave, shut up for the election of a successor, professed to bind them-
selves by oath, — but oaths cannot bind a conclave, — that whosoever
of them might be elected Pope, he should convene a General Council
within two years, for the reformation of the Church. The new Pope
died almost as soon as crowned. The next in succession, Julius II.,
was "rather a servant of Mars than of Christ ; and publicly boasted
that he had made treaties with barbarian Germans, French, and
Spaniards, merely for the sake of cheating them, so that, with great
reason, the entire Church of France, represented in Convocation at
Tours, (A.D. 1510,) said, that the plenitude of Papal power should
be called fulness of tempest, and a diabolic word. The Emperor
Maximilian, too, openly called Julius a drunken wretch." 'f It was
therefore no longer expected that the Church, with such a headship,
would reform herself.
Meanwhile, the Head of the true church undertook the work.
Martin Luther, son of a proprietor of two smelting-furnaces, and
Magistrate in the town of Mansfeld in Saxony, yet of narrow income,
after having studied with exemplary diligence in the schools of Mag-
deburg, Eisenach, and Erfurt, and graduated as Master of Arts, was
* He waa usually called Fra Girolama di Ferrara. This notice of him is the recol-
lection of a careful reading of several of his works, aud those of his biographers, in
Italian, French, and German.
t Gerdesii Uistoria livangelii Renovati, torn, i., p. 28.
Jlhrttn
MARTIN LUTHER. 53
devoting himself to the study of law. This young man, then about
twenty years of age, was awakened to a conviction of sin by grief for
the violent death of a friend, and by terror in a thunder-storm. .Reli-
gion, it was fancied, could not be enjoyed in the world, and therefore
the penitent dedicated himself to God, after the fashion of those times,
by hiding himself in a monastery, contrary to the wishes of his father ;
but so much the more acceptably to the Auguatinians, who, like all
other Monks, deemed such acts of filial disobedience honourable to
themselves. Although Luther loved and reverenced his parents, he
thought that by rending every tie of natural affection, he should offer
a yet more worthy sacrifice to God. This volume might be filled with
even a compendiated history of the eventful career on which he now
entered (Nov. 10th, 1505) ; but by a hurried sketch the reader would
be defrauded of details that are essential to the history of such a
man. We will, therefore, only note the succession of a few princi-
pal events, and proceed at once to describe the persecution that ensued
on the reformation that soon began, by means of Luther and others.
We have seen that the way was already open, that the precursors
of reformation had multiplied, and that a desire and expectation
of some great change was already general. Luther advanced rapidly.
Ordained Priest in 1507, he discharged the duties of the priesthood
with great seriousness and humility, and soon rose to the chair
of divinity at Wittemberg (A.D. 1508). As the apparent casualty
of a thunder-storm drove him to the cowl, so another accident, so
trifling that it might scarcely have been marked at the moment of its
occurrence, imparted a new character to his theology. According to
custom, as it would seem, he had left all his books at home, except a
Plautus * and a Virgil, and betook himself, for means of study, to the
library of the monastery. Among other books he found a Bible in
manuscript,-|' bound in red leather, and, glancing over the pages, dis-
covered many passages that are not in the Breviary and Missal. It
became his favourite book. He studied it with the commentary of
Lyra, yet gave incomparably greater heed to the sacred text than to
that imperfect interpretation ; and often spent whole days in ponder-
ing single passages. The new study was hallowed by fervent prayer,
as all study ought to be : God was his own interpreter, and soon
made the great doctrines of the Gospel plain. Every conversation,
every incident, multiplied the doubts of Luther as to his Church, and
increased his confidence towards God. In that state of mind he was,
when appointed to teach theology in the newly-founded University
of Wittemberg ; and as an unusual knowledge of holy Scripture was
very apparent in his sermons, and generally appreciated, he was
appointed to lecture on the Bible. $ That he might know Rome, it
pleased God to direct that he should go thither. Some monasteries
of his order had differed with their General, and as the interference
of the Pope was thought necessary to finish the quarrel, they deputed
* Savonarola, who, like Luther, became a Monk contrary to his father's wishes, left
his library at home, except a Plautus.
t " Codicem sacrnnr corio rahro tectum." Seckendorff, pars i., p- 21.
\ « a<i Biblia." Ibid., p. 19.
54 CHAPTER II.
Luther to represent their case to Julius. He went to the city, saw the
monster Pope, witnessed utter irreligion and most offensive levity and
profaneness in all the Ecclesiastics of every sort, both in public and
in private, and conceived a salutary abhorrence of that spiritual Baby-
lon (A.D. 1510 or 1512). Filled with disgust, Luther turned his
back on Rome, and was meditating on the image of Antichrist that he
had seen so unexpectedly, when Julius died, and Giovanni de' Medici
caught the triple crown. Through the immense influence of his father,
Lorenzo the Magnificent, the person whose patronage Savonarola had
nobly refused at Florence, Giovanni was made Abbot and Archbishop
at seven years of age, and Cardinal at thirteen. Cradled in regal
wealth, brought up amidst the excessive refinements of his father's
court, as it might, in truth, be called, and depending for happiness on
the gratification of most expensive tastes and the indulgence of a pas-
sion for display that the ordinary revenue of the pontificate could not
satisfy, he soon foresaw embarrassment. Lorenzo Pucci, one of his
own Cardinals, suggested, that he should have recourse to a sale
of indulgences,* an old expedient ; and that as Julius had begun the
erection of St. Peter's, the expense of that building might be assigned
as the object to which the money would be appropriated. Leo took
the hint, and appointed salesmen ajl over Europe.
Albert, Archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg, appointed to trans-
act the business in Germany, thought proper to employ a Dominican
Inquisitor, named John Tetzel, to travel over the country with the
papers. Tetzel was experienced in the trade, and therefore likely to
make it pay. But Tetzel over-acted his part, by excessive greedi-
ness and effrontery disgusted all but the most ignorant, and soon pro-
voked general opposition, as many Preachers of crusades, Inquisitors
of heretics, and vendors of indulgences had done before. In Germany
Luther stood ready to lead the opposition. f
Resistance awaited the publication of indulgences in Switzerland.
In the monastery of Einsiedlen, a place visited by pilgrims, an en-
lightened Priest began, (A.D. 1516,) just as Leo was preparing
the scheme for replenishing his treasury, to preach to the crowds
of devotees against their folly in coming so far for absolution.
Although called thither in order to add to the popularity of the place,
he declaimed against the very offerings on which he was to have sub-
sisted, and, growing daily in religious knowledge and simplicity, added
to the experience of many years spent in public life, and to the acquire-
ments of a liberal education, the higher excellence of a daily improv-
ing piety. This was Ulric Zuiuglius, undergoing preparation, under
the guidance of the same admirable Providence that had been direct-
ing Luther, to warn the Swiss against the imposture of Samson, a
Milanese Monk, who came across the Alps (A.D. 1518) to sell indul-
gences. Both Samson and Tetzel taught that as soon as the money
was paid down for their papers, the buyers were restored to bap-
tismal innocence, — for people were said to be regenerated in bap-
tism. These two men were equally devoid of shame, and greedy of
* Thnani Historia, lib. i., sec. 8.
t Seckendorff, Historia Lutheranismi, pars i., pp. 11 — 23.
TJLRIC ZUINGLIUS. 55
gold. Each of them collected large sums of money ; but when the
deluded buyers saw much of it wasted in taverns, and much again
applied to private purposes in Rome instead of the erection of St.
Peter's church, they readily heard the doctrine of Luther, Zuinglius,
and many others, who taught that there is no merit in any beside
Jesus Christ.
Wittemberg and Zurich thenceforth became the metropoles, and
Germany and Switzerland the theatres, of a reformed Christianity.
Let the reader turn to any of the ecclesiastical histories, and he will
see how boldly Luther resisted the emissaries from Rome, publishing
theses, disputing against indulgences, gradually casting off submission
to the Pope, and at last burning his Bull of excommunication at Wit-
temberg. The fanaticism of the German Anabaptists, the revolt of
the peasants, religious war, and the perplexity of Emperor, Electors,
and Popes, supply the history of the former part of the sixteenth cen-
tury. Out of this voluminous history we must now gather informa-
tion of the methods resorted to by the Church of Rome to suppress
the truth, and we shall hear the testimony of a noble army of martyrs
who maintained it unto death.
Leo X. received intelligence of the proceedings of Luther. He was
told that the Doctor had preached against the whole scheme of raising
cash by indulgences for sin, and advised the people of Wittemberg to do
works meet for repentance, rather than purchase exemption with money,
forsaking the cross of Christ ; and to bestow their charities first in
feeding and clothing the poor, rather than in building and adorning
temples. And he had even affirmed, that the promises of indulgence
were false, and the practice neither supported by any precept or
counsel of the word of God, nor of any benefit in this world or the
world to come. But it was represented, at the same time, that
Luther had been actuated by jealousy, because Tetzel, a Domi-
nican, was employed instead of an Augustinian, as on some former
occasions. The suspicion was strengthened by the fact, that Staupitz,
his Vicar-General, supported him. The affair was become formidable,
for he had affixed ninety-five propositions, or theses, to the church-
doors, inviting disputation, and appealing to the holy Scriptures,
Fathers, Canons, and decrees of the Church for decision ; but rejecting
all opinions of Schoolmen and Canonists. Close on the reports of
Tetzel, the Legate- and others, came letters from Luther himself, to
show that his proceedings were consistent with his liberty of discus-
sion as a Doctor, and by no means contrary to his obedience to the
Pppe. As for Leo, he both thought and said that it was a mere
monastic quarrel between the two sects of Dominic and Augustine,
and that Luther was a clever man, leaving the contending parties to
fight Aeir battle without his interference. But many weeks had not
elapsed when it became evident that the dispute had awakened a spirit
of inquiry that might issue unfavourably to the interests of Roman-
ism. First, Eck, Silvestro Prierio, and Hochstraten, clamoured ; and
the Emperor himself was appealed to. The University of Wittemberg,
on the other handy and Frederic, Elector of Saxony, were on the side
of Luther, and popular sympathy was with him. He went deeper and
56 • CHAPTER II.
deeper into the controversy, disputing against the authority of the
Popes, independently of Councils, either to propound articles of faith,
or to exercise discipline. If the spirit of Christ, said he, be in Chris-
tians, they cannot receive any higher grace : if they trust in his
merits, it 'is not necessary for them to purchase anything additional.
In reply, Prierio, the Censor, was intemperate ; and Hochstraten, the
Inquisitor, declared, that the only argument the heretic deserved was,
fire and sword. Luther, again, grew indignant, recalled the notorious
wickedness of many Popes, compared it with the extravagancies of
their advocates ; and, after reading some foolish demands of Prierio
for submission to such men as Alexander VI., and Julius II., held up
the image of Roman iniquity to public view, and asked, " If such a
Pope as this be not Antichrist, what is Antichrist?" The Emperor
wrote to Rome from Augsburg, (August 5th, 1518,) where he held a
Diet, begging Leo to interpose his spiritual authority, and offering to
do whatever the Holy Father might require, in order to pacify Ger-
many. Before that letter could reach Rome, Leo had cited Luther * to
appear there within sixty days, before Hieronymus de Genutiis, Bishop
of Ascoli, Auditor of the Apostolic Chamber, and Silvestro Prierio,
Master of the Sacred Palace : Prierio, be it noted, had already declared
his theses to be heretical. The Pope also wrote to the Elector, ex-
horting him to deliver that child of iniquity, and breaker of his vows
of humility and obedience, to Caietanus, the Apostolic Legate, who
should then commit him to the power and judgment of the Holy See.
And he commanded Frederic, under "holy obedience," by so doing to
clear himself from the suspicion of encouraging Luther in defying
authority. But the citation was not obeyed. The University sent a
letter of remonstrance to the Pope, praying that Luther, jKdele et
gratum membrum Academicum, "a faithful and esteemed member
of their Academy," might not be exposed to the fatigue and peril of a
journey to Rome. The Elector refused to give him a passport ; and
the Emperor, although he had already volunteered his sword for the
extirpation of heresy, was moved by the representations and influence
of Frederic, to think better of Luther, and refrain from taking part
against him. Already, before leaving the Diet of Augsburg, whence he
had forwarded an appeal for Papal interposition to end the controversy,
he had read the ninety-five theses, and conceived a favourable opinion
of the writer. "What is your Monk doing?" said he to Pfeffinger,
Frederic's Counsellor : " certainly his theses are not to be despised : he
will lead those Priests a dance !" (Er wird ein Spiel mii den P faff en
anfanyen.) Mortified at finding that demands for holy obedience and
threats of excommunication and interdict had fallen on Saxony with-
out effect, Leo thought it prudent to conceal his displeasure, accept
the commendations of the University, as communicated to Mmself
and Miltitz, -his Nuncio, and consent that the case should be
examined in Germany. In obedience to his patron, Luther went to
Augsburg with a safe-conduct from the Emperor, and appeared before
the Cardinal Caietano, now come as a special Legate, and intrusted
* This letter was presented to Luther on the 7th or 8th of the same month. Secken-
dorff, pars i., p. 41.
LUTHER'S BOOKS CONDEMNED. 57
with a commission to conciliate him by good words and splendid
promises.
The interview was fruitless. Luther had not been actuated by
jealousy or ambition, and therefore could not be induced to sur-
render the cause of truth by hope of honours and preferment. He
appealed "from the Pope ill informed, to the Pope better informed,"
and withdrew from Augsburg. But after his return to Wittemberg,
certain that he would be condemned at Rome, as the Legate himself
had written to tell the Duke, (Frederic of Saxony,) and considering
that the Pope was prejudiced against him, he made a new protest,
drawn up in due form, declaring himself ready to submit to the judg-
ment of the Pope when well informed ; but because, although Pope,
he might err, as Peter had erred and been reproved by Paul, he
appealed to a General Council, as superior to the Pope, from what-
ever the Pope might determine against him.* Leo and his ad-
visers, thinking to awe him into submission, issued a Bull declaring,
that the indulgences he had issued as successor of St. Peter and
Vicar of Christ were valid ; that he had a right to grant such indul-
gences for the living and the dead ; and that this was the doctrine
and judgment of the Roman Church, mother and mistress of all
Christians, which all who desired to live in her communion ought to
receive. f The Bull might have produced a slight impression in Ger-
many, had not the death of Maximilian prevented its circulation ; for
Frederic of Saxony, who administered the affairs of the empire until
the election of Charles V., wisely let it remain without the sanction
necessary for publication. And in vain did Miltitz bring him a
golden rose perfumed with musk, the most flattering gift that a
Pontiff can afford to bestow on an earthly Sovereign ; for Frederic
would not allow the ceremony of presentation. The Bull was cir-
culated, although not legally published : Caietano commanded all the
Bishops of Germany to have it observed, under penalty of all the cen-
sures that the Church could inflict. But its nullity rendered it con-
temptible ; and the people, familiarized with the sight of a quenched
bolt, began to despise the hand that had launched it. For a time the
Pope abstained from further effort ; Luther proceeded with study and
controversy, other truths dawned on him, he preached and disputed
in favour of communion in both kinds ; and as fast as he gained
enlarged views of Christian doctrine, gave them to the public.
" At length," to borrow words from the Jesuit Maimbourg, " Leo,
instructed by his Legates, and by Eck himself, who had gone to Rome
to give him information, that this great evil, in attempting to avert
which, almost three years had been spent in vain, would not yield to
gentle remedies, determined to descend to the last degree of severity
which the Church has always employed in like cases. Therefore, after
mature deliberation, he published the Constitution of the loth of July
of this year, (1520,) in which he condemned propositions extracted
from the books of Luther, in part as manifestly heretical, and in part
* Maimbourg, apud Seckendorfium, lib. i., sec. 21.
t Fra Paolo Sarpi, Hist. Cone, de Trcnte, traduite par P. F. le Couraj-er, torn. 5.,
p. 22.
VOL. III. I
58 CHAPTER II.
as scandalous and rash ; and appointed him sixty days within which
time he should send to Rome his retractation duly certified, or bring it
himself, having obtained letters of safe-conduct, with every security.
If he should neglect this within the term set, he declared him excom-
municate, and forbade all persons, whoever they might be, to protect
him, under penalty of incurring the same censures, and forfeiting all
their offices and dignities." * And " at length," wrote Luther to
Spalatine, secretary to Frederic, " this Roman Bull is brought by Eck.
For my part, I despise it, and break it already, as wicked and
lying, and altogether Eckian At Leipsic and everywhere else,
the Bull and Eck are both utterly despised I send you a copy,
that you may see the Roman monster, which would make an end
of faith and church together, if it had the power I am now
much more at liberty, being made fully certain that the Pope is Anti-
christ, and that I have clearly discovered the seat of Satan." Eck
had been foiled in controversy with Luther, yet he was imprudently
commissioned by Leo to carry the Bull to Germany, with letters hor-
tatory addressed to Frederic and the University of Wittemberg. This
personal enemy of the Reformer found a very cold reception, and no
one could say whether the second Bull would be acknowledged, or
rejected like the first. While it was kept in abeyance, Luther wrote
boldly, refuted every sentence, and treated the Pope as Antichrist ;
and the Papists, although they charged him with excessive vehemence,
and seemed horror-stricken at his irreverence toward the Bishop
of Rome, acknowledged his ability and learning.
Not content with words, he proceeded to execute a deed that must
be marked as the first formal act of defiance, if not of separation from
the Papacy. Having invited the Doctors and students of the Uni-
versity, and the inhabitants of Wittemberg, to accompany him, he
walked to an open place outside the city, and there, amidst the
acclamations of a great multitude, he placed Gratian's old Decretals,
and the Decretals of Gregory, with the Clementines and Extravagantes,
that is to say, the whole body of Canon law, on a pile of wood pre-
pared for the purpose, and pronounced one of his characteristic sen-
tences : " As thou, godless book, hast troubled and consumed the saints
of our Lord, so may eternal fire trouble and consume thee." On these,
with great solemnity, he laid a copy of the Bull. This done, they applied
fire, and the whole was burned, to the delight of Wittemberg and all
Saxony. A similar ceremony was repeated in many other places, with the
concurrence generally, and once in spite of the opposition, of the mil
authorities ; and thus began the visible emancipation of Popedom from
the power of the Pope. It was not a mere act of retaliation by one whose
own writings had been burnt by sacerdotal authority, but, as Luther
explained and proved, a solemn and just renunciation of the entire mass
of Canon law. The doctrine of the Decretals is thus described in his jus-
tification : " The Pope is God on earth, superior to all in heaven and
on earth, spiritual and secular ; and all things belong to the Pope, so
that none can say, ' What doest thou ?'" Thirty sentences cited from
that collection confirmed his censure. " More," said he, " will I
* Apud-Seckendorfmm, lib. i., sec. 29.
LUTHER CONDEMNED. 59
produce, these are but the beginning of a tragedy ; for hitherto I have
only played and jested in this matter of the Pope." A tragedy,
indeed, then began ; and from references he made about that time to
John Huss, Jerome of Prague, and especially to Girolamo Savonarola and
his companions, whose death but twenty-two years before was distinctly
remembered by many, we may infer that he expected to be himself a
sufferer. Young Charles V., importuned by Jerome Aleander, the
bearer of the Papal Bull to his imperial Majesty, sanctioned the burn-
ing of Luther's books at Louvain, Cologne, and Mentz ; but at this
last place the populace attacked the burners, and would have killed
them, had they not fled from the city.
Papal vengeance was now levelled at the person of Luther. Leo
hastened to send another Bull, (Jan. 3d, 152J,) wherein it was set
forth that God had made him dispenser of spiritual and temporal
penalties ; that in respect to his authority, some persons had been
brought to do penance and solicit absolution ; and that in some parts
of Germany Luther's books had been burnt. But, complaining of the
pertinacity of the heretic and his abettors, he smote with anathema
all, of however exalted dignity, who showed him favour, as guilty
of treason, and subject to an eternal curse. Them and their descend-
ants he deprived of honour and of goods. All places wherein the
heresy was preached were laid under interdict ; and all Priests com-
manded to preach intrepidly against heretics within three days, and
publish their excommunication with putting out of candles and cast-
ing of stones. Dire maledictions followed ; but the voice was indis-
tinctly heard in Germany, and in Saxony no one gave the slightest
heed. At Worms, there being sickness in Nuremberg, the usual place
of assemblage, a Diet of the empire was convened after the coronation
of Charles V. There the Pope's Nuncio, Aleander, urged attention
to the religious condition of Germany, and demanded that the Bull
should be enforced. Charles requested him to prove that Luther had
not only offended the Pope and court of Rome, about which the Ger-
mans would concern themselves very little, but that he had sinned
against the chief articles of Christian faith. Aleander readily accepted
the arduous labour, came into full assembly, and, answering to the
desire of the young Emperor, rose to the performance of his work
before the Princes and Delegates of the empire. Exhibiting a parcel
of books, he said that they contained the writings of the arch-heretic.
During three long hours he harangued the assemblage with extreme
earnestness, insisting that the new heresy, equally pernicious to
Church and State, ought to be abolished by all means, or both Church
and State would fall. That sect, in his view, tended to annihilate the
spiritual authority of Popes and Councils, without whose repressive
power and ultimate decisions there would soon be as many heresies as
heads. Luther, he affirmed, denied the liberty of man, and taught
that good and evil came to pass by the necessity of an inexorable
fate ; opening a wide entrance to unreined licentiousness, preparing a
defence for all crimes, and providing every criminal with .a legitimate
excuse. He annulled the virtue of every sacrament by denying sacra-
mental grace, and gave to all, indiscriminately, the power to confer
i 2
60 CHAPTER II.
absolution. Under pretence of Christian liberty, he released all men
from the restraints of law ; and taught that vows most solemnly made
to God were not obligatory. The world, therefore, would be thrown
into utter confusion, without laws, without hierarchy, without obedi-
ence to Priest or King, or even to God himself ; because He, if the
heretic was to be believed, bad commanded things impossible to be
performed. He added, that since all means that had been employed
for four years were ineffectual, nothing remained to deliver the Church
and the Commonwealth from so vast an evil but an imperial edict,
addressed to all orders of men, to be implicitly obeyed, and that
should expose the heresy and its author to universal execration. The
oration was heard with endurance, if not with attention ; and a deli-
beration followed, which, Papal historians say, issued in a resolution
that the Lutheran heresy should be abolished, lest the foundations
of Christianity should be subverted.
But Luther had a friend in the Diet. Frederic of Saxony was his
protector, and would not compel him to appear, but had privately
ascertained, through Spalatinas his Secretary, that, if required to
attend at Worms, and satisfied that his doing so would be consistent
with the will of God, he would obey. The Elector, therefore, objected
to any determination that would endanger the person of Doctor
Martin Luther, who might suffer in consequence of the condemnation
of doctrine considered to be his, and insisted that, first of all, he
should be summoned to answer for himself. Aleander, on the con-
trary, dreaded the consequence of so learned and eloquent a heretic
Being allowed to answer for himself before so ignorant a com-
pany, as he chose to consider the German States ; before laymen, who
knew not how to judge for themselves, as he. said ; and yet, fearing
to lose all by directly daring, any where but in the Holy Office, to pro-
pose that a man should be condemned when quite unheard, suggested
that he should be summoned under the condition of not arguing
before the Princes, but only answering guilty or not guilty, and under
a strict injunction not to preach by the way. It does not appear that
such restrictions were imposed, except by mere verbal injunction that
was not regarded ; and Gaspar Sturm, imperial Herald, bearing a safe-
conduct from Charles V., hastened to Wittemberg to bring the troubler
of Rome, and set him before the Diet, face to face with his accusers.
The letter of safe-conduct was addressed to " the honourable, beloved,
and devout Doctor Martin Luther, of the order of St. Augustine,"
countersigned or witnessed by the Elector of Saxony and the Land-
grave of Hesse, guarded by a stipulation that no regard should be had
in the Diet to that constitution of Constance which declares, " that
faith is not to be kept with heretics,"' and formally delivered by the
Emperor to the Elector, as Luther's immediate Sovereign, for execution
by him. These were the guarantees insisted on by Frederic against a
repetition of the perfidy practised in the preceding century on John
Huss, by Sigismund, in violation of his own safe-conduct ; and the
event justified his caution. The document was dated on the 26th
day of March, and Luther was required to appear at Worms within
twenty-one days from the time of its delivery. Much to the cliscom-
LUTHER S JOURNEY TO WORMS. 61
fort of Aleander, with the five Archbishops, eleven Bishops, and other
Clerics who were present, Sturm was instructed by the Emperor and
Elector to treat Luther with due consideration ; not to allow any dis-
respect to be shown him, either by word or act ; if necessary, to afford
him the protection of a strong military guard ; and to provide every
thing requisite for comfort and propriety during the journey.
Notwithstanding the fears of many, who entreated him not to hazard
his life by going to the Diet, — for no one thought that Frederic would be
able to cope with the intrigues and malice of his persecutors, — he deter-
mined to obey the call. Nothing could have been easier than to shun the
danger. The Nuncio, through fear of being put to confusion by him
before that great assembly, wished him not to have a hearing there ; and
the Elector, mistrustful of the event, had insisted that be should not
be brought against his will ; but he rose above every fear, and resolved
to bear testimony to the Gospel of Christ against the tyranny and false
doctrine of Antichrist, in presence of Sovereigns and States then sub-
jected to his yoke. In a covered cart, the best conveyance that Ger-
many then afforded,* and which the envy of a Jesuit magnifies into a
magnificent chariot, screened from the inclemency of the sky, Luther
set forward on the journey. Justus Jonas, chief Minister of the
Collegiate church of Wittemberg, Nicholas Amsdorff, Canon of the
same church, and Jerome Schurff, a Doctor of Law, were his com-
panions. A few others rode out of town with him, and have been
magnified through the same medium into an armed force of one hun-
dred horsemen. Gaspar Sturm, the Herald, a believer in the doctrine
taught by Luther, led the way. During their progress a few others
joined the party. At the lodging-places, Luther enjoyed the recre-
ation of music, which his censors, of course, represent as a shocking
levity : although most Legates and Inquisitors drank and gambled with-
out shame when on their murderous travels. Luther, on the contrary,
was above reproach ; for his amusements were always chastened by the
fear of God, and never degenerated into trifling. At Erfurt he was
met by a procession, and honourably escorted into the city, and
preached on the Lord's day at the earnest entreaty of the chief citi-
zens. The sermon was short and extemporaneous, directed against
trust in works, and condemnatory of the vices of the Clergy. He
* As Seckendorff explains : yet that bumble conveyance, required for so long and
rapid a journey by a Monk of enfeebled constitution, whose inability to go to Rome had
already been pleaded by the University in their letter to Leo X., must have seemed
stately in those days. The following passage from Beckmann throws great light on this
part of Luther's history : " Covered carriages were known in the beginning of the six-
teenth century ; but they were used only by women of the first rank, for the men thought
it disgraceful to ride in them. At that period, when the Electors and Princes did not
choose to be present at the meetings of the States, they excused themselves by informing
the Emperor that their health would not parmit them to ride on horseback / and it was
considered as an established point, that it was unbecoming for them to ride like women.
What, according to the then prevailing ideas, was not allowed to Princes, was much less
permitted to their servants. In the year 1544, when Count Wolf of Barby was sum-
moned by John Frederic, Elector of Saxony, to go to Spires to attend the convention of
the States assembled there, he requested leave on account of his ill state of health to
make use of a close carriage, with four horses," (History of Inventions and Discoveries :
Coaches.) This fully- accounts for the use of a carriage ; and for the ill-natured com-
ments of Maimbourg and others on a poor Saxon roll-teamen, or " light cart."
62 CHAPTER II.
preached in a few other places, contrary, indeed, to the wishes of the
Priests, but in compliance with those of all classes of the laity, who
received him with the utmost expressions of honour and affection, in
remarkable contrast to their demeanour towards the Nuncio, who
shortly before, on the same road, was allowed to pass through the
towns without even usual civilities, and had to sleep at miserable inns.
Although so cheerful and so diligent in preaching, he suffered from
indisposition all the way, and especially from Eisenach to Frankfort.
All the letters he received from Worms were full of advice to desist
from his purpose of appearing there, where his enemies were waiting
to destroy him. At Oppenheim he received letters from Spalatine
and others, strongly urging him to turn back again, and his friends
there seconded the entreaty with all their power ; but he was fixed in
purpose. " Christ lives," said he, " and we will enter Worms in
spite of all the gates of hell and all the powers of the air." " I am
resolved to drive away Satan, and put him to shame." " If there
are as many devils at Worms as there are tiles on the house-tops, I
will enter the city without fear." Then came Martin Bucer, with a
party of horsemen, sent by Sickingen, a powerful and discontented
nobleman, with a pressing invitation to take refuge in his castle at
Ebernburg ; but he persisted in going forward, observing, that as only
three days remained of the twenty-one allowed, no time was to be
lost. On Tuesday, April 16th, 1521, the cavalcade approached
Worms. Luther had the covering removed from the cart, and, wearing
the habit of his order, entered the city in view of a vast concourse
of people, who crowded to gaze on the undaunted servant of Christ.
A train of two thousand persons followed him to the palace of the
Knights of Rhodes, where also was entertained the Marshal of the
empire and other persons of high distinction. Alighting from the
vehicle at the gate, he exclaimed, " God will stand by me." *
Next day, conducted by the Marshal, Count Pappenheim, and the
Herald, Gasper Sturm, he left the palace, and proceeded to the Diet.
Hoping to avoid the pressure of the crowd, they went round by gar-
dens and byways ; but the eye of the city was open to catch a sight
of Luther, and to avoid the multitude was impossible. The people
rushed in their track by thousands, glutted the windows, and had
even untiled the roofs to supply a new look-out. The Marshal, the
Herald, and the " Heretic " laboured through the silent crowd, many
of the people blessing him in their heart, and made their way into
the presence of the most august assemblage that could have been
gathered within the bounds of Christendom. Charles V. presided
there. The official of the Archbishop of Treves, John von Eck,f
opened the business by exhibiting some books, and asking him, in the
name of the Emperor, if those were his. " Let the titles of those
books be read," cried Schurff. The official demanded that he should
merely answer yes or no to two questions : whether the books were
his, and whether he would retract the errors therein contained, and
I * Pallavicini, Hist.. Cone. Trident., lib. i., cap. 20, sec. 6.
t Not the Eck with whom Luther had deputed at \Vitteniberg, but one equally hostile
to him.
LUTHER AT WORMS. 63
which were already condemned. After hearing the titles of the books,
he answered that they were his, unless anything had been added to
what he had written ; and as to the question whether he would retract
the errors, he said to the assembly, " As this is a question concerning
faith and the salvation of souls, and as it relates to the word of God,
than which nothing can be greater in heaven or on earth, and which
we ought all to reverence, it would be rash and even perilous for me
to utter anything without thought. If I were to speak without pre-
meditation, I might say too little or too much, and in either case incur
the condemnation pronounced by Christ, when he said, 'Whosoever
shall deny me before men, him will I also deny before my Father
which is in heaven.' I therefore pray and beseech his imperial
Majesty to allow me time for deliberation, that I may answer this
question without prejudice to the word of God, and without danger to
rny own soul." Some one tauntingly quoted another passage, " When
they shall deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye shall
speak : for it shall be given you in that same hour what ye shall
speak." The quotation was made in ill faith : Luther requested time
for consideration, the Emperor gave him until the next day ; and he
was permitted to withdraw.
In the afternoon of Thursday, April 18th, he returned, and, after a
delay of about two hours, rose to address the Diet. That part of the
hall which was free to the public, was crowded with a promiscuous
audience ; the windows were open on account of the heat, and a mul-
titude stood on the outside, awaiting the decision, or endeavouring to
catch a few sentences of his defence. He spoke for two hours in a
clear tone, and without vehemence, having first requested indulgence
if he should fail to employ the accustomed forms of courtesy, being,
as a rude Monk, unaccustomed to the style of courts. To the first
question he repeated the answer already given. His reply to the
second was given at great length, and to this effect : He had written
many books on various subjects. Some of those subjects related to
Christian faith and piety, and them he could not contradict or revoke
without impiety. Others were written against the decrees, abuses,
doctrine, and usurpation of the Popes, who exercised tyranny over
Christians, and scandalized the whole world. What was written in
those books he could not retract without manifestly betraying the
Gospel, and encouraging tyranny over the church of God. Some were
written in controversy with private persons who had opposed his doc-
trine, and at the same time defended the dogmas and the tyranny
of the Popes. He allowed that he had sometimes been too severe
against his adversaries ; but, while confessing this, declared, that inas-
much as the question was not respecting his manners but his doctrine,
which had always been confirmed b,y the express words of Scripture, he
could never deny that, but was ready to defend it before any one, until
it should be proved by the word of God, but not by any authority of
man, that it was erroneous. In that case he would willingly burn his
books with his own hands. He was not discouraged by any hostility
that had been excited ; for Christ had said that he came not to send
peace, but a sword. " Let us, then, bear in mind," he continued,
64 CHAPTER II.
" that our God is wonderful and terrible in bis counsels, lest what
you endeavour with so much earnestness, should bring down on us an
intolerable flood of evils, if you begin by condemning the word
of God ; and lest (which may God forbid !) the reign of our young
Emperor, in whom, after Him, is all our hope, should be unhappy
and calamitous." This plainness of speech could no longer be suf-
fered, and he was therefore commanded to speak in Latin. For a
moment he hesitated, exhausted by the heat of the place, and fearful
of not speaking with a propriety of style suited to the dignity of the
audience. A Thuringian Knight, one of the Saxon court, perceiving
his embarrassment, advised him to say no more ; but he wiped the
sweat from his face, and repeated the oration in good Latin, to the yet
deeper mortification of the Papists. Eck, at length, interrupted him
by saying, that he was not there to defend his doctrine, already con-
demned by the Council of Constance, but to answer plainly whether he
would retract or no. His reply was brief. " Then, if your Most Serene
Majesty, and you, my Lords, desire a simple answer, I will give it
without equivocation. Hear it. Unless I am convinced by the testi-
mony of Scripture, or by evident reasons, — for I neither believe in
Pope nor Councils, since it is notorious that they have often erred
and contradicted themselves, — I am bound by the Scriptures I have
cited, my conscience is led captive by the word of God ; I neither can
nor will revoke anything, for it is neither safe nor honest to act
against my conscience." And then, raising his clear voice, he pub-
lished in German, that every bystander might be witness, his ultimate
resolution : Hier stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders, Gott helfe mir,
Amen. " Here I stand, I can do no otherwise, God help me, Amen."
This was enough to establish the charge of heresy in the estimation
of the Papists, and he was desired to withdraw. The Spaniards fol-
lowed him with hisses. The still multitude around the hall had heard,
through the open windows, those last emphatic words, and respect-
fully made way for him to retire.
At the opening of the next session the young Emperor displayed
his zeal in the service of Rome, by causing a paper to be read,
written by his own hand in French, wherein he declared himself ready
to employ all his powers in defence of " the Catholic religion " received
from his predecessors, both Emperors and Kings, and now assailed by
a wretched Monk. Instead, however, of receiving it with approbation,
the Diet complained that he had violated their right by pronouncing
sentence independently of their deliberation ; and his juvenile indiscre-
tion had no other effect than to provoke angry debate, which con-
tinued all that day and the following. Meanwhile, Luther was visited
by Princes, Counts, Barons, Knights, and nobles of all titles ; with
Priests, Monks, and citizens. The inhabitants of Worms surrounded
the hall, and waited before his lodgings, anxious to catch a sight
of him, now the chief personage in their city. The city was divided,
and the walls covered with placards, some written against and others
for him. It was even reported that four hundred nobles had agreed
to support him by force of arms ; and that the troops of Sickingen,
who had really offered him military protection when on his way from
LUTHER'S CONSTANCY. 65
Wittemberg, were near the gates. All this was incorrect ; but the
Diet saw that it would be equally dangerous to proceed against the
Reformer with severity, or to bring him again to public disputation.
Charles therefore reluctantly gave him permission to remain three
days longer in Worms ; and further, at the suggestion of the Arch-
bishop of Mentz, allowed any who chose the opportunity of endeavour-
ing to bring him to recant by private solicitation. The Archbishop
of Treves, assisted by the Elector of Brandenburg, the Bishops
of Augsburg and Brandenburg, George Duke of Saxony, and a few
others who met at his lodgings, sent for Luther. Accompanied by
Wehe, Chancellor of Baden, a learned and eloquent man, himself
desirous of a more extensive reformation than had ever been acknow-
ledged necessary in any Romish ecclesiastical assembly, he accepted the
invitation of the Prelate-Prince; for Richard of Greifenklau was Elector
as well as Archbishop, and more politician than Priest. Receiving
Friar Martin with the utmost courtesy, he represented with earnest-
ness, and, we may believe, with sincerity, the peril of his present
situation. Appealing to his sense of honour, desire to be useful in
the world, fears, patriotism, every virtue and every weakness that might
be supposed to have place within him, he exhorted him to persist no
longer in a hopeless and impracticable purpose. Luther replied :
Humble thanks were due to so great Princes who deigned to concern
themselves for the safety of one so insignificant. He regretted that
any expressions of his should haye given offence ; and explained that
those relating to Councils had especial reference to that of Constance,
where the condemnation of Huss was nothing less than an offence
against the doctrine of the Church as given in the Apostles' Creed.
As for the offence apprehended from his own doctrine, he already
knew that the doctrine of Christ must, inevitably, cause offence. He
only asked that all things might be examined and decided on by the
word of God ; and this he longed for and importuned. After a
lengthened conversation he withdrew : the party consulted, and soon
sent for him again. Keeping to the same point, he declined every
overture for dishonest conciliation, and asked them the single
favour of interceding with the Emperor, that he might not be
compelled to do anything against his conscience. As he rose again
to leave, the Elector of Brandenburg put a closing interrogatory :
" Do you still persist in saying, that, unless you are convinced out
of the Bible, you will not yield?" "Yes, my good Lord, or by clear
and evident reasons." Unwilling to give up the hope of winning or
subduing the stubborn Saxon, Greifenklau again sent for him.
Accompanied by the two friends, Schurff and Amsdorff, he returned.
Eck and Cochlceus only were there. They tried menace, ridicule, and
invective. Luther said little, but his friends answered manfully ; and
when they had admonished him not to preach or write any more, he
departed, as fully resolved as ever to declare the whole counsel of God,
whose word cannot be bound.
The prospect of a religious revolution became too evident for any
one to doubt it. The Princes, not without reason, apprehended that
civil revolution might follow. " Friar Martin " was not to be over-
VOL. III. K
66 CHAPTER II.
come by any earthly motive ; but they- obtained an extension of his
permit of lodging in Worms for two days. Wehe of Baden, and
Peutinger, an Augustinian, took up the forlorn labour, and, calling at
his chamber in the palace of the Knights of Rhodes, proposed that
judgment on his writings should be left to the Emperor and the
empire, apart from the Clergy. To that he would consent, but under
the same condition that their standard of judgment should be the
word of God alone. The reasonable stipulation could not be allowed,
for they knew that Romanism does not stand the test of Scrip-
ture ; and the Chancellor and Monk came again in the afternoon
to shift the ground. Would he submit his doctrines to the decision
of a Council? "Certainly," was the prompt reply. Here was a dawn
of hope, for they could all foretell how a Council would decide ; and
ere they were well out of sight, the same thought flashed misgiving
on his own mind. Greifenklau rejoiced for a moment at the conces-
sion, and, thinking that a Council would avert the imminent schism,
requested Luther to call on him yet once again. The Elector Frederic
was present, and their conversation was most amicable. Others quickly
joined them ; all agreed that some remedy was needed for the evils
of the Church ; and Frederic asked him plainly what he would pro-
pose. Having delivered his opinion, Greifenklau, seeming to be
deeply affected, also asked him, " Then, my lord Doctor, what must
be done?"* He cited the sentence of Gamaliel, and added, "If
. my counsel is not of God, it will not last over two or three years ; but
if it is of God, no man will be able to put it down." This conversa-
tion, perhaps from Frederic having been present, ended kindly ; and
Martin Luther, assured that he should be allowed to return to Wit-
temberg under sure protection, hastened to his lodgings. The
same day, however, Eck and the Imperial Secretary were sent to tell
him that he must leave Worms ; and that, since all admonitions had
been unavailing to bring him back to the Church, Caesar, as advocate
of the Catholic faith, would do his duty. They also forbade him to
preach on his way homewards, or in any way to excite the people.
His answer is memorable. " Let it be done as seems good to the
Lord. Blessed be the name of the Lord ! I render my best thanks,
first, to His Serene Majesty the Emperor, and then to the other dig-
nitaries of the empire, for their benignant and gracious hearing
of me, and for the free safe-conduct, kept and to be kept. I have
never desired anything more than a reformation according to holy
Scripture, and for that have laboured heartily. Saving this, I am
ready to suffer anything for His Majesty and for the empire, through
life and death, honour and dishonour, reserving nothing to myself but
the right of preaching freely the word of God alone, bearing thereunto
my confession and my testimony. I commit myself most humbly to
His Imperial Majesty, and to all the empire." Here terminates his
brief sojourn at Worms.
On the morning of April 26th, a company of devoted friends sur-
rounded his breakfast-table, and, after a hearty and cheerful meal,
they all set out together for Oppenheim, on the road to Wittemberg.
* " Mein Heir Doctor, wie thate man ihm detm ? "
EDICT OF WORMS. C7
The impression left ou all who were not entirely hostile was highly
favourable. All admired his courage. "Monkling!" pleasantly said
a veteran Knight, " Monkling ! thou art going on as I, and many of
my brother officers, would not dare to venture, not even in our best-
fought battles. But if thou art quite right and sure, go on thy way,
iu God's name, and fear nothing. God will not forsake thee."
Thankful for deliverance, the Reformer travelled on to Oppenheim,
slept there that night, and was joined by his old friend, Gaspar Sturm,
the Herald. He received an order to be at home again within three
weeks. From the small town of Friedburg he addressed a letter to the
Emperor, and States of the empire, thanking them for the safe-
conduct which had been both granted and observed ; but complaining
that his writings had not been examined by the standard of the word
of God ; and praying that they might all be so examined, not for his
own sake, but for the glory of God, the good of the Church, and the
salvation of souls. This letter was sent by Sturm, who, as it was
not thought necessary that he should accompany him in the first
day's journey, so did not attend him any further. For the
sake of visiting some relatives, he hastened towards Eisenach, where
he preached, as in some other places, being received at every stage
with marked respect by the civic authorities and inhabitants. From
Eisenach he left the road to Wittemberg, travelling towards Mora,
his father's birth-place, to visit an aged grandmother, and had
entered the' forest of Thuringia, when, in a deeply-shaded hollow, five
masked horsemen suddenly met him and Amsdorff in their Saxon roll-
wagen : Luther put himself in a posture of defence, but the highway-
men found no difficulty in pulling him to the ground, tying his hands
behind him, and mounting him on a led horse, while two of them cut
off communication with Amsdorff, and Luther was taken into a depth
of the forest. This sudden transition from the sober course of his-
tory, to something very like romance, is accounted for by stating, that
before Luther had left Worms his enemies were preparing an edict
to place him under the ban of the empire. To save him from vex-
atious consequences, perhaps even from death, Frederic engaged two
noblemen to use friendly violence, and lodge him in some safe retreat ;
yet concealing from himself all knowledge of the place, that he
might be able to tell the Emperor, or swear, if necessary, that he
knew not where Luther was. The horsemen conducted him to the
Wartburg, a castle on the summit of a lofty hill not far from Eisenach,
an ancient residence and stronghold of the Landgraves of Thuringia.
No one knew whither the supposed highwaymen had conveyed him ;
but the report immediately spread that he had been murdered, and
that his priestly enemies had put him out of the way was universally
believed. We leave him there for a moment, and return to Worms,
to hear the decision of the Diet.
Frederic and all others who might have been anxious to avert or miti-
gate a condemnatory sentence, had left the place. Aleander, the Pope's
representative, reigned over Charles V., and found ready support from,
the great men, who cared neither for Luther nor Christianity. Towards
the end of May, the remaining members of the Diet, with the Emperor
K 2
68 CHAPTER II.
at their head, being assembled in the principal church at solemn mass,
Aleander presented him with two copies of an edict, in German and
Latin, written by himself, already passed by a majority of the States,
and only to be ratified by the hand of Csesar. Charles gave the
signature, and caused the document to be read aloud. It conveys a
full idea of what man would have done to suppress the Gospel, had
God permitted. " We, Charles V., &c., &c., &c., to all the Electors,
Princes, Prelates, and others whom it may concern. The Almighty
having intrusted to us, for the defence of his holy faith, more kingdoms
and power than he had given to any of our predecessors, we mean to
exert ourselves to the utmost to prevent any heresy from arising to
pollute our holy empire. The Augustine Monk, Martin Luther,
though exhorted by us, has, like a madman, assailed the holy
Church, and sought to destroy it by means of books filled with blas-
phemy. He has, in a shameful manner, insulted the imperishable
law of holy wedlock. He has striven to excite the laity to wash their
hands in the blood of Priests ; and, overturning all obedience, has
never ceased to stir up revolt, division, war, murder, theft, and fire,
labouring to ruin utterly the faith of Christians. In a word, to
pass over all his other iniquities in silence, this creature, who is not a
man, but Satan himself under the form of a man, covered with the
cowl of a Monk, has collected into one pestilent receptacle all the
worst heresies of past times, and added several new ones of his own,
destroying the faith under pretence of preaching faith, and Gospel
peace under pretence of Gospel doctrine." Here comes a long sum-
mary of events preceding the Diet of Worms, the citation of Luther
thither; and the paternal, patient, and affectionate conduct of the Em-
peror, the Nuncio, and all other persons towards him, with his alleged
obstinacy and insolence. The document then proceeds : " We have,
therefore, driven this Martin Luther from before our face, that all pious
and sensible men may regard him as a madman, or as one possessed
of the devil ; and we expect that, after the expiration of his safe-
conduct, effectual means will be taken to check this grievous pestilence.
Wherefore, under pain of incurring the punishment due to the crime
of treason, we forbid you to lodge the said Luther, so soon as the
fatal term shall be expired, to conceal him, give him meat or drink, or
lend him, by word or deed, publicly or secretly, any kind of assist-
ance. We enjoin on you, moreover, to seize him, or cause him
to be seized, wherever you find him, if you have sufficient force
to take him, and bring him to us bound, without any delay, or
keep him in all safety until you hear from us how to act, and
until you receive the recompence due to your exertions and expense
in so holy a work. As to his adherents, you will seize them, suppress
them, and confiscate their goods, moveable and immoveable. As to
his writings, if the best food becomes the terror of all as soon as a
drop of poison is mixed with it, how much more ought these books,
•which contain a deadly poison to the soul, to be not only rejected
but also annihilated 1 You will, therefore, burn them, or, in some
other way, destroy them entirely. As to authors, poets, printers,
painters, sellers or buyers of placards, writings, or paintings against
LUTHER IN THE WARTBURG. 69
the Pope or the Church, you will lay hold of their persons and their
goods, and treat them according to your good pleasure. And if any
one, -whatever be his dignity or power, shall dare to act in contradic-
tion to the decree of our Imperial Majesty, we ordain that he shall
be placed under the ban of the empire. Given at Worms, May 8th,
1521."
The sudden disappearance of Luther was an elusion of the stroke.
Charles might be satisfied with having promulgated the edict, in sub-
mission to the Nuncio, and yet not displeased that, by the escape or
murder of the intended victim, he had been spared the odium and
danger of its execution, especially in the Lutheran States, while the
hand of God conducted his servant to the Wartburg, and made a Pat-
mos of that retreat. Caesar only obeyed the dictation of the Church ;
and the edict now partially transcribed shows us the spirit of Papal
Borne, still domineering over the liberties of the Germanic States,
who were called on to chase and destroy the most eminent man then
living, and to prove servile obedience by a deed of blood.
Luther's most intimate friends were not in the secret of his retreat.
Some were discouraged by losing, as they thought, their leader ; the
people were now exasperated with the idea that he had been mur-
dered ; and again soothed by a report that he had prudently con-
cealed himself in Wittemberg, to avoid suffering from the execution
of the edict. Frederic pursued his own sagacious policy by discou-
raging innovation, and even disapproving of controversial preaching,
and the circulation of Luther's writings, and, content with having
confided his subject to the friendly violence that made him a prisoner,
chose, for some time, not to be informed of the place of his confine-
ment. The Monk, on entering the castle, was stripped of his monas-
tic weeds, apparelled as a Knight, shut up in a keep until his beard
had grown, made to wear a sword, and called Sir George.* In this
attire he walked within the precinct of the fortress, or, attended by a
guard under the character of servant, or mingled in a hunting-party,
was now and then allowed to range over the neighbouring country.
Withdrawn from the public eye, and saved alike from the excitements
and the dangers of public life at Wittemberg, and temptations to pride
that might have been too powerful for one who had just braved the
empire at Worms, and where he might have been involved in a tumult-
uary reformation in Saxony, or crushed under the imperial edict, he
gave himself to study, prayer, and the pen. His letters were dated
" from the isle of Patmos," or " from my desert," and Spalatine, in
quality of Secretary to the Elector, yet with the devotion of a friend,
became the careful medium of occasional correspondence with the
world. He heard enough to understand the state of Germany, and
wrote, in whole or in part, some important treatises. The weariness
of captivity, indeed, and intelligence of the excesses of zealots who
dishonoured the cause of Christ, and of the timidity of brethren who
seemed to faint in hours of trial, wrought powerfully on his excitable
and impetuous spirit, until the grace of God restored peace and renewed
his energies, now more than ever devoted to the great work of con-
* " Juncker George."
/O CHAPTER II.
tending for the faith once delivered to the saints. He remained there
nearly one year.
Besides numerous letters, he wrote a treatise on confession, its
abuses, and the nullity of Papal sanction, under which all abuses
were continued. For the instruction of those to whom he could not
preach, he wrote " Church-Postils," or homiletical discourses ; and
thought them, of all that he had ever written, by far the best, even the
Papists being judges.* Here, also, was written a book in reply to a
theologian of Louvain, who had pretended to confute his doctrine, — a
small volume, rich in scriptural argument against the merit of good
works, and scholastic theology. From the Wartburg the brethren
of his community in the Augustinian monastery received, on occasion
of their contemplating such a reformation, a treatise " concerning
the abrogation of private masses," masses celebrated for the dead by
the Priest alone. A tract on monastic vows, dedicated to his father,
whom he had disobeyed by entering a monastery, contains a pathetic
acknowledgment of the sin committed in that act. In a book
addressed to Ambrogio Cattarino, an Italian Monk, afterwards made
Bishop, he proves that the Pope is Antichrist. Albert, Archbishop
of Mentz, then with his court at Halle, was encouraging the indul-
gence-mongers to renew their traffic. Luther heard of it, and wrote
a tract " against the Idol of Halle." It was written in German, the
public were alive to the old controversy, the style was resistless.
Frederic feared to allow an attack on the personage in whom were
concentred the dignities of Cardinal, Archbishop, Elector, and Pri-
mate of Germany. Albert feared consequences, and wrote a bland
letter of dissuasion to the excommunicated son of the Mansfeld
smelter; and, with Luther's consent, the writing was, for the sake
of peace, suppressed at that time. Henry VIII. of England, edu-
cated for the priesthood, fancied, therefore, when on the throne, that
he could write a book. He did so. It was against Luther, and
presented humbly to Leo X., with a Latin inscription : —
" Anglorum Rex Henricus, Leo Decime, mittit
Hoc opns et fidei testem et amicitise."
" 0 Leo the Tenth ! Henry, King of England, sends thee this work,
as a testimony of faith and friendship." The royal author solicited,
in recompence of his faith and friendship, the title of Defender of the
Faith, which, after some trouble, was obtained ; but the prisoner at
large of the Wartburg rapidly composed an answer. John Clerk,
Henry's Ambassador to Rome, presented the volume to the Pope, and
graced the presentation with a speech, wherein he informed the Holy
Father, that his master had been instructed by able teachers, had
often disputed with the most learned Britons, winning great applause,
and had at last dared, not without glory, to wage fight with Luther, a
man of no contemptible erudition. Luther accepted the challenge, and
the Romanists bitterly complained that he handled the king too rudely.
Perhaps he did ; but in those days disputants were not gentle, and at
* " — mein allerbestes Bach, die Postilleo, das ieh jc gemacht habe, welches auch
die Pnpisten geruo liaben.'' — Seckendorff, turn, i., p. 1G4.
LUTHER'S GERMAN BIBLF. 71
least the world received another evidence that the prisoner was
not idle.
The great work, however, then taken in hand, and continued from
those hours of solitude until the end of his life, (for he constantly
returned to it in the intervals of correspondence and controversy,)
was his translation of the Bible into German. The sacred volume,
or something like it, was already in circulation from German
presses,* but in closely literal, or mischievously paraphrastic, versions
of the Romanized Vulgate, and doubly imperfect. The basis itself
was defective, because not the original of inspired Scripture, and
also because, in each edition made under a Romish bias, more various
readings were adopted, and the genuine lection displaced accord-
ing to the taste of the collator, or his anxiety to dogmatize. The
language was defective, because a servile transcript, or nearly so,
of the Latin text in German words, bringing out combinations that
were often unintelligible, and sometimes ludicrous. Luther saw
the necessity of superseding those misleading productions, by such a
version as would deserve to be read with acceptance and expounded
with confidence : to that object he gave his energies, although a con-
test with Prelates and Princes, and the conducting of the Reforma-
tion, were more than enough to occupy even his uncommon strength
of mind ; and, for its better accomplishment, engaged the co-opera-
tion of his most learned friends, Bugenhagius, Justus Jonas, Melanc-
thon, Aurogallus, and others. He also had recourse for information
to learned Jews, and made use of all persons and all books that could
afford illustration even on the most trifling points. Two or three
days were not unfrequently spent by the united party in investigation
for the rendering of a single word. The labour was immense ; but it
produced a work of which Germany makes reasonable boast. It is
said to have been taken as the standard of the German language ; and
to this day, like our own inestimable version, it is a literary classic ; and,
by its precision and fideli ty, conveys the lasting testimony of men who
trembled at the mere thought of inaccuracy, to rebuke the ignorance,
levity, or incompetence of any who should stoop, in later times, to
make a version, however good, the basis or the standard of another
version, and offer the crude performance to be an authoritative me-
dium of evangelical instruction to entire nations. Although aided by
others, Luther made the version his own. Every word was written,
finally, by himself, after having been chosen or adopted by the effort
of his own mind. In prosecuting this mighty labour, he aimed at
making " the mind of the Spirit " clear to unlearned readers ; where-
as, Romish translators had endeavoured, and still do endeavour, to
express the mind of their Church. He desired to make his version
effective : they, on the contrary, speak of all versions as incomplete
and of no authority, the modern Latin Vulgate alone excepted. They
make this version the standard of appeal, and many of them set it
* " Beschreibung einiger alten Deutschen Bibel-Uebersetzungen vor D. Luther's
Zeit," in the "Syntagma Commentationum " of J. D. Michaelis, Goettiugae, 1759,
demonstrates the truth, of this statement, which is extended by Seckendorff to the Bibles
printed in Nuremberg in 1477, 1483, and 1490, and at Augsburg in 1518.
72 CHAPTER II.
above the sacred originals. Luther made the Hebrew and Greek the
standard of appeal, and passed the ecclesiastical version by, except as
one help with many others. The principles of Luther and the Ro-
manists were thus opposed ; but his principles were embodied in
every sentence of his Bible, which they hated more bitterly than ever
their fathers had hated the translations of Waldenses and of Wycliffe.
Their volumes rendered an implied reverence to the work of the Church
not of St. Jerome, for the altered Vulgate differs widely from his
work, as any one may see by comparing the columns in the great
Bible of Sabatier ; Luther gave exclusive honour to the Holy Spirit
who speaks by the inspired writers. He was jealous over his work *
because it was a monument for the perpetuation of the high principle
that gave 'soul and power to the Reformation of the sixteenth cen-
tury, but no longer pervades entire Protestantism in the nineteenth.
Many of us are accustomed to calculate, in cold, worldly prudence,
on the prejudices of Continental Romanists, and give them an eccle-
siastical Bible instead of "the verity," as the old Reformers properly
called the Hebrew and the Greek. We send them versions of the one,
and fear to teach them the untarnished perfection of the other. We
have caught the cloak of Erasmus, and put off the mantle of Luther.
Maimbourg, a faithful representative of his Church, while writing
against Lutherans and Calvinists,-f gives utterance to the mind of Ro-
manism ; and a section from his " History of Lutherauism" shall repre-
sent the impression made on the Priests by the publication of Luther's
German Bible. He writes thus : — "Meanwhile, learned men were found,
who showed that this version was unfaithful and pernicious. Among
them all, Jerome Emser gained the most distinguished name, but also
incurred implacable hatred and persecution from the adverse party.
He was an excellent and wise man, and profoundly versed in divine
and human sciences, a Doctor of Leipsic, and Counsellor of George,
Duke of Saxony, the Elector's cousin. To those admirable gifts, both
natural and acquired, he added great zeal for religion ; and was
among the first who opposed the rising heresy of Luther, ever track-
ing him closely, and attacking him on every occasion. It excessively
irritated Luther, that he should have him for a perpetual adversary ;
nor was there any one against whom he wrote so many books, or on
whom he heaped so much abuse. This was that man of God who,
* " Luther's critical learning was not equal to that of Erasmus, hut in strength
of understanding no man ever surpassed him ; and in resolution and integrity he was
superior to all the learned of his age." " The last edition, which was printed while
Luther was living, and indeed, not quite finished till after his death, was that of 1546.
In the Preface to this edition, which comes immediately after the title-page, he delivers
the following request : ' Dr. Martin Luther, I request my friends and my foes, my
masters, printers, and readers, to let this New Testament continue mine. If they find
faults in it, let them make another. I know well what I make, I see also well what
others make. But this Testament shall remain Luther's German Testament. Now-a-
days there is neither measure nor end of mending and bettering. Let every man, there-
fore, take heed of false copies ; for I know how unfaithfully and untruly others have re-
printed what I printed.'." — Introduction to the New Testament, by J. D. Michaelis,
translated by Dr. Marsh, chap, xxxi., sec. 7-
t Maimbonrg, in whom the spirit of the Frenchman was more vigorous than that of
the Jesuit, had the misfortune to write something offensive to the court of Rome. The
Pope expelled him from the Order. The King pensioned him. — Moreri.
LUTHER " ON THE SECULAR POWER." 73
despising the importunities and insolence of Luther and his followers,
believed that he should deserve excellently of Christendom by expos-
ing himself to the fury of the Lutheran faction, which, he doubted
not, would fall on him. He, therefore, first of all, in public and in
private, both writing and speaking, detected the horrid corruptions
of the New Testament, and exhibited to the public more than a thou-
sand falsifications in the version. Also, that an antidote might not
be wanting to the Catholics, and that the errors of the Lutheran ver-
sion might be demonstrated, he composed another, more exact and
faithful, perfectly agreeing with the Vulgate, whence all the places
might easily appear that were corrupted in the other. In consequence
of this, many Princes, ecclesiastical and secular, — for example, the
Archduke Ferdinand, brother of the Emperor, George of Saxony, and
the Duke of Bavaria, — in public laws and edicts, commanded this
perverse version to be burnt ; and, by heavy fines, compelled all their
subjects to give up all the copies in their possession to Magistrates
appointed for that very purpose. This so exasperated Luther, that
he emitted a most insolent libel, in which he called the Princes
tyrants ; and, arrogating to himself the supreme authority that he had
wrenched from the Pope, forbade all to obey ; and said, that if any
did otherwise than he had commanded, they would deliver up Christ
to Herod to be slain." *
Well may Du Pin call this historian romantic. Emser, " that man
of God," branded as a horrid corruption every instance of conformity
to the original text when it differed from the Vulgate, and, himself a
miserable writer of German, if his own countrymen may be believed,
paraded as an error the slightest departure from an accustomed form.
For example : Luther wrote the first words of the Lord's Prayer
Unser Vater, and Emser cried out "a corruption," because he had
not written Vater Unser. To Emser and the Ecclesiastics these
imaginary corruptions were mortal sins ; and they called on the
Princes to employ secular penalties for their amendment. Preachers
were clamorous, and the decrees against Bible-reading were high-,
sounding, but, at first, indefinite as to penalties. Emser did little
more than circulate a reprint of that very " Lutheran version," with a
preface of his own ; and the enemies of the word of God displayed at
once the malignity of their temper, and the littleness of their power.
This Bible controversy gave rise to another. Dukes had interfered
to prohibit their subjects from reading the holy Scriptures. Luther
saw them go beyond the limits of their authority, and hastened to
repel that aggression on religious liberty, by the publication of a
tract " on the Secular Power." The work does not answer to
the notice of it given by Maimbourg ; and as the enemies of Christ,
from the Pharisees down to this day, have always accused the preach-
ers of divine truth of stirring up sedition, we must observe the book
itself, and ascertain whether Luther, did encourage insubordination to
constituted authorities. On the contrary : he proves the right of
Magistrates to govern, by citing passages of Scripture to that intent.
He says, " that if all and each throughout the whole world were truly
* Maimbourg, sect. 52.
VOL. III. - L
74 CHAPTER II.
believers, there would be no need of Kings or Princes, sword or laws.
Of what use would they be in such a state of things ? Then would
men have the Holy Spirit in their heart, and, by Him instructed,
would do no harm to any, but would love all, and patiently suffer
injury and death itself. For where hardships are suffered patiently,
where nothing is done but what is just, there is no litigation, nor
strife, nor Judge, nor penalty, nor judgment, nor sword. Therefore,
among true Christians, there would be no place for temporal judg-
ment and the sword ; for they render freely more than any laws or
any doctrines can exact. Hence Paul teaches : ' The law is not made
for a righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient.' " Yet
Luther would not abuse this passage. " But because," he proceeds
to say, " the number of the wicked is vast, and, among a thousand,
there is hardly one true Christian, God has ordained the state
of Magistracy and political government ; which if he had not done,
men would have destroyed one another. There is, therefore, a two-
fold government : the spiritual, which makes men Christian and
pious, by the Holy Spirit, under Christ ; and the temporal, which
restrains the impious and the un-Christian, that, even unwillingly,
they may keep peace. This, also, St. Paul says : ' Rulers are not a
terror to good works, but to the evil.' " " All Christians most gladly
submit to the secular sword, for the sake of charity, and by the direc-
tion of the Holy Spirit, that thus, also, they may obey the divine
appointment, and serve their neighbour." All this should have been
inoffensive. Not so such sentences as the following : — " If the Prince
requires thee to obey the Pope, to believe this or that, to give up
books, &c., thou shalt answer thus : ' I will obey thee with my body
and my goods ; command me according to the authority that thou
hast on earth, and I will obey. But I will not obey if thou com-
mandest me to believe, or to give up books : for thus thou commandest
as a tyrant what thou canst not exact in justice.' And if, when thou
hast answered thus, they take away thy goods, or thou sufferest
punishment for disobedience, blessed art thou ! Render thanks to
God that he hath made thee worthy to suffer for his word. Suffer
the rage of that madman : he will have his Judge. If, then, thou
dost not contradict, but willingly obeyest him that prohibits thy
faith, or commandeth thee to give up thy books, thou hast denied
God." * In the same work he exhorts Princes as well as people,
teaching both that, in matters of religion, the supreme authority is in
God ; and that nothing can be required or rendered contrary to his
revealed will, without sin.
Returning to the Wartburg, we find the great Reformer enduring
conflicts that his enemies have heartlessly caricatured, pretending
that, like their own St. Anthony, he fought, bodily, with Satan. His
own words were too distinct to have been fairly understood as convey-
ing such an idea. Describing the extreme distress of soul he has
suffered while contending with the sword of the Spirit against sugges-
tions of error, which he attributes to Satanic guile, he employs strong
personification ; yet not stronger than is used in popular language
* Seckendorf., pars i., p. 211.
WAR FORESEEN. 75
every day ; and, speaking of nights in which he has lain sleepless, he
says, " The devil begins such a disputation with me in my heart, (in
meinem hersen,) that he makes me pass many nights in bitterness
and anguish." Devoted to the holy enterprise of raising fallen Chris-
tendom by the power of the Gospel, conversant in the policy of Kings
that arise, and Princes, civil and ecclesiastical, that take counsel toge-
ther against the Lord, and against his anointed, he cannot but foresee
that the contest will be a cause of tumult and bloodshed. His fears
were natural, and expressed with so great clearness, that some attri-
buted to him the gift of prophecy. With reference to the zeal
of George, Duke of Saxony, in enforcing the edict of Worms, he
writes thus in a familiar letter (February 27th, 1522): "I fear
exceedingly, that if the Princes continue to heed this hot-headed Duke
George, there will be a tumult that will overwhelm both Princes and
Magistrates throughout all Germany, and involve the whole body of
Clergy. So, at least, it appears to me. The multitude has eyes,
and is everywhere awake. The people neither can nor will be over-
come by force. It is the Lord who does these things, and hides
these threatenings and imminent perils from the eyes of Princes.
Yes, through their blindness he will bring these things to pass ; and,
already, I seem to see Germany swimming in blood. Wherefore, I
pray thee by the compassions of Christ, most excellent Wenceslaus,
join with us and ours in prayer, and let us set ourselves as a wall
between God and the people, in this day of his great anger. This is
a serious matter that is coming upon us ; and that foolish fellow at
Dresden (Eraser) cares nothing for the people, if he can but satisfy
his own madness and inveterate enmity. Therefore, if thou canst do
anything, endeavour that the Princes be admonished by means of your
Senators to proceed calmly and without violence. Let them consider
that people are no longer what they were : let them consider that a
sword most certainly hangs over their heads at home. They so act as
to destroy Luther; but Luther will so act that they may be preserved.
The perdition that they are contriving will not fall on Luther, but on
themselves ; wherefore I fear them not. Surely I am speaking this
by the Spirit. But if wrath is determined in heaven, so that it can-
not be stayed by prayers nor by counsels, let us implore of God that
our Josiah may fall asleep in peace ere the world be left to itself to
be turned into a Babel." *
We shall shortly see the fulfilment of the presage, and the answer
to the prayer. Germany will be the scene of tumult, of religious war.
Charles V., who has endeavoured to purchase the aid of the Pope
against his enemy the King of France, will be beaten in Germany
itself; but Josiah, the Elector Frederic, will have fallen asleep in
peace, before the occurrence of those events.
Well said Luther that people were not what they had been. The
sermons of Savonarola ; the writings of Wycliffe ; the traditions of the
Waldenses ; the invectives of Huss ; the confession of the Bohemian
Brethren ; even the plain sayings of Erasmus, sometimes doubtful
between jest and earnest ; the dying cry of martyrs in every age ; the
* Seckendorf., pars i., p. 177-
L 2
76 CHAPTER II.
sage instructions of Wesselus ; the tradition of every land, for every
land had now been hallowed by the pyres of martyrdom ; the vows
of angry Kings to blot out the name of Babylon ; the prophecies
of Joachim, Hildegard, and a multitude of others ; the execrable
iniquities of Rome, seeming to demand vengeance ; the general expect-
ation of Europe ; the impunity of Luther himself, whom people now
believed to be shielded and reserved for some great work to the con-
fusion of the Legates, the Doctors, and the orators, whom he had
again and again put to silence : — all tradition, all history, all hopes
and fears, indicated a grand moral revolution, and prepared the way.
No, people were not what they had been.
This was first confirmed at Wittemberg. Luther was not there ;
kept out of the way, perhaps, that he might not be elated with the
glory. He was laid aside in the keep of the mountain- castle ; but
his Lord was cleansing the sanctuary without him. The Augustinian
Monks refused to say private masses any more, and gave their
thoughts to an entire reformation of the altar-service, that it might
become what it should be, a eucharist or offering of praise towards
God, and a communion, or united act of confession by the people.
Throughout electoral Saxony, new Preachers became eloquent in pub-
lishing the truth, and old ones became new by gathering material
from the Bible. The Bishops threatened, the Magistrates reluctantly
supported the Bishops ; but " the common people heard Christ
gladly." In the little town of Zwickaw, where the Gospel had long
won the assent of many, and had many advocates, Nicholas Haus-
mann, a holy man, is invited by the inhabitants to be their Pastor.
He doubts his ability to sustain the charge, and refers the question
to Luther for decision. " If thou acceptest the pastorate/' said Luther,
" thou wilt make thyself an enemy of Pope and Bishops, by opposing
their decrees : if thou dost not oppose them, thou wilt make thyself
an enemy of Christ." He decided to venture all for Christ ; and Luther
was wont to say of him, " What we preach, he lives." Freiberg in
Misnia, an opulent and splendid city, half decides to cast off the yoke
of Popery, yet hesitates through fear of the edict of Worms and the
Emperor. Throughout Friesland the people are in doubt between
Popery and the Gospel. In Halberstadt two intrepid men, Widensee
and Musleus, preach the new doctrine, and the latter is seized in his
bed at night, and cruelly mutilated by the Bishop and Canons of the
church.* Christiern, King of Denmark, inhibits the University from
condemning the writings of Luther, applies to his uncle, Frederic
of Saxony, for a Preacher of the Gospel, and receives Martin, a
Doctor of Wittemberg. Bohemia begins again to hear the truth,
preached openly by Eberbach, Rector of a school. In Pomerania,
Bugenhagius, convinced by a book of Luther's which he had taken
up to read with abhorrence, as the production of a heretic, and his
colleague Cnophius, teach the same doctrine in the flourishing aca-
demy of Treptov, and attract youth by crowds from the neighbouring
country of Livonia. Along the banks of the Rhine teachers of Gos-
* " Canonieorum et Suffraganei instinctu noetti captus et virilitate orbatus fuit."
—Seek., pars 5., p. 178.
JACOB SPRENG. 77
pel truth suddenly make their appearance, and are, in vain, assailed
with persecution. Even in Worms, where the sentence against Luther
and his doctrine was ratified, Charles had no sooner turned his back
than persons were seen placing portable pulpits in the streets, the
churches being closed against innovation, that Lutheran Preachers
might address the listening multitude. Not fewer than ten Preachers
are named as engaged in promulgating the glad tidings of salvation in
Erfurt, where the way has been prepared by profoundly learned pro-
fessors of Greek and Hebrew, who have released from the yoke
of superstition a large body of youth frequenting their academy. At
Strasburg, Cellius preaches with great freedom and equal success ; is
accused by the Fiscal of the Bishop, as interfering with the interests
of his master ; and defends himself by the example of all Germany,
affirming that, in spite of the edict, there is no city, town, village,
monastery, academy, chapter, nay, not even family or house, in which
profession is not made of the Lutheran sect, so called.
In Belgium, too, notwithstanding every possible effort to shut out
the Gospel, it finds admission, and is made the power of God unto
salvation. But here we pause to survey a scene of persecution.
Jacob Spreng, Prior of the Augustine Monks, has preached the doc-
trines of the Gospel, as taught by Luther, fur two years past. Now,
the edict of Worms, although sent into the country without any pre-
vious consultation of the States, and in violation of their privileges,
is to be enforced. Spreng is arrested, carried to Brussels, and
examined by Jerome Aleander, Commissary Apostolic, the man who
took the lead at Worms against Luther, and drew up the edict.
Aleander is assisted by Vandernoot, Chancellor of Brabant, Herbout,
Suffragan of Cambray, Glapio, a Confessor of the Emperor, and
others. Spreng was eminent for learning ; his position as Prior
of a convent, and that of the same order as Luther, and the
respect shown him by Erasmus, made him a conspicuous mark for
vengeance. Brought as a criminal into the presence of these person-
ages, they produced a paper containing thirty articles of Lutheran
heresy which he was charged with holding, and required to abjure.
According to this paper, Luther had taught and Spreng had adopted
the monstrous propositions, that all the good works of saints are sins ;
every work performed by a man's free will, however good, is a sin ;
concupiscence remains in baptized persons, therefore every action any
one performs, however good, is sin ; sorrow for sin does not conduce
to justifying grace ; sorrow for one transgression, if there be not
sorrow for all, is sin. These are exaggerations of Luther's statements
respecting original sin, and justification by faith alone, and contradict
his real doctrine ; but the Prior was summarily commanded to abjure
the whole set of articles, and swear to the whole body of Popish
dogmas, or go to the stake. To avoid the fire, he read a recanta-
tion of what he had preached, as faell as of the absurdities alleged :
the Inquisitors conceived that they had gained a victory, and dismissed
him from their presence. He then went to Bruges, and endeavoured
to put away the disgrace of recantation by preaching as before ; but
was soon seized, taken back to Brussels, and imprisoned. A Francis-
78 CHAPTER II.
can Monk helped him to make his escape, and he fled to Bremen,
published an account of the whole affair, acknowledged his sin in
denying Christ, when under fear of death, and for many years taught
the Gospel in that free city.
Various intelligence reached Luther. He heard with joy of this
simultaneous spreading of sound doctrine, and of these beginnings
of ecclesiastical reform ; while many occurrences made it evident that
the guidance of one mind was needed to prevent confusion and con-
sequent failure. Justus Jonas, one of his most beloved friends, still
taught canon law at Wittemberg, although the volumes containing
it had been burnt with the Pope's Bull, amidst general applause.
Jonas was weak enough to follow the mischievous vocation of Canonist
for the sake of a salary, while Luther strenuously and judiciously
advised that Princes should declare the canon law to be obsolete in
their States.* The Canons of Wittemberg persisted in superstitions
that most of the other Clergy had cast off, and their manners were as
corrupt as their worship, and as flagrant as their covetousness. He
longed for the suppression of that establishment, and an appropriation
of its revenue to some useful purpose. Carlstadt, Doctor of Theology,
a Canon and Archdeacon in the church of All Saints, Wittemberg,
from whom Luther had received his degree of Doctor, was carrying
his doctrine into practical application with more zeal than knowledge.
Luther therefore ventured, disguised as he was, to make an excursion to
Wittemberg ; and to the delight of Amsdorff, " Sir George" presented
himself in his house. Melancthon, and a few others, were summoned
in haste ; and after spending a short time in ascertaining the exact
state of affairs, he returned to the Wartburg, and honestly communi-
cated to Spalatine an account of his clandestine visit. But thence-
forth he grew more and more impatient of the " desert," and at
last fairly broke prison. Carlstadt had married, so, indeed, had one
other Priest ; but he had also administered the eucharist in both
kinds, without consulting any one, and demolished the images in
All Saints' church, to the scandal of many, who were not yet pre-
pared to cast the idols to moles and bats, and to the alarm of Luther,
who thought it right to proceed gradually, and with prayerful caution,
in all reforuij whether of doctrine or of worship. At Zwickaw, also,
there was great stir made by proceedings of another kind. One
Nicholas Storch fancied himself a Prophet, made twelve poor men his
attendants under the titles of Apostles, strutted like a trooper, in a
strange garb, and excited the multitude by wild harangues, called
sermons. The hasty zeal of Carlstadt, and the fanaticism of Storch,
had afforded some colour of reason to a decree from Nuremberg, issued
by the Elector Palatine, in the name of the Emperor, for the repres-
sion of excesses, and punishment of profaners of the mass, married
Priests, and those who administered the Lord's supper in both kinds.
On his way from the Wartburg, Luther stopped to write a hasty
letter to the Elector, and then hurried on to the scene of labour.
* He correctly called it "jus Pontificium." It certainly is pontifical law, aiid of the
worst kind. Some use is made of it in this countey, but it caiiiio. be U-galiy taught,
uor degrees given -utriusque juris.
GRADUAL REFORMS. 79
After a day or two had been spent in ascertaining the true state
of affairs, he took his place in the pulpit of All Saints, and, during
one week, delivered a succession of sermons, calculated to counteract
the intemperance of Carlstadt, still the tumult of Wittemberg, and
unite the citizens in the right prosecution of the grand object. But
it is not within the scope of this volume to describe the controversies
and fanaticism that attended the Reformation in its course. Let it
suffice to observe, that the public, profoundly ignorant, and under
strong excitement, was inevitably swayed by every new impulse, good
or evil ; and that the teachers of the people, themselves ill taught,
but claiming the privilege of a strange and untried liberty, were liable
to transgress the bounds of sound reason and humble piety. The
prison-house of Romanism was suddenly burst open, good and bad
were set loose together, and their misdeeds are to be attributed to the
bondage and ignorance of a former state, not to the truth that
brought spiritual freedom to some, and the events that presented an
inferior sort of liberty to others. Our present concern is not
with agitated masses, fanatics, and politicians, but with the preachers,
confessors, and martyrs of Christ.
In justification of Luther, it is necessary, once for all, to repeat,
that his innovation on ancient forms was cautious and slow. He
would have images to remain unbroken until they should be displaced
by the power of the Gospel, as the idols of Paganism had disappeared
after the teaching of the Apostles. His first change in the baptismal
service, (A.D. 1522,) consisted merely in translating it into German,
with the addition of notes, wherein the people were instructed that
the ceremonies, still retained, were not necessary, and had no virtue ;
and that baptism might be as well administered without them. As to
the communion, he did no more than give suitable advice to those
who consulted him before setting aside the old mass, generally
teaching the absurdity of transubstantiation and communion in one
kind ; and advising, that the people should be taught better, pro-
vided with hymns to be sung in German, and familiarly instructed in
the meaning of the service : coercion he abhorred. Neither did he
give just cause of complaint on account of the impropriation
of church property, by craving after the wealth of suppressed monas-
teries and other endowments. A remarkable illustration of his disin-
terestedness, and that of his brethren, is afforded in the narrative
of an ecclesiastical reformation in the small town of Leisnic, in
Electoral Saxony, with some neighbouring villages. After a compact
with the Abbot of a monastery within the district, confirmed by the
Elector, the chief persons of Leisnic and the villages, with the Senate
and representatives of the population, met together to dispose of the
ecclesiastical revenue that fell into their hands. They agreed that a
board should be annually elected for the distribution of the fund,
employing it for the maintenance -of parochial Ministers, Deacons,
Schoolmasters, and Schoolmistresses, and for the relief of the poor,
that neither Monks nor other beggars might burden the public. And
in each church there were to be placed two vessels, one to receive
bread, meat, and other eatables, and the other for money. In time
80 CHAPTER II.
of dearth or want, the poor were to be supplied, by this means, as well
as from voluntary charity. The Clergy retained no power over their
former property ; their maintenance was shared with schools and
paupers ; the laity administered all at their pleasure ; and Luther,
free from avarice and ambition, approved, if indeed he had not
advised, the arrangement. "I think," said he, "your plan ought to
be published, for imitation by others. For the wealth of the Clergy,
who, under show of conducting divine worship, have appropriated to
themselves much of the good things of this world, has come to be so
exorbitant, that neither God nor man will bear with them any longer.
But as monasteries now begin to be deserted, and as there are none
who seem disposed to take up their abode in them for the future, and
this change is attributed to their doctrine, care should be taken that,
in order to disarm envy, the derelict property of monasteries and
colleges do not become the prey of avaricious men, but be piously
and usefully employed." * An opposite line of conduct would have
laid him open to a charge of spoliation, and supplied a pretext to
persecutors.
Persecution, as ever, kept equal pace with reform. George Duke
of Saxony destroyed as many copies of the New Testament, at Leipsic,
as he could buy up from the more timid citizens, and severely
punished those who refused to surrender theirs. The Bishop of Mers-
burg visited the University, and prohibited the students, under severe
penalties, from reading the New Testament, and from going into the
neighbouring territory to hear the sermons of Preachers protected by
the Elector. In Antwerp the persecution that was begun with the
imprisonment of the Prior of the Augustinian monastery became very
severe. The inmates of that house were all imprisoned ; many
of them recanted to avoid burning, and, after a short time, were
released. As if to destroy a strong-hold of heresy, the building
itself was demolished. But as to some of the brethren who remained
in prison, no threats could induce them to recaut. Two of these were
Henry Voe's and John von Esse, the proto-martyrs of Lutheranism.
They confessed to Aleauder and his colleagues, that they had read the
Bible, studied Luther's expositions of it, and preferred that sacred
book to all the decrees and sentences of Popes and Doctors. They
declared that the Roman Pontiff had no rightful authority from Christ
to govern the Church, and that his only duty was to feed the flock
with the word of life. Faith, they maintained, could not be separated
from charity, because charity is the fruit of faith ; and faith without
love is dead. As for the mass, they affirmed that the only sacrifice
for the sins of men was offered once upon the cross. When plied
with trifling scholastic questions, they refused to answer ; but at
length, when one of their Judges said that they had been seduced by
Luther, Henry broke silence, and replied, " Yes, even so as the
Apostles were seduced by Christ." The usual inquisitorial ceremonies
followed, and they were taken to the stake, rejoicing by the way that
they were counted worthy to suffer for Christ. Being placed on a
pile of wood, as it was lighted, and the flames began to rise, they said,
* Seckendorf., para i., p. 237.
LUTHER S LETTER TO THE NETHERLANDS. 81
that the flames were as roses strewed under their feet. They then
chanted the Te Deum in alternate verses, until the fire deprived
them both of voice and life, verifying that sublime sentence, " The
noble army of martyrs praise thee," and their souls ascended to join in
the songs of paradise. The men of Antwerp were not dismayed, but
filled with indignation. "This is the work of hangmen," said Eras-
mus, " not of Divines." Four days after, another Monk was brought
out and burnt on the same spot ; but, not to irritate the public more
by their open execution, others, we know not how many, were killed
in prison.
On receiving intelligence of their martyrdom, Luther wrote a letter
" to the brethren in Holland, Brabant, and Flanders," congratulating
them that some of their number had been honoured before all others
in suffering, for the name and Gospel of Christ, injury, shame, afflic-
tion, troubles, imprisonment, and, at last, death itself. "Those two
happy and precious souls, Henry and John, counted not their lives
dear to them at Brussels, so that they might but proclaim Christ more
loudly. 0 how contemptuously, and with how shameful punishment,
were their souls condemned ! But with what ineffable glory and
unspeakable joy shall they return again to give true judgment against
those from whose lips they heard that wicked sentence!" "We
of Upper Germany, dear brethren, have not yet had so high a dignity
conferred on us, that we should be thus made victims unto Christ,
that we should be so offered up as a splendid hecatomb ; yet some
of us have not lived without persecution, nor are we now free from
it." " Although our adversaries call you Hussite, Wycliffite, and even
Lutheran heretics, and will boast largely of this murderous execution,
we are not taken by surprise, nay, our spirit gathers greater courage
from this very thing. For it cannot be but that the cross of Christ
should have bitter, blasphemous, and impious calumniators. But our
Judge is at the door, and He will soon pronounce sentence. This we
assuredly know : it is beyond all doubt." * Luther wrote an elegy
on their death. f Surius, a Carthusian, calls them martyrs of the
devil, because they — like the father and mother of this same Surius
— died beyond the pale of what he calls the Church. The effect pro-
duced was quite the reverse of what the commissioners against heresy
calculated. The Belgians were excited to inquiry ; public opinion
rose against the persecutors ; and Popish writers would gladly have
denied the deed. Maimbourg does endeavour to smother it in silence.
Erasmus wrote thus : " It is not just that any error should be
punished by fire, unless it have been followed by sedition, or some
* Seckendorf., torn, i., pp. 279, 280.
t This elegy, beginning with the words, Ein neues lied wir hcben an, " We raise a
new song," was printed in some editions, it is said, of Luther's Caniionale, or " Hymn-
book." On this it may be proper to observe, First, That the composition bears no resem-
blance to a hymn, as may be seen in Seckendorff (p. 280). Secondly, That Luther
had not yet begun his Hymn-book. A year afterwards, 1524, he began that work by
publishing eight hymns, some written by himself, and others by some friends, and the
whole set to music by Walther, band-master at the court of the Elector. It has been
customary with Popish writers to represent heretics, so called, as worshipping their mar-
tyred brethren ; but we have not yet found one instance of the kind. For the date, <fec.,
of the Cantiouale, see Gerdes, Hist. Ev. Ren., ii., 124.
\OL. III. M
82 CHAPTER II.
other crime, legally punishable by death. The theologians of Paris
differ widely from those of Italy on many points relating to the power
of the Pope, and one party must necessarily be in error ; yet one does
not bring the other to the fire. The followers of Thomas differ in
many things from those who .adhere to Scott, and yet the same school
bears with both. Now, I am very much afraid that, by those vulgar
remedies, by recantations, imprisonments, and burnings, the evil will
only be aggravated. At Brussels, for example, first, two are burnt,
and then the whole city begins to favour Luther." And "wherever,"
he said some years afterwards, " wherever the Nuncio (Aleander)
raised smoke (by burning books and heretics), wherever the Carmelite
(Hochstraten) exercised his cruelty, you might say that that place
became a seed-plot of heresy." * So said many others. However,
the persecutors, having tasted blood, could not be satiated, and other
victims were forthwith added to the number. The Provincial of the
Carmelites at Halberstadt was murdered in his bed, at the instigation,
it was believed, of the Priests. A Preacher in Antwerp was put into
a sack, and drowned in the Scheldt.
Miltenberg on the Maine, in the Electorate of Mentz, had received
the Gospel by the ministration of John Draco of Carlstadt. To reclaim
his flock, the Cardinal Elector, Albert, sent a troop. The soldiers
sacked the town, killed some converts, and imprisoned others. Draco
fled : his Deacon remained in concealment, and narrowly escaped
death. His hiding-place, the house of a widow, was discovered, and
a soldier sent to seize him. At the man's approach, the Deacon rose,
embraced him, and, using the usual words of cordial salutation, said,
" Here I am : plunge your sword into my bosom." The soldier trem-
bled with astonishment, dropped the sword, hastily picked it up,
walked away ; and, instead of seizing the servant of God, protected
him from violence. The citizens of Worms, Augsburg, and Eslingen,
were also put under coercive discipline, and thereby made more impa-
tient of the insufferable yoke of priestly despotism. They were
among the first to cast off Popery altogether, f
While these things were done in Antwerp, Brussels, Halberstadt, and
Mentz, a similar trial befell the infant church of Meaux in France.
Already there was an awakening in Paris. Even in the University,
Lefevre, one of the most eminent Professors, published a commentary
on the New Testament, far in advance of the current theology, and
every day gained clearer light and firmer confidence. Farel, a favourite
student, just passing out of Romish darkness, was soon to appear in
the field as a reformer of France. Margaret of Navarre, sister of the
King, in earnest for her own salvation, embraced the same faith, and
encouraged those who taught it. The new doctrine seemed worthy
of consideration to many at court, who were yet ignorant of its power ;
and at Meaux, a company of earnest seekers of salvation forsook the
legendary Preachers, and gladly heard others proclaim salvation by
faith in Christ alone. At Paris, literary and religious bigotry were
aroused in the Sorbonne : Lefevre, Farel, and others withdrew to Meaux,
* Erasmi Epist., lib. xxii., Ad Math. Kretzerum.
t Seckendorf., Hist. Luth., pars i., pp. 23 — 279.
JEAN LECLERC. 83
and, united with the brethren in that city, formed a strong body
of confessors, having Briconnet, the Bishop, at their head. There,
too, opposition was aroused. A Franciscan Monk, hating the truth,
dreading its advance, and irritated at the boldness of the new Preach-
ers, who counted, perhaps, too confidently on friends at court, instead
of relying singly on God, demanded of Briconnet a suppression of the
rising sect. The Bishop, on the contrary, protected his brethren,
preached as they did, and censured the Franciscan for his interference.
From the Bishop, therefore, he went to Paris, and applied to Parlia-
ment for the suppression of heresy at Meaux. Briconnct, overtaken
by fear, and making compromise with conscience under a notion that
the reformers, if banished from Meaux, might preach elsewhere,
eventually issued an injunction to put them all to silence. During those
three or four years of evangelical preaching, images of saints con-
tinued in the churches ; the externals of worship underwent no
change. Yet the doctrine sank into the hearts of many ; and the
wool-carders and weavers of Meaux, like those of Metz, centuries
before, read, discoursed, and prayed in their workshops, arguing the
Gospel out to its full conclusions, unrestrained in judgment by any
calculations as to public policy. A carder, Jean Leclerc, acted as
Scripture-reader, — to borrow a modern term, — and went from house
to house enforcing the truth that had made him free. Some incident,
of which there is no distinct record,* aroused his zeal, and he did
nothing less than write a placard against indulgences and the Roman
" Antichrist," f and affix it to the door of the great church (A.D.
152J). He was thrown into prison, tried for heresy, and condemned
to be beaten with rods, openly, on three successive days, and branded.
With hands tied and feet bare, he was led through the town, and
scourged. A crowd followed the bleeding man, some breathing ven-
geance and slaughter, others trembling with fear for themselves. One
woman, his mother, walking beside him, breathed every now and then
into his ear a sentence of pious exhortation. This was repeated the
second day, and again on the third, the procession ending at the place
of common execution, where the hangman had a fire, and iron red hot,
ready to impress the mark of shame upon his forehead. As the brand
was drawn from the fire, and while they were holding him to suffer the
barbarous infliction, a cry was heard. It was the voice of his heroic
mother, " Long live Jesus Christ, and his marks !" The exclamation
may sound strange to Englishmen, but the French words convey no
idea of irreverence. | It was a shout of spontaneous praise to Him
for whom she saw her son persecuted : it was a shout of exultation
too, as if the mother, under the last stroke of anguish, had said,
" Henceforth let no man trouble him : he bears in his body the marks
of the Lord Jesus." Her husband was a persecutor ; but she led
home her son, to wash his wounds and help his faith ; and of the awe-
struck people, not one presumed to lay hands on her. Young Leclerc
soon left the town, found work at Rosay, about six leagues distant, and
* " Centre quelques perdons." — Beze, Hist. Eeclos., livre premier.
t Varillas, apud Seekeiuiorf., pars i., p. 282.
1 •' Vive Jesus Christ, et ses enseigues." — Beze.
M 2
84 CHAPTER II.
afterwards at Metz. In that city he continued to confess our Master :
not in the character of a Minister, as has been said,* but of a lay-
man ; and living by his craft of wool-carding, he preached Christ
from house to house, until once more aroused to an act that brought
him to the stake.f About a league out of town stood a chapel, con-
taining J images of the Virgin and most popular saints in the country,
— a sort of local pantheon. Once every year the people of Metz used
to make an easy pilgrimage to the place to worship the images, to get,
as they were told, pardon of their sins, and fulfil, by offerings of money,
the true intention of the Church towards the incumbents. Leclerc saw
the city wholly given to idolatry, his spirit was stirred up within
him ; he believed the command to " utterly overthrow and quite break
down their images" to be binding on himself, and, obeying that
impulse, quitted Metz at night-fall, went into the chapel, utterly over-
threw and quite broke down the idols ; and, early next morning,
re-entered the city-gate as if nothing had happened. The bells rang
in every tower ; the town was up ; trades and their devices, brother-
hoods, Priests and Canons, marched away with music and banners to
the "holy house:" but Bel had fallen, Dagon lay shattered on the
threshold. The gods were in fragments on the floor. Sacrilege !
cried the Monks. The people were furious ; and, the whole train
broken, back they came promiscuously, clamouring for death to the
culprit. Branded, yet not dismayed, Leclerc awaited them. He was
apprehended, taken before the Judges, condemned to be burnt alive
at a slow fire, and instantly taken to the hearth. Instruments
of torture were ready. With red-hot pincers they tore off his right
thumb, then his nose, then the flesh off both arms, then again from
his breast. Still unmoved, his soul abode in peace ; and, while endur-
ing the agony, he recited, in a clear and loud voice, "Their idols are
silver and gold, the work of men's hands. They have mouths, but
they speak not ; eyes have they, but they see not ; they have ears,
but they hear not ; noses have they, but they smell not. They have
hands, but they handle not ; feet have they, but they walk not ;
neither speak they through their throat. They that make them are
like unto them ; so is every one that trusteth in them. 0 Israel,
trust thou in the Lord : he is their help and their shield." (Psalm
cxv. 4 — 9.) The same mob that had clamoured for his death
stood round and heard in silence. Their lips were sealed. No one
durst raise a hand to stop that mouth whence God's testimony
* Said by Dupin, denied by Gerdes, Hist. Ev. Ren., iv., 19.
f An act of " somewhat immoderate and imprudent zeal," thinks D'Aubigne, if his
translator renders it correctly. But this admirable historian, even quoting Corneille for
illustration, cancels his own censure by the force of plain description.
t And because the building contained those sacred objects, it was called a Chapel.
The derivation of the name is curious, as given by Du Cange, sub voce CAPELLA. " 1.
Brevior capa. 2. Postmodum appellata aedes ipsa in qua asservata est Capa, seu Capdla
S. Martini, intra Palatii ambitnm iiuedificata : in quam etiam Sanctorum aliorum Aetycu/a
illata, unde ob ejusmodi Reliquiarum reverentiam sediculae istae Sanct<s Capellae vulgo
appellantur. 3. Ministeria ac vasa sacra. 4. Cancellaria. 5. ^Edicula in qua cimelia
asservabantur. 6. Quaevis aedicula sacra, oratorium, quod proprios sacerdotes non
habet : seu sedes sacra quae non erat baptismalis." The more recent and familiar vise
of the word, as given by this authority, is a building for some special and secondary
purpose.
JEAN CASTELLANE — WOLFGANG SCHUCH. 85
against idolatry proceeded. When half dead, he was thrown into a
slow fire. The people shuddered and dispersed. A flourishing church
soon rose in Metz.
Although the tribunal of the Inquisition was not organized in
France, as in Spain and Italy, its forms were adopted ; and Eccle-
siastics received power from the Pope to act as Inquisitors of
heretical pravity. These forms were in no instance more exactly
followed than in the case of Jean Castellane, Doctor of Divinity, who
had zealously preached the Gospel in several places, especially at Bar-
le-Duc, Vitry, Chalons, and Metz. One day, on returning from Metz,
he was made prisoner by armed servants of the Cardinal of Lorraine,
and lodged in the castle of Nomeny. The citizens of Metz, provoked
by this outrage, took a reprisal, by imprisoning some dependents
of the Cardinal, who, in vain, demanded their release, until the
Vicar-General, furnished with letters from Rome, came to Metz, and
so wrought on the Magistrates, that the Cardinal's men were set at
liberty. Still Castellane was kept in durance for more than eight
months, persevering in confession of Christ under the infliction of
those cruelties that can be so easily practised on helpless prisoners.
From Nomeny he was taken to Vic, see of the Bishop of Metz, and
there again immured, again tormented in like manner, and still con-
stant. As an incorrigible heretic he was sentenced by Savin, " Inqui-
sitor of the Faith," to be degraded. The ceremony of degradation
was performed with more than usual parade ; for the Bishop, mak-
ing one of those discretional additions to the form which were allowed
to those who desired credit for extraordinary zeal, scraped the nails
and finger-tips of both hands, wherewith he had touched the conse-
crated wafer, that the surface which had been once in contact with
that mysterious object, might not remain to the person of a layman.
The degradation being finished, the Bishop addressed the secular
Judge, " My Lord Judge, we pray you as heartily as we can, for the
love of God, and the contemplation of tender pity and mercy, and for
the respect of our prayers, that you will not in any point do anything
that shall be hurtful to this miserable man, or tending to his death,
or to maiming of his body." My Lord Judge did as the Church
really desired. He sentenced " the miserable man " to be burnt alive,
who suffered with valiant constancy, to the encouragement of many
faithful, and the conversion of a great company from the old super-
stition to Christian truth* (January 12th, 1525).
The peasant war, of which we shall speak presently, had not
yet begun. The French provinces of Alsace and Lorraine were
not yet disturbed ; and therefore the Duke of Lorraine could not
plead any reasonable fear of sedition to excuse his proceedings
against Wolfgang Schuch, a pious German Priest, who had lived
in the small town of Hippolyte for many years, and had gradually
acquired great influence over the inhabitants by every quality that
should distinguish a Minister of Christ. Under his direction and
teaching, Hippolyte was thoroughly reformed. Images and the mass
were set aside ; and not Wolfgang only, but the whole town, was
, • # Foxe, Acts and Monuments, book vii.
86 CHAPTER II.
involved in the factitious guilt of heresy. All this had taken place,
when Duke Anthony issued a mandate to enforce the condemnation
of the doctrine described as damnable in Papal Bulls and the imperial
edicts, and commanded his subjects that none should preach it ; and
that whoever had any of Luther's books should give them up within
a time appointed, under a severe penalty. The entire population of a
town, however, could not be managed by a proclamation. He laid
the case of Hippolyte before the Vicar-General of the Cardinal of
Lorraine, specially appointed by the Pope to root out heresy in that
province and the neighbourhood. The Vicar collected reports, and
books written by Wolfgang, and laid the whole before the Sorbonne, for
their judgment. The College soon found thirty-one articles con-
trary to their own theology, and gave each a correspondent censure.
The fourth declared that the canon of the mass, praying that God
would accept the oblation and sacrifice, is blasphemous. Their cen-
sure pronounced this article to be schismatic, impious, and a blas-
phemy against the Holy Spirit, by whom, said they, the sacred canon
is inspired.* Duke Anthony received the censures of the Sorbonne ;
and, from the Priests, heard a rumour that Wolfgang excited the peo-
ple to insubordination. This report stirred his anger ; and he began
to talk of fire and sword. Wolfgang, aware of this, instantly wrote a
letter to him, containing a clear and respectful statement of his con-
duct, as well as his doctrine ; and defending the people from the
charge of disaffection to the government. The letter was either
intercepted, or thrown aside in contempt ; and the Duke prepared to
march on Hippolyte, and raze it to the ground. No sooner did the
faithful Pastor hear of this, than he set out for Nancy, the capital
of Lorraine, and residence of the Duke, there to solicit a hearing
of his cause, to avert the tempest, and, like a good shepherd, die rather
than his flock should be destroyed. But no sooner had he entered the
gate of Nancy, than the Duke had him thrown into a dark and filthy
dungeon; and, instead of being allowed a hearing, he was now and then
conveyed away to a Franciscan monastery to undergo interrogation and
threatening. One Bonaventura, Provincial of that order, corpulent, stu-
pid, and having but one eye, used to assail him as a heretic, a Judas, a
Beelzebub; and declared, that to say, "Our Father," and "Hail, Mary,"
was religion enough for any man. Finally, the Inquisitor condemned
him to the fire, after he had been imprisoned for a whole year. On
hearing the sentence, the good man was filled with joy, and exclaimed,
" I was glad when they said unto me, Let us go into the house of the
Lord." Thither he was to be translated from the dungeon and from the
Friars. Going to the place of execution, he passed by this monas-
tery, and found the brown-clad brotherhood waiting in the street, with
" the Cyclops," Bonaventura, at their head, standing and pointing to
some images that adorned the gate-way. " Ho there," he shouted,
" master heretic ! show honour to God, to his mother, and his saints !"
* The Canon Missa: is no more than the liturgy appointed. But there was the Gallic
Canon : was that inspired ? And the Ambrosian, Mozarabic, and others : are they
inspired ? But the Roman Canon was adopted late iii France, and the Roman inspired
Breviary is not uniformly used even in 1850.
FRANCTS I. PERSECUTES. 87
Wolfgang answered, "0 thou hypocrite, thou whited wall ! God will
destroy thee, and bring thy deceit and thy impostures to the light."
Having reached the place of release, he was asked if he would have
the punishment mitigated. He answered, " No : God has always
stood by me. He will not desert me now when I have need of him.
Let the sentence be executed." An immense heap of wood was ready,
hedged high round with faggots and straw. Chanting the 51st
Psalm, he steadily walked into it ; and as the smoke rose thick, and
the flames reddened, Wolfgang Schuch was heard to pray : " Do good
in thy good pleasure unto Zion ; build thou the walls of Jerusalem."
(August 19th, 1525.) He had not long entered into "the house of
the Lord," when the Vicar-General, who gave sentence against both
Castellane and him, suddenly dropped down dead ; and a brother
Inquisitor in this case, the Abbot of Glair-lieu, startled at the discharge
of cannon in a salute, died instantly. Thus were they summoned
to the bar of God without a moment for repentance.*
In Paris there was much excitement : the library of Berquin, a con-
verted nobleman, was burnt, and he imprisoned, but soon released by an
order of Francis I., to satisfy the nobility, who were indignant at seeing
one of their order delivered over to the Priests. At Meaux, after the
departure of Leclerc, the poorer members of the evangelical society
continued to meet in secret. Jacques Pavares, a native of Boulogne,
had been brought to Meaux by the Bishop. He was young, but
learned, and sincere. Him they imprisoned, and terrified, or persuaded,
into recantation. After penance he was absolved and set at liberty ;
but unable to hide his sorrow for having denied Christ, or to repress
his zeal, he incurred their vengeance, and was burnt alive in the Place
de Greve, Paris, (A.D. 1525,) suffering death with constancy. Not long
afterwards, a person known as the hermit of Livry, a place on the
road towards Meaux, was burnt opposite the church of Notre Dame.
The great bell tolled, and an immense concourse of spectators surrounded
the place of martyrdom, having been invited by the Doctors of the
Sorbonne to witness the death of a man, " already damned, whom
they were sending to the fire of hell." f
Francis I. had left the Priests to defend themselves against the
innovation of Lutheranism, and his subjects to be sacrificed to their
vengeance, while he went to war with Charles V. The campaign was
fought through in Lombardy, Francis beaten, taken prisoner, and
carried into Spain.- Liberated from captivity, and returned to France,
he found Lutheranism, as it was then newly called, making great pro-
gress. " The wrath of God," said the Priests, " has been poured out
on the King and on the kingdom, in retribution for the sin of heresy,
which ought to have been extirpated at its first appearance." Reasons
of state, no doubt, determined him to court the favour of Rome ;
and, following the advice of Antoine du Prat, Chancellor of the king-
dom, he lent the Magistracy for the worst service of the Church, by
ordaining that thenceforth accusations against Lutherans should be
* Gerdes, Evang. Renovat., torn, iv., pp. 44—51 ; Foxe, Acts and Monuments,
book vii.
t Beze, Hist. Ecclea,, livre premier.
88 CHAPTER II.
made, in the first instance, to secular Judges and Magistrates ; " be-
cause," said the Chancellor, " the crime of blasphemy is included in
that of Lutheranism." The Doctors Beda and Quercu, and their
adherents, seconded the royal ordinance with the utmost zeal ; all the
Parliaments, but chiefly that of Paris, entertained the subject, and a
simultaneous persecution overran the country.
Denis d'Rieux was burnt at Meaux, for having truly said that the
mass is a renunciation of the death of Christ. To his last breath (July,
1528) he maintained that it is so. Louis de Berquin, whose library
had been destroyed, and whom the King had formerly released from a
sentence of perpetual imprisonment, was finally condemned, hung, and
his body burnt, because he would not submit to consent to the burning
of his writings, and to recant. Despite the remonstrances of his friends,
persons of the highest rank after royalty, that nobleman was taken
to the Place Maubert, and there consumed. Yet Merlin, Penitentiary
of Paris, who directed the execution, said, in a loud voice, after the
martyr had expired, that for a hundred years there had not been a
better Christian than Berquin. His constancy made a profound im-
pression on the inhabitants of Paris, and the acknowledgment of the
Penitentiary inexpressibly mortified his accusers and judges. The
night after this martyrdom, (November llth, 1529,) there was an
unseasonable frost ; famine followed, and after famine pestilence.
The Clergy had lately attributed war to divine judgment, because
of the tolerance of heresy : the people might now reasonably attribute
famine and pestilence to the same cause, but for a very opposite offence.
The blood of martyrs was as a shower, refreshing the Lord's heritage.
Piety revived all over France, with witnesses against idolatry. In the
town of Nonnay in Languedoc, the inhabitants were enslaved to a childish
superstition. A chest was suspended from the roof of their church,
said to be full of precious relics ; but, as if it were more sacred than the
ark of the covenant, no mortal might look into it, under penalty of palsy
and blindness. On Ascension-days it was lowered with mysterious
solemnity, and carried through the town at the head of a long procession
of men, women, and children, all half naked, bare-headed, and bare-
footed. The sinner that could approach and kiss the chest, or creep under
it, accounted himself happy. When the procession, one year, passed by
the prison, all the prisoners were said to be delivered, Lutherans except-
ed, from every crime they had committed. But a Franciscan Doctor,
named Etienne Machopolis, who had been in Germany and heard Luther
preach, raised his voice against that trickery, and many other practices
of the same kind. He was driven from the monastery ; but another
Monk of the same order, Etienne Renier, took his place, and preached
yet more fully the truths of holy Scripture. Renier was imprisoned,
and afterwards put to death at Vienne, enduring the fire with singular
constancy. No sooner was he removed than the Schoolmaster of the
place, a man named Jonas, learned and pious, continued the same
confession, and was in turn imprisoned. Some friends helped him to
escape ; and the Archbishop, enraged at this succession of preachers,
caused twenty-five persons to be apprehended and taken to Vienne.
Some of them died in prison, by disease or ill treatment, and the
JEAN DE CATUKCE. 89
remainder were eventually released with an ostentation of extreme
clemency.
Orleans, Bourges, and Toulouse, heard the Gospel. Toulouse was
one of the darkest towns in France. The Parliament was sanguinary ;
the University, almost worthless ; the churches were full of relics, and
other instruments of idolatry ; and the inhabitants, so given up to
superstition, that whoever did not kneel down when the bell rang for
"Hail Mary," or neglected to pull off his cap before an image, or had
eaten a morsel of flesh on a day of abstinence, was at once noted as a
heretic. Some enlightened men, however, began to publish the truth
even in Toulouse. One of them, a licentiate in canon law, Jean de
Caturce, spoke of the kingdom of Christ in the hearts of men, and
endeavoured to substitute reading of the Bible, on feast-days, for pro-
fane sports. He was imprisoned. His friends endeavoured to per-
suade him to purchase liberty by recanting but three points of a
lecture he had delivered. This effort failing, he was left to the sentence
of death. A ceremonial degradation occupied three hours, during
which time he had many opportunities of defending his cause, and
instructing the crowd of spectators. A singular occurrence took place
there. The preacher — for sermons made part of those revolting
exhibitions — took for text these words : " The Spirit speaketh ex-
pressly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith,
giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils." Caturce was
listening attentively, but the preacher paused. His text was ended.
" Go on," cried Caturce, " go on with your text." The preacher
was embarrassed : he stood mute, utterly unable to remember the first
sentence of his sermon. " Then, if you will not finish it," proceeded
the martyr, " I must. ' Speaking lies in hypocrisy ; having their con-
science seared as with a hot iron ; forbidding to marry, and com-
manding to abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received
with thanksgiving of them which believe and know the truth.' "
This recitation by no means contributed to restore self-possession to
the speaker. Every eye was turned on Caturce, who followed up his
text with a spirited exposition. From the scaffold on which he had
been degraded he was led to the palace, or town-house, where he
heard his final sentence ; and as they took him away to the stake, he
exclaimed aloud, in Latin, " 0 palace of iniquity, and dwelling of
injustice !" He bore the fire with constancy * (A.D. 1532). But we
must now quit France.
In order to pursue, with distinctness, the current of events in Ger-
many, it is necessary to return to the period when Luther lay con-
cealed in Thuringia, and mark the commencement of a political move-
ment, intimately relating to the religious, and most necessary to be
described in a history of persecution. In the latter part of the year
1521, an imperial Diet was convened at Nuremberg. The Emperor
was absent, but Ferdinand his brother presided in his stead. Adrian
VI. held his first consistory in Rome in the month of November, and,
with the assent of the Cardinals, appointed Francesco Chieregato,
Bishop of Teramo, to be his Nuncio at the Diet. Chieregato presented
* Beze, Hist. Eccles., livre premier.
VOL. III. N
90 CHAPTER II.
himself at Nuremberg without delay, and delivered the letters of
his master to the Electors, Princes, and deputies of cities. Adrian
complained that, although Luther had been condemned by his
predecessor, Leo X., and although that sentence had been supported
by the edict of Worms, published throughout Germany, he was still
permitted to persist in heresy, and to publish new books, supported
by the nobles as well as by the populace. St. Paul, indeed, had said,
that there must be heresies, in order that they who are approved may
be made manifest ; but it was not a time to tolerate heresy, when the
Turks were threatening to overwhelm Christendom. Princes and
people should no longer connive at so great an impiety ; nor should a
simple Monk be suffered to seduce them out of the path followed by
their ancestors. If the sectaries of Luther were allowed to transgress
ecclesiastical laws with impunity, they would soon break all other
laws. If they were allowed to appropriate to themselves Church pro-
perty, they would rob the State. If they could insult Priests with
impunity, they would not respect laymen, nor spare their wives and
daughters. He counselled and exhorted them, if other methods did
not avail, to employ fire for the extirpation of Luther and his
adherents, as fire had been employed for the destruction of Dathan
and Abiram, Ananias and Sapphira, Jovinian and Vigilantius,* John
Huss and Jerome of Prague. The Pope sent a similar epistle to each
of the Princes ; and that to the Elector of Saxony contained an urgent
exhortation to put down Luther, and to consider how deeply his pos-
terity would be dishonoured if he persisted in favouring a madman.
The instructions of Chieregato were strongly to the same effect, Luther
being likened to Mohammed.
The Diet replied in the usual complimentary manner as to the Pope
and his good wishes ; but with regard to his demand for the execu-
tion of the sentence against Luther, and the extirpation of heresy,
they gave strong reasons for not having done so. 1. By the books
of Luther, most persons were persuaded that the court of Rome had
done great harm in Germany. If, therefore, the edict of Worms had
been enforced, people would have charged their rulers with encourag-
ing abuses and impiety, and popular tumults might have followed.
2. It was necessary to employ the most proper remedies for all
evils. But the Pope and his Nuncio had both confessed that the
evils then prevalent were the consequence of sin ; and the fit remedy
would be a reformation of the court of Rome, which the Pope had
promised. 3. If abuses and vexations (which would be specified)
were not ended, there could be no peace between laymen and Eccle-
siastics. 4. As the annates paid by Germany for a crusade against
the Turks had not been so employed, they required, as a condition
of compliance with the Pope's wishes, that those moneys should be
kept in Germany. And the Diet proceeded to say, that as Adrian
asked their opinion concerning remedies of the evils he enumerated,
they must observe that that of Luther was not the only one. There
* The trifling mistake as to the nse of fire on these four persons, would not be
severely noted. . Death, temporal and eternal, is always denounced on those who make
free with the " goods of the Church."
THE HUNDRED GRIEVANCES. 91
were many gross and inveterate abuses in the Church, for which there
could be no remedy more proper, efficient, and desirable than a pious,
free, and Christian Council, convoked in some suitable place in Ger-
many, with consent of the Emperor, wherein laymen as well as Church-
men should have entire permission to say what they pleased, notwith-
standing any preceding oath or obligation to the contrary. Persuaded
that the Pope would not refuse so reasonable a request, they engaged
to use their influence with the Elector of Saxony to prevent the
Lutherans from writing or printing any new books ; and at the same
time to order that, through all Germany, preachers should conform
to the Gospel, purely and simply, according to the approved doc-
trine of the Church, without touching on points that might provoke
sedition, or awaken controversy. To this end they promised or pro-
posed some restrictions and precautions.
The Nuncio made a reply, partly evasive, and partly querulous. He
much disliked the general tendency of their answer, especially in some
of the proposals, as injurious to the independence of the pontificate.
The Diet rejoined that he seemed to measure good and evil by the
standard of the court of Rome, and proceeded to prepare a document
containing an enumeration of the evils inflicted by that court in
Germany. It is known as the " Hundred Grievances;" (Centum Gra-
vamina ;) and Chieregato, that he might not hear it, withdrew from
Nuremberg without ceremony. The members of the Diet considered
that the fugitive Nuncio had, by his unceremonious departure, treated
the empire with disrespect ; and when the document was read in full
assembly, some additions were made, to give it greater pungency.
The " Hundred Grievances" was a distinct exposition of the corrup-
tions and wrongs referred to in their answer to the Pope's letter.
This singular correspondence, with the acts of the Diet, were printed,
by authority, and circulated throughout Germany, to the great advan-
tage of the cause of reformation. The Pope died soon after the
return of Chieregato.
Giulio de' Medici, cousin of Leo X., succeeded to the throne, under
the title of Clement VII. It displeased him that Adrian had lowered
the pontifical dignity by confessing the sins of the court and Clergy,
and by asking advice of the Germans, which had brought up a demand
for a Council, a thing, of all others, most to be dreaded. He there-
fore sent Lorenzo Campeggio, Cardinal of Santa Anastasia, to dis-
charge the functions of Legate at the Diet, which was still at Nurem-
berg, with instructions to evade the importunity of the Germans ; but,
as some reform was undeniably needed, to throw the inconveniences
thereof on the German priesthood, leaving the Roman in undisturbed
enjoyment of their own pleasure. Campeggio hastened to Nurem-
berg, assumed a posture of extreme dignity, pretended to know
nothing of their correspondence , with Adrian, and offered them a
trifling plan for reforming the dress and manners of the inferior Clergy
in Germany. Both in a public discourse and in private conversations
the Legate ceased not to denounce the demands contained in the
" Hundred Grievances" as most unjust, and, for all reasons, divine
and human, impossible to be granted by the Pontiff. " Never," said
N 2
92 CHAPTER II.
he, " would His Holiness surrender the principal emoluments that for
ages have maintained the dignity of Popes and Prelates : never would
he consent to be robbed of his revenues in Germany, nor allow an
example that other nations would quickly imitate." With this Nuncio,
as with his predecessor, and as with the court and clergy of Rome,
the question was one of wealth and power, to the utter exclusion
of every nobler consideration.* He conceived the motives of Luther
and the Germans to be equally sordid with his own. The Diet main-
tained its ground, sent an answer to Clement resembling that which
they had returned to Adrian, and closed their sessions, on April 18th,
1524. One determination demands attention. It was that the States
of the empire should meet at Spire on November 1 1 th following.-)-
Here are three parties. Luther and his friends, with all who
desire evangelical reformation in Germany ; Zuinglius in Switzerland,
with multitudes who receive his doctrine ; the Bohemian Brethren ;
the Lollards in England ; and good men in all parts of Europe who
agree in the rejection of Popery, and desire, but with some diversity
of judgment on lesser articles, to establish the leading article of
Christian faith, — the supremacy of Christ in all things over his church.
These are the first party. The Pope and priesthood are the second.
The third consists of the States and people of Germany, with whom
the secular magistracy and laity of Europe generally sympathize.
Rome calls on the two latter to crush the first party by force. The
reformers call on the laity to cast off the insufferable yoke of spiritual
despotism. The laity endeavour to profit by the religious difference
to humble the Papacy that has rapidly risen to power since the heal-
ing of the schism at Constance. Contrary to the wishes of Rome, and
contrary to the interests of Christianity, as it might have seemed to a
cursory observer, the world assumes the office of arbitrator between
the falling and the rising churches. Yet God overrules the strange
position to the eventual establishment of his kingdom.
Each new event tended to complicate the whole, and to frus-
trate human counsels. Campeggio, whose wisdom advanced close on
the verge of folly, assembled a few members of the Diet, after the
majority had left Nuremberg ; and these, as friendly to the court
of Rome, being chiefly Ecclesiastics or their agents, constituted them-
selves an independent body J at Ratisbon. They even took upon
them to decree, (July 6th, 1524,) that the edict of Worms should be
executed in all their states and domains ; that there should be no
religious innovation ; that " apostate Monks," Priests who married,
communicants who had not confessed, and persons who ate flesh on
unlawful days, should be punished ; that all their subjects who then
prosecuted their studies in the University of Wittemberg, should be
compelled to leave it within three months, and study elsewhere. Next
day, the Cardinal Legate published his rejected regulations for extir-
* Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trident., lib. ii., cap. x., sect. 12, 13.
t Fra Paolo Sarpi, Hist. Cone. Trente, i., 25 — 30. (Courayer.)
t They were, Ferdinand, the Emperor's brother ; the Archbishop of Salzburg ; two
Dukes of Bavaria ; the Bishops of Trent and Ratisbon ; and the agents of nine
other Prelates.
HENRY OF ZUTPHEN. 93
rating Lutheranism, and regulating the life and manners of the infe-
rior Clergy in Germany, and against sorcerers and witches. These
proceedings roused the indignation of the states. It was insufferable
that a handful of persons should arrogate the power of doing what
the Diet had refused to do. They thought it ridiculous, nay, insolent,
in the Legate, to offer a mock reform of poor parish Priests, with
penalties on witches, instead of a real reformation of the Bishops and
Cardinals, under whose rapacity, corruption, and mismanagement Ger-
many had been suffering for ages. The Emperor, too, was offended
with the Diet, which had presumed, in his absence, to ask the Pope
for a Council ; a demand, he thought, which ought to have been made,
if made at all, by himself alone, the Pope and he being the only per-
sons competent to treat on the convocation of a General Council.
Clement exhorted him to withhold his sanction from the request for a
Council, and to forbid the projected assembly at Spire ; and the sub-
servient Csesar accordingly dictated a severe and indignant letter to
the states, written from Spain (July 15th, 1524). On the other
hand, most of the free cities and the states friendly to Luther were
represented in a convocation at Spire, who, regardless of the imperial
brief, determined to appoint learned persons to examine matters
relating to religion, and prepare a confession to be presented there at
the time appointed.
In the hostile states, the edict of Worms was enforced by civil
authority, except where the Magistrates or people were friendly to the
preachers. Even then the malignant ingenuity of persecutors some-
times compassed the death of hated Lutherans. For example : Henry
of Zutphen, Prior of a monastery in Antwerp, expelled thence, as we
have seen, for Christ's sake, found refuge in Bremen. Resting in
that city on his way, as he intended, to join Luther at Wittemberg, he
was first invited to give a sermon, and then to continue in the city as
preacher of the Gospel. The Senate sustained the wish of the
citizens, in spite of the Clergy ; and his ministry was blessed to the
conversion of multitudes from the old superstition. The Archbishop
of the province, with his Priests, left no means untried to destroy the
preacher ; and the Senate as constantly protected him. The last
Bull of Leo X., and the edict of Worms, were displayed on the church-
door ; and persons were sent to listen to his sermons, in hope
of catching some sentence that might be made to sound like an incen-
tive to sedition, and serve to aggravate the charge of heresy. Many
of the listeners were converted, witnessed his doctrine to be God's
truth, and showed by newness of life that it was " the power of God
unto salvation." The Bull and the edict were passed unheeded by
the men of Bremen.
While ministering so happily, he received a letter from a Lutheran
parish Priest, and several other persons, earnestly inviting him to
Meldorf, a town in Dithmarsch, to proclaim the Gospel there, amidst
a superstitious and licentious population. The letter was submitted
to a few members of his congregation, with a request to be advised
and assisted for the journey thither. They thought, however, that,
h living been chosen as their Minister, Master Henry should not leave
94 CHAPTER II.
them, but abide by the work so successfully begun ; or, at least, defer
his purpose for a time, until the Gospel should have taken deeper
root in the town and surrounding villages. He thought otherwise.
To him it seemed that many in Bremen were well able to instruct the
infant church ; and that a call to preach Christ to a population almost
destitute of Christian knowledge, ought not to be refused. The con-
viction of duty was resistless. At length, others also began to regard
the call as of God ; and he set out for Meldorf, desiring his friends to
inform the congregation of his departure, and promise them that,
having fulfilled the new commission, he would return to Bremen. The
friendly Priest, with a little company of inquirers, thirsting after
truth, cordially welcomed their new instructer. Tornborch, Prior
of the Dominicans, faithful to the intention of his order, headed a
band of conspirators, determined, if possible, to prevent him from
preaching even once in Meldorf, lest the people, influenced like those
of Bremen, should afterwards unite in protecting him from harm.
Forty-eight simple laymen, invested with the government of that little
territory, might easily, they thought, be gained ; and two of the most
influential of them, known as enemies of the Gospel, were engaged to
manage their colleagues. They hastily convened the rude council,
and represented that by putting the heretical Monk to death,
as required both by the Pope and the Emperor, the town of Mel-
dorf would be rewarded with the special favour of the Bishop
of Bremen. " When these poor and unlearned men heard these words,
they decreed that this Monk should be put to death, neither heard,
nor seen, much less convicted." A letter from the forty-eight com-
manded the parish Priest to dismiss the Monk from his house, and
not suffer him to preach in Meldorf. But the good Priest, not so
simple and unlearned as the corporation whose missive was put into
his hands, denied that they had any authority to set aside an ancient
privilege of the parishioners to choose their own preacher, but handed
the paper to Henry. Henry had not slept in the town, the evening
was far advanced, his host said nothing ; before sunrise he might
retrace his steps, and return to Bremen, satisfied that the door had
been closed against him. But he read the paper, and, perusing his
heart, sought an answer there. Love for souls forbade him to retreat.
Raising his eyes from the letter, and calmly looking at the Priest,
who still gave no advice, he said, " Sent for by all this congregation,
I am come to Meldorf to preach the Gospel of Christ. This vocation
I must satisfy. I see that my preaching will be acceptable to your
congregation, and I must obey the word of God, not man. If it
pleases Him that I lose my life in Dithmarsch, this is as near a way
to heaven as any other ; and I doubt not but I must some day
suffer for the Gospel's sake." He soon retired to his chamber; and
next morning, confident in the divine commission, went up into the
pulpit and pronounced these words of St. Paul : " God is my wit-
ness, whom I serve with my spirit in the Gospel of his Son, that
without ceasing I make mention of you always in my prayers ; making
request, if by any means now at length I might have a prosperous
journey by the will of God to come unto you. For I long to see yen,
HENRY OF ZUTPHF.N. 95
that I may impart unto you some spiritual gift, to the end ye may be
established." (Rom. i. 9 — 1 1 .) The Dominican Prior, also, after sermon,
addressed the congregation in his way, and read the letter from the
forty-eight, declaring that they should be fined a thousand guilders
if they suffered the Monk to preach. Tornborch then insisted that
they should send representatives to answer for them to that body.
The congregation, however, maintained, that every parish had the right
to appoint its own preacher, determined to keep Henry for theirs, and
to defend him. Tornborch left the church in anger; and in the
afternoon of the same day, Henry preached again, much to the satis-
faction of the people, and of the parish Priest, who sent messengers
to the Presidents, offering to answer for the preacher whom they had
chosen. The Presidents withdrew their prohibition, deferring the
question, as arising out of the disputes about doctrine, until a General
Council, which they heard was soon to be assembled, should instruct
all men what they were to believe.
The messengers returned to Meldorf, imagining that the Presidents
would interfere no further. Henry preached with great effect. But
the Prior and his accomplices gained over the leaders of those forty-
eight insignificant rulers, who were brought to concur in the opinion
that the heretical Monk should be put to death, lest the honour
of " our Lady," the saints, and the monasteries, should utterly come
to ruin. After some consultation, it was determined not to hazard
the formalities of a trial, nor even to enter into any correspondence
with the preacher, lest they also should be infected by the contagion
of his heresy, and overpowered as by a spell that unlearned men could
not resist. It was therefore resolved to take him by night, and burn
him before the people could know it. A secret meeting was then holden,
consisting of such persons as could be intrusted with participation in the
plot ; and " the day after the conception of our Lady," they assembled
about five hundred peasants in the village of Henning, half a mile dis-
tant from Meldorf. The boors met together after night-fall, and heard
from the lips of some of the confederates, that the end of that gather-
ing was to kill a heretic. The announcement excited some opposi-
tion at first, and they would have instantly dispersed, refusing to do
so horrible a deed. But the Presidents threatened, and, by help of
three barrels of Hamburgh beer, produced so great a change of feeling,
that the rabble was ready for any outrage. They were then marched to
Meldorf, the Monks attending with torches, that their victim might not
escape in the dark. The rabble burst into the house of the Priest,
where Henry lodged, destroyed the furniture, took every valuable, and
then fell on the Priest, shouting, "Kill the thief, kill the thief."
After dragging him through the mire and beating him for some time,
they were told that their commission was not to take him, but ano-
ther. Henry was then pulled out of his bed : they bound his hands,
and, transferring him from one to another, as each ruffian became
weary of the charge, drove him bare-foot to another neighbouring
town. There they paused, to question him as to the reason of his
coming to Dithmarsch ; but when he meekly gave the reason, they
drowned his voice by vociferations : " Away with him ! away with
96 CHAPTER II.
him ! If we hear him talk any longer, lie will make us all heretics."
Their way lay over a hard frozen road, rough with hroken ice ; his feet
were bleeding, and he entreated to be allowed a horse to proceed to
Heyde, the town where those Presidents were wont to hold their meet-
ings. But they derided the proposal to "hire a horse for the heretic;"
and, still naked, he was driven on to Heyde. Some Priests there gladly
took him, and in one of their houses he was shut up in a cupboard,
and mocked during the night by the drunken fellows who were
employed to torture him. Next morning, one Gunter, a ringleader
of the riot, came and asked whether he would rather be sent to the
Bishop of Bremen, or receive his punishment in Dithmarsch. " If I
have preached," he replied, " anything contrary to God's word, or
done any wicked act, it is for them to punish me." ' ' You hear,
good friends," cried Gunter, " he wishes to suffer in Dithmarsch."
The mob, maddened with drink, gathered together in the market-
place, to consult what they should do. The consultation was brief;
and the sentence followed in a shout : "Burn him! burn him ! To
the fire with the heretic !" A crier summoned all who had been pre-
sent at the apprehension, to come under arms to the burning. The
Franciscan Friars flocked to the spot to superintend the execution.
They instructed some unskilful ruffians how to bind him for the stake,
and how to prepare the fire, bidding them "go the right way to
work." Bound hand and foot, he was carried to the fire. As they
passed by with him, he observed a woman weep, standing at her door,
and, turning towards her, said, " I pray you, weep not for me."
They laid him by the faggots, for he could no longer stand, and one
of the Presidents, being bribed for the occasion, read a mock sen-
tence : " Forasmuch as this thief hath wickedly preached against the
worship of our blessed Lady, I, by the commandment and sufferance
of our reverend father in Christ, the Bishop of Bremen, and my Lord,
condemn him here to be burned and consumed with fire." Raising his
eyes towards heaven, the martyr exclaimed, " I have done no such
thing. 0 Lord, forgive them ! for they offend ignorantly, not knowing
what they do. 0 Almighty God, thy name is holy." A lady, at
that moment, made her way through the crowd. She was wife of one
of the conspirators, but offered to pay the fine imposed on the people
of Meldorf, and to suffer stripes in the stead of Henry, if they would
release him. She was brutally knocked down, and trampled under
foot, while some stabbed and beat Henry as he lay ; and Gunter
bawled, " Go to boldly, good fellows : truly God is present with us."
Then, calling a Franciscan, he bade him take Henry's confession, who
demanded, " Brother, when have I done you any injury, either by
word or deed ; or when did I ever provoke you to anger ?" " Never,"
said the Friar. " Then what should I confess to you, that you think
you might forgive me?" Moved at these words, the Friar left him.
The fire, as often as it was kindled, would not burn ; and meanwhile
they beat and cut him with cudgels and knives. The flames be°-in-
ning to rise, they bound him to a ladder, to lay him on the pile. As
soon as bound he began to pray ; but some one struck him on the
face, saying, " Thou shalt first be burnt, and afterwards mayest pray
LUTHER PUTS OFF THE COWL. 97
and prate as much as thou wilt." Another, treading on his breast,
bound his neck to a step of the ladder until the blood gushed out
at his mouth and nose. The ladder was then erected, and, to steady
it, a man planted his halbert behind ; but the ladder slipping, the
halbert ran through him and ended his sufferings, death being
accelerated by the blow of a mace. His body was roasted on the
sluggish fire* (A.D. 1524).
Luther wrote an admirable letter to Henry's former flock in Bre-
men. " Now," said he, " the true features of Christian life return to
us as at the beginning. This religion, unsightly and repulsive to the
world, amidst afflictions and storms of persecution, is yet precious
and of great honour in the sight of God, according to the testimony
of the Psalmist : ' Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death
of his saints.' And again : ' Precious shall their blood be in his
sight.' Doubtless your Henry of Zutphen, who has been cruelly put
to a terrible death by the murderers of Dithmarsch for the sake of the
Gospel of God, will shine eminently among them ; and by shedding
his blood so freely, he has exhibited a most certain testimony to the
doctrine of Christ. Indeed, John and Henry of Brussels were the
first whose lives were taken ; and those two became shining lights,
slain in such a lovely death, wherein they were offered up to God as
a fragrant sacrifice. And in the same catalogue we may also place
Gaspar Tauber, burnt alive in Vienna ; and George the bookseller,
who has lost his life (at Buda) in Hungary." f Persecution raged at
Leipsic, under the iron hand of Duke George. All who were known
to favour the reformed doctrine were fined, imprisoned, or banished,
and a few crowned with martyrdom. John Hergst, a bookseller, and
therefore peculiarly odious to the Clergy, was beheaded in the market-
place ; as were two others shortly afterwards. Some were imprisoned
for life in the Bishop's prisons at Mersburg. Fugitives, however,
from France and Germany found refuge in Strasburg, and constituted
there a flourishing church, enlightened by the learning and piety
of such men as Capito, Bucer, and Le Fevre.J Many others, in
various parts of Germany, suffered tumultuary execution, murdered
by mobs at the instigation of Priests ; while the civil authorities were
reluctant to obey the edict of Worms. Their bodies were sometimes
thrown into the Rhine and other rivers. At Halle, a preacher named
George, who had administered the eucharist in both kinds, was way-
laid and killed ; and at Prague, a Monk, whose name is not recorded,
suffered the same penalty for quitting the monastery, and taking a
wife, instead of living wickedly like his cloistered brethren. §
The weakness of persecution appeared in these outrages, that
hindered not the spread of evangelical doctrine ; and Luther, anxious
to signify his utter renunciation of monkery, put off the cowl, and
refused the appellation of Reverend Father, usually given to Monks
and parish Priests. Ceasing to be a Monk, and having no parochial
* Foxe, Acts and Monuments, book vii.
t Seckemlorf., Hist. Luth., toin i., p. 295.
I Gerdes, Hist. Evang. Renov., torn, ii., p. 127.
§ Foxe, Acts and Monuments, book vii.
VOL. III. O
98 CHAPTER II.
charge, lie assumed the dress worn by Doctors, and called himself by
his academic title, Doctor Martin Luther. The Elector, notwithstand-
ing his usually extreme caution, did not discourage the change, but
sent the ex-Friar a present of cloth, jocosely telling him that he might
have it cut after any fashion that pleased him best. And not long after-
wards, he exemplified his long avowed abhorrence of monkish celibacy
by marrying Catherine von Boren, a lady of noble birth, once a Nun in
a convent at Nimpschen, but who, like very many others, had broken
from the reclusion of the cloister. Gladly would his enemies have
prevented that event. A Jewish Physician from Poland, allured by
the offer of a large sum of money, was watching an opportunity to
poison him ; but information was given him by letter. The Jew,
when arrested, denied the accusation, and would have been put to the
rack, but Luther interceded for him with the Elector, and he was dis-
missed (January, 1525).* It is remarkable that some sons of the
Church had already attempted the removal of Zuinglius by a similar
contrivance (April, 1522). Poison and a dagger were prepared for his
destruction too ; but the secret was disclosed in time, and his life
providentially preserved.^
It pleased God to remove Frederic the Wise from the scene of
approaching warfare (May 5th, 1525). He had cautiously, but firmly
and most sincerely, supported Luther, and nurtured the infant Reform-
ation, giving constant evidence of sincere piety, and willingness to
encounter any inconvenience rather than desert the cause of Christ.
His memory will always be honoured by those who can appreciate the
protection he, when almost single among the Princes of Germany,
afforded to the people of Saxony, and, by consequence, to the greatest
part of Upper Germany, against the malignity of the Court of Rome,
and the weak servility of Charles V., who would have allowed any
number of his subjects to be offered up as victims to the Tibrine
demi-god, if such a sacrifice could have promoted his political schemes.
All Saxony mourned their loss ; but his successor, with greater boldness,
not greater sincerity, gave the entire weight of civil authority in that
electorate to the same holy cause. Luther had foreseen, immediately
after the Diet of Worms, that Germany would adopt his controversy with
Rome, and that the united tyranny of Priests and Princes would pro-
voke the rude peasantry to a sanguinary revolt ; that civil and religious
liberty would be confounded in the quarrel ; that Germany would
"swim with blood." He prayed that the Elector, a second Josiah,
might be first taken to the Lord in peace. Frederic is now taken,
and the strife begins. For ages the condition of the peasantry had
been growing worse and worse. \ Swabia had been troubled, more
than any other state, with insurrections, or threatenings of insurrection,
which the nobles and cities had unitedly suppressed. Carlstadt, sepa-
rated from Luther, and no longer a Christian Reformer, but a mad
* Seckendorf., torn ii., p. 35.
t D'Aubigne, History of the Reformation, hook viii., chap. 12.
\ Seckendorff demonstrates that discontent and insurrection were long hefore Luther,
and fully describes the causes and events of this peasant war. — Hist. Luth., torn, ii.,
pp. l_14.
Trrtorirk nf Sfl.xnni)
J
END OF THE PEASANT WAR. 99
revolutionist, went about preaching insurrection. The rustic popula-
tion of Southern Germany rose together at his call. Munzer and the
Anabaptists soon added to the confusion, and threw into the insur-
gent masses a deeper tinge of fanaticism. The boors could not suc-
cessfully contend against armies. They were mown down by thou-
sands. Luther, instead of countenancing the revolt, denounced the
guilt and madness of its leaders, with characteristic vehemence of lan-
guage, but with an energy of wisdom that proved him to be anything
but a headlong innovator. The deluded peasants had mixed up a
jargon of religion with complaints, reasonable enough in themselves,
and for which no constitutional remedy was provided, and had also
appealed to Luther for his support. That support was refused in
such terms that they regarded him as their enemy, although he was
in reality striving to convince the Princes that there were many and
great grievances to be redressed. The fact that the Reformation had
unsettled the whole state of things in Germany, also gave colour, in the
sight of many, to a notion that revolt was an inevitable consequence
of this new doctrine, and that the Bible was a hand-book of sedition.
"Thousands of the peasantry had fallen," says Menzel, " and all opposi-
tion now ceased. The city of Wurtzburg threw open her gates to the
triumphant Truchsess,* who held a fearful court of judgment, in which
the prisoners were beheaded by his jester, Hans : nineteen citizens
and thirty-six ringleaders were among the number. The peasants
knelt in a row before the Truchsess, whilst Hans the jester, with the
sword of execution in his hand, marched up and down behind them.
The Truchsess demanded ' which of them had been implicated in the
revolt?' None acknowledged the crime. 'Which of them had
read the Bible?' Some said Yes, some No; and each of those who
replied in the affirmative, was instantly deprived of his head by Hans,
amidst the loud laughter of the squires. The same fate befell those
who knew how to read or write. Similar horrors were enacted
throughout the country, and followed by a systematic persecution on
the part of the Bishop. The spiritual Princes surpassed their bre-
thren in atrocity. "f
While this calamity befell Germany, Switzerland, also, was thrown
into confusion. The sword of Peter, to borrow a preposterous figure
of Rome, was unsheathed ; but it was to fight against Peter's Lord. J
At Constance, memorable for its Council, and for the Bohemian
witnesses whom that Council put to death, the reformed doctrine was
preached by John Wanner, from the pulpit of the cathedral , while
in Zurich, Lucerne, Einsidlen, and many other places, the bread of
life began to be distributed to the famishing multitudes. Zuinglius and
his Swiss disciples, being agreed in one political principle as Republi-
cans, thought it right to bring religious questions before the people,
to be judged of and settled by them. The Bishop of Constance, as
* Butler. Title of the officer of state appointed to the command of the imperial forces.
t History of Germany, chap, cxciv.
\ The English reader will find ample details in Sleidan's History of the Reformation,
translated by Bohun, book iv. ; arid D'Aubigne, Reformation, book viii., chap. 14, and
book xi. throughout.
o 2
100 CHAPTER II.
member of a hierarchy that depends on an ecclesiastical Monarch,
whose decisions are absolute, and to whom, as he fancies, no man has a
right to say, " What doest thou ?" * while he thought it right to oppose
their innovation, had to contend with politics and patriotism, as well
as with religion. His first appeals were to the Clergy. To the Dean
and Chapter of Zurich, chief seat of the Reformation in Switzerland,
he wrote a hortatory letter, (May 24th, 1522,) charging the preach-
ers, whom he did not name, with inculcating a doctrine that led to
tumults, apostasy, schism, disorder, and neglect of discipline ; adding
that the Pope and the Emperor had condemned the new dogmas, and
denounced them as contrary to church order and evangelical law and
unity. Therefore he exhorted the Clergy, by every consideration of
piety, authority, and charity, to lay aside those novelties, and not
preach, teach, or dispute concerning them, either in public or in
private, nor make any alteration in their faith, until those to whom it
belonged to pronounce a sentence, should have declared their plea-
sure, f Zuinglius, to whom the letter chiefly referred, was a member
of the Chapter, and, about three months afterwards, the Bishop
received a book from his pen, containing a compendium of the
obnoxious doctrine, and an appeal to the Clergy on its behalf.
From the Clergy, who were divided, the Bishop turned to the
federal Diet, where the friends of Zuinglius were in the minority. To
show their willingness to uphold Romanism, they proceeded to silence
Weiss, a preacher at Feilispach, near Baden, in pursuance of an into-
lerant decree of their own, previously issued. On the other hand, a
company of reformed Priests and learned men met at Einsidlen, in
the monastery where Zuinglius had resided before called to Zurich,
and drew up an address to the cantons, entreating them to cast off
human authority, and take the Bible only to be their standard of
belief. This aroused Switzerland. The Magistrates of Friburg impri-
* Let not the charitable reader imagine this to he a stroke of irony, hut receive, from
the pen of a Roman Lawyer, a compendium of the doctrine of Papal supremacy and per-
fection that has legal force in that court. Petrus Ridolphinus, Jurisconsult and Apos-
tolic Protonotary, in his often-edited and ponderous law-book, " Latent Practice of the
Roman Court in Judicial Proceedings," gives the following account of Pontifical autho-
rity, among the axiomatic sentences preliminary to the code itself. Each hyphen, be it
noted, indicates a long series of canonistical citations, that would be unintelligible to
almost every reader, if copied here. Signore Ridolfino speaks thus : " Therefore the
supreme Roman Pontiff, who is also called Pope, that is to say, Shepherd of Shepherds,
or Father of Fathers, — and is styled universal Prince of Pastors by the Emperor Con-
Btantine, of holy memory, in his divine mandate (jussio) to the Synod, — is Ordinary of
Ordinaries, — and successor of Peter, — and is called by the admirative title of Pope,
which is as much as to say Admirable, — because he is Vicar and Vicegerent of God on
earth. — He is God on earth, as says , who judges all men, and is judged ly none
— whose judgment God reserves, without question, to his own sanction, (arbitrium.) —
whose most ample power no mortal can restrain, — in whom no defect of power is
admitted, — because he can do all things, — and of whose power it is a crime and sacri-
\ege to doubt. — often exercises by himself (alone) this power and jurisdiction delivered
Unto him by God. — Nor does the Supreme Pontiff only exercise jurisdiction by himself,
but also by others, and concedes the same, as well to divers Judges in the city (in
urbe), as to Legates throughout the world (in orbe), either there already, by virtue of
office, or ordinary, or special (sive missis, sive de lateie), — and also to Patriarchs, Arch-
bishops, Bishops, and all Prelates of the whole world,— and to the Legates and Governors
of the States of the Church, — and, in short, to the Judges of the Court of Rome, con-
cerning whom see — — ." Here are arrogated a divine omnipotence and omnipresence.
t Gerdesii Hist. Evang. Renovat., torn, i., p. 272.
IMAGES DESTROYED IN ZURICH. 101
soned, deposed, and banished Hollard, a Canon of their Church, for
holding correspondence with the innovators. Oswald Myconius,
Master of the public school of Lucerne, was banished from that city,
together with two Canons, Xylotect and Kilchneyer, one of whom was
married, if not both. The Diet assembled at Baden renewed its per-
secuting acts, ordered the authorities of the towns to have appre-
hended and brought before them all who should speak against " the
faith," and sent Weiss, whom they had already silenced, to the
Bishop's prison. The Zurich Magistrates, in their alarm, banished
two persons from their canton, who had endangered peace, as they
thought, by excessive zeal against image-worship. These were Grebel
and Hottinger. The former, driven to a worse extreme, joined the
Anabaptists. The latter was soon afterwards seized, taken before the
Council of Lucerne, and sentenced to be beheaded. His crime was
undermining the pedestal of a huge crucifix, until the idol fell. On
hearing the sentence, he calmly gave thanks to Jesus Christ, and,
when this excited ridicule, prayed God to forgive his Judges. A
Monk presented a crucifix, that he might kiss it ; but he pushed it
away, saying, " It is in the heart that we ought to receive Jesus
Christ." Passing through the crowd, he observed many weeping.
" I am going to eternal happiness," said he, aloud ; and, having
mounted the scaffold, he was heard to say again, " I commit my soul
into thy hands, 0 my Redeemer!" The Council of Zurich had been
called on by Zuinglius to decide what the citizens should receive as
true doctrine, and at once gave evidence of their incompetence, by
expelling a devoted Christian, who, being an unprotected outcast, was
made the first martyr of the Reformation in those cantons (A.D.
1524). While the faithful at Zurich were filled with horror on hear-
ing of the execution of their banished brother, a messenger from the
Diet came into the city, with a demand that they should all abjure
their faith. The Council was provoked, and, by way of answer to
that demand, they decreed a burial of the relics, and a demolition of
the images. For overturning but one image, the persecutors had
slain a man ; now, the city of Zurich sends its architect, at the head
of a numerous company of blacksmiths, locksmiths, carpenters, and
masons, to enter every church, destroy every image, and whitewash
the walls, preparatory to an entire change in the manner of public
worship. The wooden gods were decorously committed to the flames,
and several neighbouring towns forthwith followed the example of
Zurich.*
There can be no more half measures. While this revolution is
going on at Zurich, a Papal Brief reaches the Diet of Switzerland,
exhorting them to employ force for the suppression of reform. No
time is to be lost ; for Nuns are quitting their convents, Priests are
marrying, images are falling, and every day new deserters are added
to the hosts that threaten to destroy Babylon. The Diet hastens to
obey the Pope, and, henceforth, many people suppose that persecu-
tion will be the high road to offices and honours. A country Magis-
trate at Frauenfeld, on the Rhine, is among the aspirants. He has
• Gerdes, Hist. Evang. Renovat., torn, i., pp. 301 — 303.
102 CHAPTER IT.
often listened to the preaching of CExlin, a parish Priest at Berg, near
Stein, with apparent satisfaction, and therefore can testify that his
doctrine is evangelical. Hoping to be rewarded for such diligence,
he sends soldiers to the Priest's house, past midnight, just when the
capture may be made with less fear of rescue or resistance. The good
man is dragged out of bed, and hurried away towards the river Thur,
•where a boat is ready to convey him to the other side. The cries of
the captive awaken the inhabitants, who spring from their beds, and
run towards the ferry. But they are too late. The soldiers have
taken him off, and there is no means of crossing the river to overtake
the captive. The men of two other places, Stein and Stammheim, are
on the road, aroused by the cries of the Priest in passing, or by those
of the pursuers, and then by an alarm-gun that was fired. The whole
neighbourhood is up, and a crowd of armed men gathers rapidly on
the river-bank. A Magistrate named Wirth, of Stammheim, with
two sons, both Priests, but all friendly to the cause of reformation, is
there. He proposes to send a message of remonstrance to the
aggressor at Frauenfeld ; but the people who have been thus roused
out of their beds, are not disposed to go home content with making a
mere verbal remonstrance. A monastery of begging Franciscans stands
near at hand. To it they go, break in, crowd the refectory, eat and
drink, and, hot with indignation, but soon hotter with wine, destroy
the furniture, ransack the library, drive out the Monks, and burn
the building.
This outrage was certainly provoked, but could not be justified.
The authorities of Zurich interfered to recall those of their own
canton who were found among the rioters ; but order could not be
restored. The Diet met at Zug, and, representing the entire con-
federation of Switzerland, resolved to punish the Wirths, and Ruti-
man, another Magistrate, who had been drawn to the scene of mis-
chief by the alarm, and were therefore to be regarded as accomplices.
The Deputies from Zurich expostulated, but in vain. It was deter-
mined that Zurich should give up those four Zuinglians, or be com-
pelled to do so by force of arras. After some negotiation the Council
of that canton consented to give them up, on condition that they
should not be tried for heresy, but examined as to the part they were
alleged to have taken in burning down the convent ; believing that,
by fair evidence, their innocence would be fully proved. Wirth
had been urged to flight, but would not consent to save himself by
what seemed a dishonourable confession of guilt that could be so
easily disproved, and, with his two sons and his neighbour Rutiman,
was taken to the prison of Zurich, and examined, but nothing could
be found against any of them. Then, under the limitation that
seemed to shield them against the notorious injustice of an inquisi-
torial tribunal, they were transferred to Baden (August, 1524). It
could not be proved that they had any participation in the riot, but
it was easily established that they were Zuinglians. Wirth had
destroyed an image of " St. Anne, grandmother of Christ." His son
Adrian, although a Priest, was, like several others by that time, mar-
ried. John had administered the eucharist to a sick person without
MASS ABOLISHED AT ZURICH. 103
Popish ceremonies. To extort confessions, they were all three put to
the torture. The father was racked from morning till noon. Then
Adrian, and then John. They could not suppress tears and shrieks
of agony, but gave no forced confession. They called on God for
pity ; and their prayer provoked the derision of the tormentors, and
aggravation of their sufferings.
They were then re-conducted to the prison of Baden. Wirth's
wife, mother of the two young Priests, attended by an Advocate, was
in Baden at the time, carrying her youngest child in her amis. She
implored the Judges to show mercy : she appealed to men in office
who had long known her husband's integrity, and reciprocated his
friendship. But all were inexorable ; for he bad destroyed St.
Anne ! After an absence of four weeks, the Deputies of the Popish
cantons returned to Baden, and pronounced sentence of death on
Wirth the elder, his son John, whose piety and zeal were most
conspicuous, and Rutiruan. Young Adrian was released. Adrian
wept when the decision was told them. His father exhorted him
not to avenge their death ; his brother, patiently to sustain the
cross of Christ. They received the sentence in court, and were
immediately marched back to prison. John walked first : the two
old men followed. As they approached the castle, a Priest required
them to kneel down before a chapel dedicated to St. Joseph. John
turned, and cried out, " Father, be firm. You know that there is but
one Mediator between God and men, the Man Christ Jesus." " I
will, my son," answered the father, " I will, by the help and grace
of God, remain faithful to the end." They instantly joined in recit-
ing the Lord's Prayer, and so passed the bridge into the castle. Soon
were they taken to the scaffold, and there John became sublime in
faith. "My dearly beloved father," said he, "henceforth you are no
longer my father, and I am no longer your son. We are brethren in
Christ our Lord, for whose name I am to suffer death. To-day,
dearly beloved brother, if it pleases God, we shall go to Him who is
the Father of us all. Fear nothing." " Amen," responded the aged
martyr, " may God Almighty bless you, my beloved son, and my
brother in Christ!" Rutiman prayed in silence. The spectators,
too, were silent, except when sobs became audible. The men of God
knelt down, and their heads were severed. People crowded in to
examine the bodies, and, when they saw them, lacerated with torture,
wept aloud. The widow, the mother, was next called on for a fee
accustomed, and she paid down twelve gold florins to the executioner
(September 28th, 1524).*
An irreparable breach with Rome is the consequence of this per-
fidy. Innocent of civil offence, three members of the canton of
Zurich have been beheaded for heresy, notwithstanding the condition
under which they were surrendered to the Diet. Every motive
to utter separation from the Pope is now strengthened, and all classes
of persons enter into the study of disputed points. At a session
of the Council of Two Hundred, (April llth, 1525,) Zuinglius, Leo
Judse, and Engelhardt, with two laymen, Megander and Myconius,
* D'Aubigne, book xi., chap. 5.
104 CHAPTER II.
demand that the mass, with the adoration of bread and wine, and all
such ceremonies, shall he abolished. The majority determine that it
shall be so, and, after an animated and keen discussion, they issue the
following decree : — " God being willing, ye shall henceforth use the
eucharist according to the institution of Christ, and the rite of the
Apostles. For the weak, and those who are as yet untaught in the
faith, it shall be lawful, for this time only, to follow the old method.
Thus let the mass be utterly abolished, antiquated, and laid aside,
that it be not repeated, not even for another day." For that time
only, that is, for Holy Thursday, a few weaker ones might have had
mass ; but the majority of Priests and people rejoiced in the abolition,
and the churches were filled with multitudes, who, with devotion
never before known, saw the bread handed round in wooden platters,
and the wine given to every communicant. One member of the
Council had zealously, and with great apparent sincerity and acute-
ness, resisted the change. Zuinglius, although he had satisfied the
Council, and was himself confirmed in the persuasion that the doc-
trine of transubstantiation was utterly ridiculous, felt that he had not
given the sophisms of Joachim Grut the triumphant refutation that
his own cause demanded. Full of the controversy, he lay wakeful
that night, until towards morning, when, in a remarkable dream, an
additional evidence was suggested. He dreamt that, disputing with
Grut, he was exceedingly embarrassed ; but some one appeared,
"whether black or white he knew not,"* to be sitting with them,
and, when he was unable to utter a word, to say, " Why do you not
answer him from the Book of Exodus, 'It is the Lord's passover?'"
He awoke instantly, leapt out of bed, referred to the Septuagint ver-
sion, and found the words, I7a<rp^a IOTI Kvpicu. Next day Zuinglius
went to the Council, renewed the argument, and, insisting on the
word !<TT», "is," as equivalent with the same word in the sen-
tence, " This is my body," reasoned with so much force, that no fur-
ther opposition could be made. Berne and Basil followed the example
of Zurich ; and thus was the Reformation soon accomplished in several
of the Swiss cantons.-)- But this territorial reformation, consummated
in a day by civil authority, was very different from the work that God
had wrought of old by Apostles and apostolic men. The dominant
Clergy had for many ages made Magistrates the executioners of their
vengeance, and the guardians of their power. Luther, although pro-
tected by Princes, often returned them but cool acknowledgments,
and repeatedly exhorted them to refrain from meddling with the work
of God, much less to fight for it. Zuinglius, on the contrary, appealed
to the civil power for the ratification of his proposals. " The King,"
some had said, " the Lord's anointed, is bounden to defend the faith,
and extirpate heresy." "The people," said Zuinglius, "are the
source of power, they are sovereign, and to them we must appeal."
* A proverbial expression, ignorantly misinterpreted by his enemies, as if by black he
meant diabolical. " Albus an attr sis ntscio. Solet dici de hornine vehementer ignoto."
Thus Erasmus explains the adage, and cites Cicero, Qumtilian, Catullus, Apuleius, St.
Jerome, and Horace, in proof. — Krasnii Opera, torn, ii., p. 227, edit. Froben.
t Gerdes, Hist. Evang. Renovat., ton), i., p. 318, et seq.
THE REFORMATION NOT OF LTJTHER. 105
He would not venture, however, to the street. Still he went to the
Council of Two Hundred, a democratic body, and thereby rendered
homage to democracy, as the Legate at Worms had rendered homage to
monarchy, by inducing Charles V. to issue his famous edict. Others,
however, as well as Zuinglius, appealed to the people. Grebel, whom
the " Two Hundred " had unwisely banished, found harbour in Basil,
and there led Anabaptism. Mantz, another fanatic, did the same at
Zurich. Tben came an ex-Friar, bearing the familiar name of Blue-
coat (BlaurocK), and with these a host of people gathered from the
lowest, and set about carrying fully out the democratic principle that
Zuinglius acknowledged, yet practically restricted by asking, not the
people, but these two hundred representatives, to authorize a religious
revolution. They would appropriate baptism to themselves, as a con-
venient sign of proselytism ; and, giving the name of that sacrament
to a miserable ceremony of their own, plunged their half-political and
half-religious followers into the nearest streams, and, when sufficiently
numerous, the deluded rout revolted against all existing authority,
calling themselves a divinely-sanctioned church and state, possessing
the attributes of both, and therefore superior to every law but their
own. One of the Anabaptist leaders killed his brother, and was him-
self justly beheaded. Bluecoat was banished, and afterwards killed
by the Papists, as a matter of course. Mantz was drowned by a judi-
cial sentence. The Swiss Reformation became turbulent. It was
made the subject of dispute between state and state. The Reformers
themselves were soon among the first victims of that folly which pre-
sumes to fight for Him whose kingdom is not of this world ; but
their history is full of instruction, teaching that when republicanism —
and royalism, in such a case, is quite as bad — controls discipline, or
influences doctrine, ruinous work must follow.
Although the Reformation began many ages before Luther, and
therefore is not to be attributed to him ; and although he could not
even be regarded as the leader of that great movement, except in
Germany ; he was undeniably the most eminent and influential of all the
Reformers. In the present chapter, therefore, we return to him after
every excursion into Switzerland or the north, and take his affairs to
determine the chronological order of this part of our history. No
longer a Monk, monastic vows ceased to bind him. He had renounced
the whole system, put off the garb, and, not even acknowledging his
Popish ordination to the priesthood, retained only the academic title and
office of Doctor of Divinity. He was excommunicated by the Pope, and
would, no doubt, have been ceremonially degraded from the priesthood,
and immediately burnt, had not a good Providence placed him beyond
the grasp of persecution. He had no clerical appointment in the Church
of Rome. He was a Minister of God, but without any other human
ordination than the commission received from the University of Wit-
temberg to teach theology. To the Augustine superiors, and to the
Romish hierarchy, he no longer owed obedience ; and as for the vow
of celibacy, he had long cast it off as unlawful. He therefore married,
as we have already seen, (June, 1525,) agreeably to the spirit, if not
also fulfilling the letter, of the word of God.
VOL. III. P
106 CHAPTER II.
At that time the peasant war was raging. This has heen briefly
noticed on a preceding page. No doubt, many good men were accused
of participation in that vast insurrection who had taken no part in
it ; and many were ill treated and even killed by the boors them-
selves. A few instances of such suffering are on record ; * and if the
servants of God had not been signally protected, the reformed Minis-
ters must have perished in the strife. Even amidst the confusion
of civil war, the cause of Christ advanced. His enemies had little
power, but that little they employed. The Bohemian Brethren began
to hold friendly correspondence with Luther ; and some of the more
enlightened Calixtines desired ordination at Wittemberg. Such a
union was never effected ; and a Hussite Priest, Paul Speratus, who,
with others, presented articles of reformation to the states of Bohemia
and Moravia, at Prague, was afterwards burnt at Olmutz, by command
of the Bishop. This notwithstanding, the court of Rome feared the
spread of Lutheranism into Bohemia, and took measures accordingly.
Gallus Zahera, Curate of the Tein church in Prague, and administra-
tor of the Calixtine Consistory, had visited Luther some years before,
brought some of his writings to Prague, and obtained the reputation
of being a liberal man. But, however liberal, he did not live under
the power of the truth. The King favoured Popery ; and therefore
Zahera and some other Priests found it expedient to do the same.
Clement VII., rejoiced at this partial declension of the old Hussite zeal
in Bohemia, sent thither an Italian courtier in the quality of Legate,
who, on his arrival at Prague, wrote to the Consistory, to Zahera,
and to other influential persons, gently expressing a desire for the
reunion of the two Churches. To promote the Popish reaction, a man
of similar views was by this time raised to the chief magistracy at
Prague, and the Calixtine Clergy were generally awed into obedience,
Zahera, in the name of the Consistory, replied to the Legate, profess-
ing a cordial desire to be " constantly found in unity of faith, and
obedience to the Apostolic Chair," and entreating his reverend paternity
to promote the restoration without delay. New articles, resembling
the compactates, or terms of agreement that had been accepted by
both parties some years before, but found impracticable, were admitted
by the servile Consistory, and whoever refused to subscribe them was
driven from the city. Six Clergymen were banished, together with
sixty-five principal citizens.
Banishment did not satisfy the united Papists and Calixtines. A
false report was made, that the evangelical Hussites had conspired
against the leaders of the movement, and three persons were put to
the rack ; but there was no conspiracy, nor could the torture force
them to confession. The masters of Prague were induced to enter
into an agreement, that no Picards, as their pious brethren were
called, nor any Lutherans, should be employed in workshops, nor
allowed the rights of citizenship. Dishonest debtors accused their
creditors of Picardism, and, without examination, had them banished.
A cutler, in whose possession was found a book containing evangelical
doctrine, was scourged in the market-place, and then banished.
* By CEcolampadius, and given by Foxe, Acts and Monuments, book vii.
BOHEMIAN MARTYRS. 107
Another was punished in the same manner, and also branded in the
forehead. A Diet * was held soon after the meeting of the Consis-
tory ; and there, by the influence of Zahera and his party, it was deter-
mined, that those who communicated in one kind or in both, should
be considered as one body, and that the late edict against the Picards
should be enforced. The churches wherein this decision was not
received were closed, and divine service prohibited. One venerable
man who, for many years, had preached repentance in the streets and
market-places of Prague, known as " the hermit Matthias," and
followed by multitudes, was summoned to a conference with Zahera,
whom he told that men were not to be brought to the faith of Christ
by imprisonment, scourging, or torture, but by the holy Scriptures.
Zahera handed him over, as incorrigible, to the Sheriff, who impri-
soned him for a considerable time, and then banished him.
Death, as usual, followed, when lesser penalties availed not to sup-
press the Gospel. Nicholas Wrzetenarz, an aged and learned man,
was accused of Picardism, and brought before the Senate. Zahera
questioned him respecting " the sacrament of the altar." " I believe,"
he affirmed, " that which the Evangelists and St. Paul teach me to
believe." " But do you believe that Christ is really present in his
flesh and blood?" " I believe that when a faithful Minister of the
divine word announces to a believing congregation the benefits gained
through the death of Christ, then the bread and wine become the
supper of the Lord, in which the people partake of the body and
blood of Christ, and the blessings wrought out by his death." A few
more such answers established his right to the reproach of Christ, and
the Senate condemned him to the flames. An old widow, his house-
keeper, confessed the same faith, was included in the same sentence,
and led away, with him, to the place of burning. The emblems
of cup and sword might be a sufficient badge for mere Calixtines,
but these martyrs went to the stake for nothing less than Christ.
They refused to pray towards the east before a crucifix, because the
law forbids such kind of worship, and said, in the hearing of the
bystanders : " We will only worship the living God, the Lord of hea-
ven and earth, who is alike in the south, west, north, and east."
Kneeling with their backs towards the crucifix, they raised their
eyes, and lifted up their hands towards heaven, and, like Stephen,
invocated the Lord Jesus. Nicholas then took leave of his children,
and cheerfully ascended the pile, pronouncing the articles of the
Apostles' Creed. Looking steadfastly upwards, he cried aloud, " Lord
Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, born of a pure virgin, who hast
vouchsafed to die upon the cross even for me, a vile sinner, thee alone
I adore, to thee I commend my soul. Have mercy upon me, and
pardon my sins." After this prayer he recited the Psalm, " In thee,
O Lord, do I put my trust : let me never be put to confusion." The
executioner brought Clara, his old servant, tied them both down to
a stake, laid on them the books found in their house, and set fire to
the pile.
The subject of the next recorded execution exhibits heroism, at
* Seckendorf., Hist. Lutheran., torn, ii., p. 35.
p 2
108 CHAPTER II.
least, if not piety. A woman, named Martha Porzicz, underwent
examination as to her faith, both before the University and the magis-
tracy of Prague. Her confession of faith was bold ; and she fear-
lessly charged the flatterers of the Pope with folly. Zahera, first
flatterer, stung by the reproaches of the woman, and probably retort-
ing some expression of hers, bade her prepare herself for a robe
of fire. " My cloak and my veil," said she, " are ready : let me be
led thither as soon as you please." The crier published her alleged
offence, — reviling the sacraments. Her voice rose higher : " No ; I
am condemned because I will not confess, as the Priests wish, that
Christ is present in the sacraments, in his bones, hair, sinews, and
nerves." She harangued the people with some vehemence on the
wickedness of Priests, turned her back on the crucifix, looking towards
heaven, and exclaimed, " Thither, where our God is, must I look,"
and then mounted the faggots and died with fortitude. With equal
fortitude, and with superior piety, two German mechanics, accused
of Lutheranism, and condemned to be burnt, meekly submitted to the
sentence. " During the last procession they conversed out of the
Scriptures with such devout feeling, that some were affected to tears.
Being bound to the stake, they exceedingly encouraged each other.
' Since Jesus,' said one, ' has suffered so much for us, we will endure
this death ; yea, and even rejoice, that grace has been given us to suf-
fer for the law of God.' ' On my wedding-day,' replied the other, ' I
did not feel so happy as I do now.' When fire was put to the pile,
they prayed with a loud voice : ' Lord Jesus Christ, in thine agony
thou didst pray for thine enemies. Thus we pray : forgive the King,
the people of Prague, and the Clergy ; for they know not what they
do. Their hands are full of blood.' Then, turning to the people,
they said, ' O dear friends, pray for your King, that God may grant
him the knowledge of the truth ; for the Bishops and Clergy mis-
lead him.' At the conclusion of this exhortation they peacefully
expired."
We presume not to attribute to the judgment of God everything,
humiliating or painful, that befalls a persecutor; and therefore many
such circumstances are omitted in the composition of these pages.
Yet it is impossible to shut one's eyes against an accumulation
of extraordinary facts, that every believer in divine providence must
think to be retributive. Such facts constrained Lactantius, in his
day, to affirm, that " they were fallen who had fought against God ;
they who had overthrown his holy temple were crushed with greater
ruin ; they who had treated righteous men with scorn, gave up their
noxious lives under heavenly plagues, and deserved torments." * And
of Zahera, more guilty than Nero, it may be affirmed, in the language
of the Christian Cicero : Nee tamen abiit impune, " He did not escape
unpunished." Under pretence of conducting an inquisitorial perse-
cution of Picards, he had been exciting political disturbances, and
when detected, was banished by a royal mandate (August 9th, 1529).
He sought refuge in Misnia, but, as an infamous disturber of public
peace, was banished thence again, and died miserably in Franconia.
* " De Mortibus Persecutorum."
REFORMATION OPPOSED IN POLAND. 109
His chief assistant in shedding innocent blood, the very Burgomaster
Passek, who had been placed over the magistracy of Prague for the
sake of crushing all opposition of the laity to Rome, was sent into
perpetual exile, and spurned from the feet of the King, whom, as well
as his predecessor, he had obeyed in despite of humanity and con-
science. A servile underling, one Duchoslaw, who had pandered to
Zahera, raging perpetually against the Brethren, and saying, that he
earnestly desired to hang, behead, or burn all the Picards with his
own hands, became involved in debt, and hanged himself in his own
house. His relatives removed the body secretly, and buried it in a
remote part of the country. The peasants of a neighbouring village
found the grave, and dug up the carcass, which was then judicially
delivered to the executioner, and burnt. For a season, the people
of God had peace ; and the Reformation of Europe came to unite with
and strengthen the work of Huss, and the yet superior work of the
Bohemian Brethren. The King, Ferdinand I., who banished Zahera
and Passek, recalled some of those who had been exiled for the sake
of Christ ; not, indeed, under the influence of right principle, but to
try an experiment of milder policy, which did not last.* Partaking
in the general idea that the Reformation was dangerous to govern-
ments, he had issued a most severe edict (August 20th, 1527) from
Buda, against Lutherans and Lutheran books, but including also
every shade of nonconformity. It was framed after the edict
of Worms, and contained citations of the worst laws that persecutors
had ever made ; f and, finding no other means of suppressing the
Gospel, he tried severity again.
Religious innovation, rather than evangelical doctrine, ran high at
this time in Poland. The affair was treated politically. Innovators
were put down in Dantzic, first by craft, and then by armed force. The
King, philosophically liberal, and willing to encourage attacks on
Romanism elsewhere, would not allow a schism in his own domi-
nions ; and his fear that schism would be followed by revolution, may
not have been unfounded. J
The court of Rome, unable to fight its own battles fairly, besought
every friendly or subservient power to use the sword in its defence.
Clement exhorted Charles V. to unite with the Kings of England and
France for the destruction of the new heresy ; but the Emperor,
after entering into a treaty with him, of which one article was an
engagement to take up arms " against all disturbers of the Catholic
religion, and wrong-doers towards the Pontiff," § (A.D. 1526,) turned
these very arms against the Pontiff himself. Clement had acted with
unpardonable duplicity, by entering into a secret treaty at the same time
with Francis ; and, to his terror, the Germans entered and sacked Rome,
and made him prisoner (A.D. 1527). During fourteen days the soldiery
pillaged the city, spoiled the churches of their precious ornaments
and treasures, dressed themselves in priestly vestments, in derision
* The Reformation and An ti- Reformation in Bohemia, chap. ii.
1 Seckendorf., Hist. Lutheran., torn, ii., p. 83.
1 Krasinski, Reformation in Poland, part ii., chap. i.
§ I'allavicini, Hist. Cone. Trident., lib. ii., cap. sdii., sect. 3.
110 CHAPTER II.
of the Clergy ; in mockery proclaimed Luther Pope, and committed
every imaginable excess. Babylon was thus visited with vengeance : but
" the wicked, who are God's sword," in their turn, soon suffered retri-
bution ; for the stench of unburied bodies caused a plague that carried
off the greater part of them. Charles barely dissimulated his joy on find-
ing the Pope his prisoner, and bade prayers be offered in the churches
for his liberation, yet kept him captive in the Castle of St. Angelo
for seven months. It seemed that he might have made Rome the
imperial city, dispersed the court, annihilated the Papal government,
and reformed the Church. But the world cannot reform the Church ;
and an imperial headship would have been as anti-Christian as the
Papal. God had determined to " consume that Wicked with the spirit
of his mouth, and to destroy him with the brightness of his coming,"
in an advent of spiritual truth and power. Caesar was not to be the
saviour of Christendom. So the Emperor, actuated by a crooked
policy that neither friend nor foe could understand, surrendered the
grand advantages that he might have enjoyed without a second effort,
took sureties and hostages of the Pope for the fulfilment of certain con-
ditions of liberty, promised to allow him to quit St. Angelo, and sent his
commands to the eternal city. They were presented by his Envoy,
Pedro Veira, a Spaniard, in a letter to the Roman people, before a
solemn assemblage, consisting of the Pope and Cardinals, the Viceroy
of Naples, and other personages. The contents were to the following
effect.* Charles professed regret that the Pope and city had suffered
hostile aggression, and so many vexations that had befallen him, the
Cardinals and Prelates. The army, he affirmed, (who were not sent
into Italy to fight against the Pope,) had perpetrated those enormities
under the impulse of their own cupidity, lawlessly, and without his
knowledge or consent ; who had always desired to show the Pontiff
reverence as a father, and veneration as the Vicar of Christ. His first
care, therefore, on receiving the sad intelligence, had been to command
that the licentiousness of the soldiery should be repressed, as far as
possible, and its pristine dignity restored to the Apostolic See, both in
things sacred and profane. But, as he desired nothing more ardently
than peace among Christians, an expedition against the Turks, and the
solace and concord of the Church, to which nothing appeared likely
to be so conducive as a General Council, it should be first of all deter-
mined that the Pope and sacred college should with good faith and
diligence endeavour to establish peace with Christians ; and, especially,
that the Church might again flourish, a Council should be convened
in due and lawful manner, in a suitable place, with every le»al
observance, and as soon as possible, for the extirpation of the
Lutheran heresy. Or, at least, that the Pope and Cardinals should
use every effort to induce Princes to be at peace, in order that such a
Council might be congregated. The Pope, with his Cardinals, formally
accepted this demand, and was once more a free man, except that he
lay under the necessity of convoking a Council, yet might be flattered
in the hope that a Council would subdue the heretics. It is worthy
of remark, that he had so little confidence in Charles, that after hav-
* Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trident., lib. ii., cap. xiv., soct. 13, 14.
GEORGE WINKLER AND OTHERS MURDERED. Ill
ing ratified the compact, he would not trust himself to the imperial
soldiers to be conducted from the castle ; but, disguised as a mer-
chant, slunk out at the gate, and so made his way to Civita Vecchia.*
Meanwhile, there was little extreme persecution in Germany, for the
friends of reformation were too numerous and too powerful to be
assailed openly. Yet its enemies failed not to catch at any pretext
for vexing preachers of the Gospel. The Senate of Lubeck, an
imperial city, imprisoned John of Osnabruck, for no other offence than
that of preaching to the citizens at their earnest request. The Elector
of Saxony wrote to the Senate in his behalf ; but his interference
only made them think too much of their own importance : they jus-
tified themselves by the edict of Worms ; and Luther advised the
Elector to say no more, lest the prisoner should fare worse. The
Duke of Pomerania imprisoned another preacher whom they accused
of sedition ; but the accusation was disproved ; and again the Elector
employed his good offices, but with what success the narrator does
not state. In the village of Poniz, a good man was seized by a party
of soldiers under orders of the chief Magistrate, for having presumed
to preach, being a layman. He was an Architect, named George
Drosdorff; and in punishment of his offence in proclaiming the glad
tidings of salvation, they took him to the neighbouring town of Glau-
chau, tied him to a post, cut off his ears, and part of his beard, and
banished him from the province of Duke George. f Duke George
figures high among the most zealous Papists of his day. Albert, Arch-
bishop of Mentz, would gladly have put down the Reformation in his
province ; but it became too strong to be resisted. His Canons, however,
ventured on a deed, (unless universal suspicion was unfounded,) that
we must believe he never would have sanctioned. Assembled in chapter
at Aschaffenburg, they summoned George Winkler, a Priest of emi-
nence,J to answer for having administered the eucharist in both kinds
at Halle, where also he had preached evangelical doctrine. For the
former offence they might certainly have inflicted censure, at least ;
but they professed to accept his reasons, dismissed him with kind
words, and gave him an escort on leaving the place. But their escort
took him from the high road, and murdered him in a wood about two
miles distant, § (A.D. 1527,) without ever being called to account.
Partly by force of authority, and partly by appeal to popular super-
stition, a similar crime was perpetrated in Cologne. Two learned men,
Peter Flisted and Adolphus Clarenbach, had lain in prison during
more than eighteen months, for having dissented from the Papists as
to the doctrine of the mass, and some other points. The Senate put
them into prison ; and it remained for the Archbishop of Cologne,
using a prerogative allowed him in that city, to give or take away
their life. The Archbishop might think it hazardous, in such times,
to kill two respectable men for the sake of religion, and therefore
waited to do by craft what could not be ventured on by a bare effort
* Seckendorfii Hist. Lutheran., torn, ii., p. 79 ; Continuation de 1'Histoire de M.
L'Abbe Fleury, livre cxxxi., 1 — 36.
t Seckendorf., Hist. Lutheran., torn, ii., p. 51.
J " Bischoffriwerda Misnicus."
§ Gerdes., Hist. Evaug. Renovat., torn, ii., p. 190.
i!2 CHAPTER ir.
of authority. The sweating sickness had broken out in Germany,
and, as the reader will remember, spread with fearful rapidity over
the land, suddenly carrying off myriads ; while a scarcity of corn and
wine aggravated the calamity. The preachers who declaimed against
heresy, affirmed, that pestilence, famine, and the sword, had fallen on
Germany for the execution of the wrath of God, which could only be
appeased by an execution of the wicked. The populace of Cologne
were persuaded, that the death of those two prisoners would be
acceptable to God ; and as they clamoured for the sacrifice, the Arch-
bishop seemed only to second the popular desire by having them
brought forth to martyrdom. As they walked from prison to the
fatal spot, they made profession, and gave the reasons of their faith
in a loud voice, so that the multitude could hear ; and Adolphus,
especially, a man of noble bearing, head-master of a school, learned
and eloquent, drew general attention. They expired peacefully, and
left the people of Cologne half suspecting that the Priests had led
them to cry for innocent blood* (A.D. 1529).
Just sixteen days after this martyrdom, Charles V. issued another
proclamation, (October 4th, 1529,) addressed to all his faithful sub-
jects in Brussels, commanding them to give up all books containing
Lutheran novelties, under penalty of forfeiting liberty or life. But
that all might know that he had no desire to take away the life or
property of others, but was only moved by mercy, he offered, in spe-
cial grace, the space of one wreek for consideration, to those who in
private or public had thought or spoken heretically ; by which time
they were to make public abjuration, and be ceremonially reconciled
to the Church within another fortnight. f
During the interval between the peasant war and the Diet of
Augsburg, persecution was nowhere more severe on the Continent,
than in the Netherlands. In the Hague a Monk, twenty-seven
years of age, weary of dishonest celibacy, took a wife. His desertion
from monasticism was to avoid licentiousness, not restraint, and he
avowed and preached scriptural doctrine. They threw him into pri-
son, and there employed the usual arts to induce him to recant, but
without success. The President at his trial was Joost Lovering, an
ignorant and most vulgar man, invested with the twofold dignity of
Inquisitor and Civil Magistrate. The latter office he degraded by
language that filled the hearers with disgust and horror ; but, being
armed with full authority, condemned Backer to be tied to a stake,
strangled, and then burnt. His aged father, a sexton, lately dis-
charged from his place for being the father of a Lutheran, and hor-
rified at the ribaldry of the Judge, turning to his son, bade him
be strong and persevere, declaring that he was contented, like Abra-
ham, to offer up to God his dearest child, who never had offended
him. Next day, (September 15th, 1525,) he was taken to a scaffold,
degraded, and dressed up ridiculously, as a signal to the multitude that
* Sleidan, History of the Reformation, book vi.
t Gerdes., Hist. Evang. Renovat., torn, iii., p. 65, gives the original edict, from an
apparently authentic source. Brandt, vol. i., book 2, gives one ; but the two have little
resemblance to each other.
GNAPH^US. 113
they should show the usual signs of popular derision. But he was no
further insulted. Stopping before the prison where he had so con-
stantly confessed Christ, and where several others were imprisoned on
the same account, he raised his voice to its highest pitch, and thus
addressed them : " Behold, my dear brethren, I have set my foot on
the threshold of martyrdom. Have courage, like brave soldiers of
Jesus Christ, and, stirred up by my example, defend the truths of
God against all unrighteousness." The imprisoned brethren listened
to the familiar voice, and, when he had finished, shouted and clapped
their hands. Backer proceeded, and they were heard singing eccle-
siastical hymns, such as the Te Deum, and others in honour of mar-
tyrs ; nor did they cease until the sound of the returning crowd told
them that he had given up the ghost. When bound to the stake, he
uttered a few ejaculations : " 0 Death, where is thy sting ? 0 Grave,
where is thy victory ? — Death is swallowed up in the victory of
Christ ! — Lord Jesus, forgive them, they know not what they do ! —
0 Son of God, remember me, have mercy on me!" The executioner
then stopped his breath. Some of the prisoners were released after
long suffering, and others were put to death ; * but each execution only
weakened the power of the Inquisition, and, in spite of edicts, threat-
eniugs, and violence, field-preaching and meetings for prayer increased
more and more, and men of eminence secretly or openly promoted
the cause of truth. One who suffered imprisonment with Backer,
afterwards attained deserved eminence by his writings. This was
Gnaphseus. After two months' durance, he was allowed egress from
the prison, under condition of not leaving the Hague for two years.
He made no effort to escape, but waited upon God in secret, and
appears to have used his pen for the defence of the Gospel. At the
expiration of the term, he left the town, being discharged under a promise
to appear on the first summons. Ere long, some one found that he
had written a letter of consolation to a poor widow, containing evan-
gelical sentences. To atone for that misdemeanour, they summoned
him. He appeared, and was shut up in a monastery for three months,
to do penance on bread and beer. Not long after this incident, some
one printed a work he had written, on occasion of the persecutions in
the Netherlands, and the discontent of the German peasantry. The
book produced a deep impression, much aided the Reformation, and
provoked the Priests. It went through several editions, and one of
its printers was burnt alive. Gnaphreus wisely retreated from Hol-
land ; and when the agents of the Inquisition entered his house, to
take him, he could not be found. But they did find something. They
found a sausage in a pot of pease in his kitchen. It was the time of
Lent. Could there be a clearer proof of heresy ? The servant, probably,
explained that it was there for the sake of a longing woman ; and the
desires of such persons, even though exorbitant, were usually treated
with liberal consideration. The court of justice was convened.
The chief Magistrates of the Hague were thrown into perplexity, and
again summoned physicians to say whether it were possible that,
* Bernhavd, for example, was burnt at Mechlin. — Seckendorf., Hist. Lutli., torn, ii.,
p. 35.
VOL. III. Q,
114 CHAPTER II.
during Lent, a pregnant woman could long for animal food. Two
days were spent in disquisition, the Physicians were no wiser than the
Magistrates, and the doubt lay still unsolved ; but as for Gnaphrc-is,
they determined that he should be taken, alive or dead, wherever
he could be met with. He could not be met with, but some
officers of justice made his house their own, as long as anything
to eat remained in it ; and the Magistrates, that it might not
be said they had effected nothing, took his mother, an ancient,
feeble woman, and threw her into irons ; and his only sister they
imprisoned.
The woman-haters of the Hague consummated their infamy by the
murder of a widow lady, Wendelmoet Klaas, or Klaasen, of Monickedam,
(usually called Wendelmutha,) known and beloved for every Christian
excellence. Her they caused to be imprisoned in a castle in her
neighbourhood, and then brought before themselves. Their interro-
gations drew forth an undaunted confession. The host, she told them,
was but a piece of dough. Saints could not mediate for her, but only
Jesus Christ. Threatened with torture, she calmly answered, " If this
power be given you from above, I am prepared to suffer." " You do
not fear death," said one, "because you have not tasted it." Her
Master gave her the ready answer : " That is true, neither shall I
taste it ; for Christ has said, ' If a man keep my sayings, he shall
never see death.' " From the Magistrates she was remanded to prison ;
and ladies with whom she had formerly been intimate, were sent to sub-
due her constancy, if possible. A noble lady, who had long been one
of her most valued friends, entreated her to be silent. Silence, not
apostasy, would save her life, and she could still cherish the love
of Christ in her heart, and at the same time enjoy life, and hidden
communion with God. " Ah ! my sister," said she, " you know not
what you say. ' With the heart man believeth unto righteousness ;
with the mouth confession is made unto salvation?" From the dun-
geon she was taken before the Senate, a yet superior court, and
heard an exhortation to be converted, and retract her error. Her
reply was unsurpassed in dignity : "I cleave to the Lord my God,
whom I never will forsake for the hope of life, or fear of death."
Pluming themselves on long-suffering, in protracting her conflict for
so long a time, they gave sentence of death, with confiscation of goods,
and the favour of a bag of gunpowder to put her quickly out of
pain. During her last moments she was rudely assailed by a Monk,
who would have laid a crucifix on her lips, that she might kiss it.
Turning away from the idol, she said, " I do not know this wooden
Saviour, but Him who is in heaven, at the right hand of God the
Father Almighty." Would she confess? he asked. Again she
refused. " I have confessed all my sins to Christ my Lord, who
takes all sins away. If I have offended any of my neighbours, I
humbly ask them forgiveness." With a cheerful countenance she
placed herself against the stake ; and, while the executioner bound her
to it, bade him see that it was firmly set. Then, clasping the bag
of powder to her bosom, she closed her eyes, and meekly drooped h(-r
head, as if to shun the vulgar gaze, and fall asleep. The flames arose,
"CONFERENCE AGAINST ZUINGLIVS." 115
and death was instantaneous* (November 20th, 1527). Edicts for
the suppression of Lutheranism, and for the reformation of the
Clergy, succeeded to this triumph of faith over a dastard bigotry, and
again the terror of a burning was tried to save tottering priestcraft.
Henry, once an Augustine Monk, lay in prison at Tournay, for hav-
ing, like many other enlightened brethren, changed Monkery for mar-
riage, and preached the Gospel. Him they would gladly have spared,
could they have persuaded him to say, that the woman was his con-
cubine. For a Monk to live in concubinage, was rather creditable
than otherwise, in the estimation of many;f and for Henry to have
renounced his marriage as invalid, would have been more than enough
to placate their anger at his Lutheranism. But he refused life on
such dishonourable terms, and was burnt alive (A.D. 1528). William
Zwoll, formerly trumpeter of the King of Denmark, maintained the
cause of scriptural truth, in argument with Ecclesiastics in Mechlin,
who closed their controversy by sending him to the stake (A.D. 1529).
Reform in Switzerland became yet more visibly an occasion of civil
war. As a Diet was held at Zurich, or at Baden, the great majority
of members present were Zuinglian or Popish. The adverse parties
agreed to a proposal of Eck, already known as an antagonist of
Luther, that there should be a conference of theologians on disputed
points ; and, in pursuance of this agreement, and by the management
of the Papists, the place of conference was to be Baden, where their
own influence was paramount. As Eck had refused to go to Zurich, so
Zuinglius, yielding to the care of his friends, refused to trust himself
at Baden, where fires had been already lighted ; and, instead of him,
CEcolampadius and Haller appeared on the side of evangelical doctrine.
The issue of the conference did not depend on the skill of the dis-
putants. Eck moved in gorgeous pomp, and, richly robed, ascended a
magnificent pulpit, where he held forth with stentorian vehemence,
and undisguised arrogance, surrounded by a throng of Priests and
Monks, who each morning went round the city in procession, chant-
ing a litany, to implore victory for him over the innovators ; while the
two Zurichers sat on a wretched platform, with no array, save that
of humility and poverty, scowled on, and often interrupted by the audi-
tory. The members of the conference, as it was called, acted under
the authority of a Diet of their own kind, and therefore issued a
decree affirmatory of Popish articles on the mass, the Virgin, image-
worship, purgatory, and baptism ; forbidding innovation as to the
sacraments and ceremonies of the Church, requiring all persons to
await the decisions of a General Council, and ordaining that persons
should be appointed in every canton to watch for innovators, and
report them to the Magistrates, who were required to inflict the usual
penalties £ (May, 1526).
* Brandt, Low Countries, book ii. ; Gerdes., Hist., torn, iii., p. 62 ; Foxe, book vii.
t Speaking of Switzerland, Sleidan says, " Nonmillis in ipsorum pagis hunc ease
raorem, quum novum quempiam Ecclesiae ministrum recipinnt, ut jubeant eum Labere
concubinam, ne pudicitiam alienam tentet." Similar facts, in justification of the state-
ment in the text, could be easily adduced, not only from history but from observation.
t Favre, Continuation tie 1'Histoire de Fleury, cxxx., 46, " Conference it Bade coatre
Zuiugle," et 47 j D'Aubigne. book xi. chap. 13 ; Sleidan, book vi.
Q 2
116 CHAPTER II.
Well might the French annalist call this " a conference against
Zuinglius." But one week before it assembled, and just after the Papists
had asked for a discussion, that, if intended to answer the name,
might possibly have ended in agreement on some points, a consistory,
acting under the authority of the Bishop of Constance, condemned
John Huglein, a Priest of Lindau, to be burnt at Mersburg. Their
language was perfect, as characterizing the spirit of the sentence :
" We condemn, cast out, and trample under foot, this man that is a
heretic." Cast out, condemned, and all but trodden under foot, he
walked, without trembling, to the fire, singing the Te Deum as he went.
Peter Spengler was drowned at Friburg, by order of this same Bishop
of Constance. But a few months before, the zealous Prelate had sig-
nalized his power of invention, by hanging another Priest, and behead-
ing a peasant,* thus teaching his flock, that sword, fire, and flood,
were his chosen weapons wherewith to fight against God.
The imperial edict was executed in Bavaria, too. One George Car-
penter was imprisoned in that country as a heretic, and appeared
before the Council to receive their sentence. According to the articles
brought against him, he had denied priestly absolution, trausubstan-
tiation, and sacramental grace ; nor would he recant anything. Per-
sons were employed, after the sentence was pronounced, to entreat
him, as friends, to save his life by recantation. Conrad Scheter,
Vicar of the cathedral, and a Schoolmaster, were so employed. After
some conversation, Scheter began to recite the Lord's Prayer, and a
singular extemporaneous responsory was conducted by them before
the Council.
Scheter. — " Our Father which art in heaven."
Carpenter. — " Truly thou art our Father, and no other : this day
I hope to be with thee."
S. — " Hallowed be thy name."
C. — "0 my God! how little is thy name hallowed in this
world!"
S. — " Thy kingdom come."
C. — " Let thy kingdom come this day unto me, that I, also, may
come unto thy kingdom."
S. — " Thy will be done on earth, as it is in heaven."
C. — "For this cause, 0 Father! am I now here, that thy will
might be fulfilled, not mine."
s- — " Give us this day our daily bread." (They interpret this to
be the host.)
C. — " The only living bread, Jesus Christ, shall be my food."
& — " And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that tres-
pass against us."
V' — " With a willing mind do I forgive all men, both my friends
and adversaries."
S' — " And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil."
C* — " 0 my Lord ! without doubt thou shalt deliver me ; for upon
thee only have I laid all my hope."
Then the Vicar proceeded to say the Creed.
* Gerdes., Hist. Evang. Renovat., torn, ii., p. 308
GEORGE CARPENTER. LEONARD KEYSER. 117
S. — " I believe in God the Father Almighty."
C. — " 0 God ! in thee alone do T trust, in thee only is all my con-
fidence, and upon no other creature, albeit they have gone about to
force me otherwise." (And thus they continued to the end.)
Then a Schoolmaster, who had already talked with him, resumed
his part.
Schoolmaster. — " Dost thou believe so truly and constantly in the
Lord thy God with thy heart, as thou dost cheerfully seem to confess
him with thy mouth?"
Carpenter. — " It were a very hard matter for me, if I, who am
ready here to suffer death, should not believe that with my heart,
which I openly profess with my mouth ; for I knew before that I
must suffer persecution, if I would cleave unto Christ, who saith,
' Where thy heart is, there is also thy treasure ; ' and whatsoever thing
a man doth fix in his heart, to love above God, that he maketh his
idol."
Scheter. — " George, dost thou think it necessary, after thy death,
that any man should pray for thee, or say mass for thee?"
Carpenter. — " So long as the soul is joined to the body, pray God
for me, that he may give me grace and patience, with all humility, to
suffer the pains of death with a true Christian faith ; but when the
soul is separate from the body, then have I no more need of your
prayers."
Who does not admire the calm, collected spirit of this man, casting
himself on the Redeemer, without the slightest perturbation, when in
the jaws of a cruel death ? Execution was summary. Out of his own
mouth they had gathered abundant evidence, that his faith totally dif-
fered from their own. A hangman bound him to a ladder, where he
preached to the people ; and, when enwrapped in flames, gave a sign,
as some brethren had asked him to do. The sign was, " Jesus, Jesus,
Jesus !" Then the hangman turned his half-consumed body, and again
he breathed forth the ever-blessed name, "Jesus!"* (February 8th,
1527.) With this overflowing charity towards the barbarians who
condemned him, in George Carpenter, we may now contrast, also, the
diabolical conduct exercised, in the same country, and within the
same year, towards Leonard Keyser. There was a Priest-ridden
family, in a village near Passau, consisting of a woman and her sons.
The father seems to have had no part in the treachery that the Bishop
incited them to perpetrate. Leonard was away in Wittemberg, and
had embraced the Gospel : the mother and brothers informed against
him, and were instructed by the Prelate how to decoy him to their
clutches. They sent to say that his father was near death, and that if
he wished to see him alive, he should hasten home. He was sitting in
his study when the message came, and instantly obeyed the summons,
setting out from Saxony to Bavaria, from the protection of the pious
Elector to the territory of the sanguinary Duke William. Scarcely
had he seated himself under his paternal roof, and interchanged the
usual salutations, when that woman, with the brothers, seized on
Leonard with their own hands, and delivered him to the Bishop. The
* Foxe, Acts and Mouumenta, book vii.
118 CHAPTER II.
tribunal that condemned him. consisted of the Bishop of Passau, the
Suffragans of Passau * and Ratisbon, and Eck, who came attended by
a strong military guard. Some relatives, for he was of noble family,
endeavoured to get the trial deferred, in hope of gaining time. John
Frederic of Saxony, and other Princes, wrote the Bishop on his
behalf, while he lay in prison, but utterly in vain. The Duke of
Bavaria commanded the civil Judge to burn him forthwith, in obe-
dience to the edict of Worms. It was done. With prayer, indicat-
ing profound humility, and reliance on the Saviour, he cried, "0
Jesus, I am thine, save me!" and gave up his wounded spirit. f The
atrocity of his priestly and domestic murderers was emulated by the
brutal executioner, who amused himself in mangling the body, that it
might be consumed more quickly J (August 16th, 1527). »
Meanwhile, the marks of divine indignation rested on the Papacy
itself, as a single paragraph from Fra Paolo (who follows Spondanus,
and has the attestation of the Roman Bullarium) will sufficiently
prove. " In Italy, itself, many persons favoured the new reform.
For, having been two years without Pope, and without Roman court,
the evils they had suffered were regarded as the execution of a sen-
tence of divine justice against that government ; and sermons were
delivered against the Roman Church in private houses in many towns,
and especially at Faenza, a town within the Papal domain ; so that
every day the number of Lutherans, who had taken the name of
Evangelicals, was seen to increase "§ (A.D. 1530).
How to put down those Evangelicals was the problem. The Pope,
above all others, longed for their destruction. The superior Clergy
dreaded and opposed the innovation. Despotic rulers saw that political
change would become inevitable, as soon as ever men should be allowed
freedom of conscience. The Reformation, therefore, might have been
suppressed by their united hostility, but for the troubled state of Europe,
preventing such a combination of forces as might suffice to raise a
crusade, or rather an army, which they would think strong enough to
eradicate the evil out of almost every European state. To say nothing
of other disagreements, the Emperor of Germany and the King of France
were at war, and bitterly hated each other. The Pope could not unite
the " Catholic Princes," as they were called, to fight against their
own subjects for "the Church;" and all Christendom was kept in
terror by the Turks, who infested the east, and threatened the south,
of Europe. At the first Diet of Spire, therefore, (A.D. 1526,) it was found
expedient to yield some liberty to the reformed, who were allowed to
continue their new mode of worship until a General Council should
be assembled ; but, after the humiliation of the Pope by the imperial
army, Charles was disposed to soothe him by attacking them ; and a
* The Bishop of Passau was, in reality, an Archbishop, but without the title, which
had been given up to satisfy the jealousy of the Archbishops of Salzburgh, and there-
fore had his Suffragans. — Moreri.
t Luther, we must observe, sent him at least one consolatory letter, and was profoundly
impressed with the circumstances of his martyrdom. "O Lord God," wrote he, " would
that I were worthy, or might yet be made worthy, of such a confession, and of such a
death!" — Seckendorf. , Hist. Lutheran., pars ii., p. 85.
I Foxe, Acts "and Monuments, book vii.
§ Hist, du Coucile de Trente, traduite par le Couruyer.
THE PROTEST AT SPIRE. 119
succession of victories had given him so much power, that he seriously
thought of turning his strength against the followers of Luther and
Zuinglius, in order to check any further movement that might encroach
oa the imperial power.
A second Diet assembled at Spire, (March, 1529,) presided over
by his brother Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria. Ferdinand used his
utmost influence to intimidate the dissentient States, and to divide
them from the others. The assemblage was numerous, and the mat-
ter of religion first occupied attention. But one of the first acts
of the Council of the empire, which sat before the Diet, was to
exclude the Deputy of Strasburg from their sessions, because that city
had recently set aside the mass. This alarmed the other cities, who
perceived that if that precedent were submitted to, any of the free
cities might be degraded in a day ; but Ferdinand treated their
expostulation with contempt. The Diet proceeded in the same spirit,
and the majority agreed to a decree to the following effect : — That as
many had abused the edict of the preceding Diet of Spire by the
introduction of new and horrid doctrines, it was enacted and decreed,
that those who had hitherto observed the edict of Worms should
continue to do so, and enforce its observance until the meeting of a
Council. Those who had changed their religion, and could not now
retract without danger of sedition, should abstain from any further
innovations until the meeting of the Council. In places where the
new doctrine was taught, the mass should not be abolished, nor peo-
ple hindered from going to it. The Anabaptists should be killed.
Preachers should deliver their sermons according to the interpretation
of Scripture approved by the Church, and on all controverted points
be silent, until the Council should have decreed. All the States
should live in peace. No State should protect refugees from another,
under penalty of being put under the ban of the empire.
The Elector of Saxony, Marquis of Brandenburg, two Dukes of
Luneburg, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Count of Anhalt, came
together into the Diet, (April 19th, 1529,) and read a long protest.
They considered the decree of the former Diet as still binding. They
would obey the Emperor in anything, only saving conscience ; but as
their eternal salvation was concerned in this matter, they must be
permitted to dissent. They conceived that every State had the right
of managing its internal affairs, without the interference of others.
Truly, there were- great dissensions concerning religion ; but it had
been already proved, at the Diet of Nuremberg, who they were
that caused those dissensions, and the Pope had himself confessed
whence dissension sprang ; but the grievances complained of by that
Diet had never been redressed. They could not submit to acknow-
ledge their perseverance in true doctrine to be the consequence
of a fear of sedition, nor yet bind themselves to make no further
innovation ; but would render obedience, first of all, to the word
of God. As to the Popish mass, it was well known that their Minis-
ters had proved it to be absurd and idolatrous ; and therefore, it being
already abolished in their dominions, they could not allow it to be
restored. They could not submit to any interference with their
120 CHAPTER IT.
internal jurisdiction, contrary to the constitution of the empire; ami
as to doctrine approved by the Church, it was not yet agreed which
was the true Church. They would therefore abide by the infallible
decisions of holy Scripture, and reject the traditions of men. They
pointed out that the execution of the edict of Worms would be vexa-
tious, unjust, and ruinous to all Germany. Finally, they refused to
obey the decree ; but promised to act legally in every respect, and, in
due time, to give their reasons to the Emperor. They awaited a
General Council, or a Provincial Council in Germany.
Several free cities * immediately added their subscriptions to this
protest ; and from the protesting States and cities of Germany, the
professors of evangelical religion were, at least in that country, called
PROTESTANTS. f
Deputies were then sent to the Emperor with a copy of the pro-
test, a copy of the " hundred grievances," and other documents, with
instructions to lay the whole case before him, and appeal. They
found him in Italy, at Piacenza, and obtained an audience, (Septem-
ber 12th, 1529,) but under an injunction to speak briefly. Charles
received them with extreme haughtiness and contempt, dismissed
them without any hope of success ; and they, after waiting a month,
obtained his answer, severely condemnatory of the protest, command-
ing the States Protestant to obey the last decree of Spire until the
assemblage of a Council, and threatening to compel them, if contuma-
cious ; but saying that, if the edict of Worms were observed, — that
is, if evangelical religion were annihilated, — there would be no need
for a General Council! Against this imperious reply ihe Deputies
appealed ; but Charles put them under arrest, and forbade them to
send any communication to the States. J However, they fulfilled
their duty by sending a letter secretly, which aroused the States
to concert some measure of mutual defence. The Deputies were at
last released from their confinement, and allowed to return, one
excepted, who was compelled to go in the train of the Emperor to
Bologna, where he held a long conference with Clement VII. as to
the best means of making peace with France, driving the Turks out
of Europe, and quelling the force of Protestantism. On the one
hand, the Protestants were now united in a preparatory conference at
Smalcald, to resist the execution of the edicts of Worms and Spire ;
and, on the other, the Emperor regarded their combination as a
revolt, and determined to put it down by force of arms. Providen-
tially, the sacramentarian controversy between Lutherans and Zuing-
lians retarded their union, and prevented the advocates of religious and
ecclesiastical reform from placing it altogether on a political basis by
one unbroken combination. They were afterwards compelled, how-
* There were fourteen cities, most of them of little political power, not being of the
first order, that honourably ventured to protest : Strasburg, Nuremburg, Ulm, Con-
stance, Reutlingen, Windsheim, Memmingen, Liudau, Kempten, Hailbrun, Isny, Weis-
semburg, Nordlingen, St. Gal.
t Sleidan, History of the Reformation, book vi. ; Seckendorf., Hist. Luth torn, ii.,
pp. 127— 131.
t Perhaps the conduct of the Emperor may be capable of palliation. It had been
thought well to send persons of no rauk, who might travel less conspicuously, and with
less danger. The men were nut respectable, and couduiteJ themselves foolishly.
CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG. 121
ever, to resist a manifest oppression, yet, when placed in such a position,
were in the utmost danger of losing religion in politics, and grieving the
Spirit of God. Luther foresaw this, and dreaded and advised against
the league, although it was lawful, constitutional, justified by many
precedents, and to the aggrieved Electors and Princes appeared to be
necessary, not only to resist religious intolerance, but also to pre-
vent an utter subversion of the liberties of Germany.* Luther
objected, too, to any union with the Zuinglians, whom he believed to
be in error in their doctrine of the eucharist, which was indeed far
superior to his own ; and although induced by the mediation of the
Landgrave of Hesse to meet Zuinglius at Marburg, the controversy
could not be settled. The most important event now to be noticed,
is the presentation of a Protestant Confession of Faith at Augsburg.
The Emperor convoked a Diet of the empire to be assembled at
Augsburg in Bavaria, on the 8th of April, 1530, to settle the religious
disputes, and to unite for the conquest of the Turks. After sum-
moning the Diet, he received the imperial crown from the hands
of Clement at Bologna, having knelt at the altar in the habit of a
Deacon, and sworn to defend the Church of Rome with all his might.
Influenced, however, by the wiser counsels of Gattinara, his Chancellor,
or under an impulse of artful policy, he promised in the letter
of indiction, and afterwards repeated the assurance when the day
of meeting was deferred, that the cause of religion should be treated
with charity, gentleness, and meekness, in order that whatever had been
hastily done by either party might be abolished, and that, as all were
fighting under one Christ, unity of the Church and of religion might
be established. But his vow to the Pope, and promise to the Ger-
mans, could not by any possibility agree. At last he appeared at the
gates of Augsburg, (June 15th, 1530,) and found the Elector
of Saxony, first of all the German Princes, ready to receive him with
accustomed honours. But there were now two established forms
of worship, — that of Popery, and another of the Reformation. The
Protestant Princes had their Chaplains and preachers, and cautiously
abstained from countenancing the old superstition ; while Charles
required them, and especially the Elector of Saxony, to attend him in
processions and at masses. This at last they consented to do ; but with-
held every gesture of assent to the worship of the image or the host.
He also managed to silence their preachers, by suppressing sermons
altogether. The Priests tampered with the gentleness of Melancthon,
who had been employed to draw up and present a Protestant Confes-
sion of Faith, and sought every artifice that could be covered under
smiles, or insinuated in threatening whispers, to decoy the Protestant
Princes into a compromise, elude the public reading of the Confessien,
quash discussion as to religion, and carry every measure by an array
of secular authority. If Melancthon had stood alone, he might have
failed. Luther was at Coburg, not always in possession of the latest
or most complete intelligence, and his presence at Augsburg might
* Basnage (Hist, de la Rel. des Eglises Reformees, torn, ii., chap. 17) demonstrates
that the league of Smalcald was perfectly legal, the Electors and Princes being inde-
pendent, although confederated, Sovereigns.
\OL. III. R
122 CHAPTER IT.
have been misinterpreted as a defiance. But John of Saxony and
Philip of Hesse led the federated Protestants, and would not consent
that, having come thither for deliberation on the state of religion in
Germany, the force of their Confession should be eluded by its exclu-
sion from the open Diet, to be buried in some private committee.
Neither would the Princes in general agree to a proposal, that war
with the Turks should be discussed first, leaving religion to follow as
a secondary matter.
The Confession was drawn up with exceeding caution. Every
expression that might irritate was avoided ; but it contained all the
essential articles of Christian faith. Occupying two hours in the
reading, it is too long to be compendiated here ; but although long,
it commanded fixed attention, as one of the Elector's Chancellors read
it in German ; so that all, except the Emperor, (a Spaniard,) could
understand, and the united sovereignty of Germany thus heard the
faith that had been represented as a scheme of sedition and impiety ;
and many of them could not but acknowledge their amazement, that
so pure and lovely a doctrine should have been so grossly misrepre-
sented. A copy in Latin was handed to the Emperor, and another
in German to his Secretary. The document still remains a symbolical
book of the Lutheran Church. To counteract the favourable impres-
sion produced on the Diet by its reading, the Legate, who had
absented himself, lest his presence should give legality to the novel act
of men answering for themselves, procured an attempted refutation.
This was read, more than half despised, and a copy of it refused to
the Protestants. During five or six weeks that were spent in prepar-
ing the so-called refutation, the Protestants were kept in continual
suspense, and subjected to a wearisome alternation of threatenings
and smiles, the means advised by the Legate for overpowering their
firmness. But as they stood unmoved, the Popish majority, in sub-
servience to the Emperor and the Pope, finally agreed to the following
decision, which was read to the Protestants (September 22d, 1530)
in public session: — The Emperor granted them time until the 15th
of April following, to declare whether they would consent to all
the articles of Catholic doctrine, in common with the Princes and
other members of the empire, who, after a diligent reading and exa-
mination, had unanimously rejected their Confession, and approved
the refutation ; and whether they would renounce the articles in
which they differed, and surrender other points of novelty that had
come out in recent conferences. Meanwhile, they were forbidden to
commit any further innovations, or allow anything to be printed
within their territories contrary to the faith of the Roman Catholic
Church. Neither were they to make any converts to their sect, nor
to hinder any Catholics from returning to their old worship, nor to
prevent Priests and Monks from saying mass again. They were to
unite with all the other Princes, with all their powers, to exterminate
Anabaptists and Sacramentarians (Zuinglians) from the empire.
After all this, the Diet promised that the Pope should be requested to
convoke a Council within eighteen months.* The Protestants declined
* Maimbourg apud Seckendorf., Hist. Luth., pats ii., p. 199.
ENGLAND. 123
accepting time for further consideration, attempted, in reply, to rebut
the implied charge of complicity with sectarians and rebels, and once
more offered to defend their cause. They also presented to the Empe-
ror a written apology for their Confession, which he would not so
much as look at, but gave it back to the speaker, and told them he
would change nothing, but, if they were not content with that, would
give them something stronger still; and threatened the Elector of Saxony
to withhold the imperial investiture of that State, and thus have him
expelled from the dukedom as devoid of right to govern. He even com-
manded them to return the landed property, now occupied by them,
to the Church, arid restore everything to its original condition. Well
might Luther exclaim, on hearing of this, " Then let them restore
Leonard Keyser to his original condition ! " Notwithstanding this
unreasonable treatment, the Emperor required them to make full con-
tribution towards a war with the Turks. This they declined to do,
and, having presented themselves with the usual courtesies to the
Emperor, withdrew from Augsburg. The Landgrave of Hesse, appre-
hensive of some plot, had left privately a few days before. There
will be no further colloquies. The German Protestants are now
driven to God, their only refuge.*
CHAPTER III.
ENGLAND and SCOTLAND — Latter Part of the Reign of Henry VII. — First Acts of
Henry VIII. — Suppression of Monasteries — Marriage Affair — Persecution in
England and Scotland — Breach with Rome — Confiscation of Church Property —
Advances of Evangelical Reformation — Death of Henry VIII.
WHILE German states and Swiss cantons were framing new sys-
tems of discipline and forms of worship ; while Electors, Landgraves,
and Councils of state were casting their weight into the scale against
the court of Rome and its Clergy ; the United Brethren of Bohemia
and Moravia, in some provinces of continental Europe, and the Lol-
lards of England, were laying a surer foundation for the superstructure
of the sixteenth century. This they did by persevering in the doc-
trine of holy Scripture, under the healthful discipline of persecution.
In traversing the dark ages, it was convenient, according to a more
usual division of time, to mark our survey by centuries. With the
events related in the last chapter, we have begun to prefer the distinct
phases of history itself, and have attended the progress of Reforma-
tion, from the rise of Luther to the presentation of the Protestant
Confession at the Diet of Augsburg. Returning to England, we now
find the witnesses of evangelical truth persevering, amidst severe per-
secution, at the close of the fifteenth century, in the reign of Henry
VII., and making way for the great change that was to be accelerated
by his successor. The last nine or ten years of Henry VII., and the
entire reign of Henry VIII., will next pass under review ; and this
chapter will be entirely devoted to the affairs of our own country.
* Sleidan, History of the Reformation, book vii. ; Seckendorf., Hist. Lutheran., torn,
ii., pp. 152—208.
R 2
124 CHAPTER III.
"Observable," says Fuller, "was the carriage of King Henry
(VII.) towards the Pope, the Clergy, and the poor Lollards. Sub-
missive, yet not servile, to the Pope ; to the better sort of Clergy,
respectful and liberal; to the dissolute Priests, severe; to the
Lollards, more cruel than his predecessors." This is perfectly true.
Abjurations had become very frequent, although the forced penitents
often relapsed ; and the sight of persons carrying faggots in proces-
sions, or standing with them in the congregation at St. Paul's, especi-
ally during Lent, was no longer strange. Thirteen Lollards were
once marched through London in this manner ; and often were such
penitents compelled to bring their books and throw them into fires at
Paul's Cross and other public places. The King of England, like the
" Catholic" Kings of Spain, was ambitious to minister at the fiery altars
of Romanism. Being at Canterbury, (May, 1498,) when "all the
Clerks and Doctors then there being" were hot in controversy with a
Priest, whom they could not move from his faith, Henry VII. conde-
scended to add his royal influence to their arguments. The Priest
was brought into his presence, heard his persuasions, or arguments,
or threatenings, and, in honour to the sovereign advocate, was said to
have revoked his confession of the Gospel. But this is not likely ;
for the King sent him forthwith to the flames. The name of this Priest
is not known ; nor is that of an old man burnt in Smithfield. A man,
named Babram, was also martyred somewhere in Norfolk (A.D. 1500).*
We read, incidentally, of Richard Smart, a devoted teacher and circu-
lator of good books at Salisbury, who was burnt in that city, (A.D.
1503,) and cannot but suppose that many, in those times, gave up
their life for Christ, whose names are irrecoverably lost. But such
deeds of cruelty alienated the laity of England from the Clergy more
and more ; and contempt of image-worship and the host, with a desire
to become acquainted with the word of God, was inwrought into the
public mind. In country, as in town, persons met together to read,
converse, and pray ; and when it was known that the doctrine of the
Bible had gained acceptance in any neighbourhood, the more zealous
took new courage, and did not hesitate to attack the traditional idola-
try, and exhort its adherents to cast it off. Sometimes their zeal
would lead to aggression on the old system, sometimes to holier
efforts for the spread of Gospel truth ; and, as love of Christ or
desire of innovation predominated in those who became exposed to
persecution, impatience and cowardice, or a firm and saintly meekness,
would be displayed by them when suffering.
William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln, found that a great part of his
flock were disaffected to Popery, and applied himself to the expurga-
tion of his fold. His residence was at Woburn, in Buckingham-
shire; and, of all places in England, perhaps Amersham, in that
county, had most freely welcomed the word of God. The sacred
volume, copied by industrious hands, — for it had not yet been pub-
lished from the English press, — was concealed in many houses, and
read in nocturnal meetings, by numerous companies ; or, when the
door was shut, by individual inquirers, who sought clearer light in
* Fuller, Ecclesiastical History, book iv., cent. 15 ; Foxe, book vi.
THE MARTYRS OF AMERSHAM. 125
prayer to God, who seeth in secret. At last, the multitude of such
persons rendered secrecy impossible ; and Smith proceeded according
to the laws, and had one William Tylesworth convicted of heresy.
The good man was led out of the town into a place called Stanley-
Close, and bound to a stake. About sixty Lollards, men and women,
who had also been convicted and forced to abjure, were conducted to
the same spot, each carrying a faggot, and ranged around him.
Among them were his daughter, Joan, and John Clerk, her husband,
brought thither to witness the martyrdom of their father, and be
rebuked by his superior constancy. To refine this cruelty yet higher,
the young woman was compelled to take a brand, light the faggots,
and stand by while her father was consumed by the fire her own
hand had kindled. The suttee being ended, Joan Clerk and her
husband, with twenty-four others, were made to travel over the
country, and at Aylesbury, Buckingham, and other towns, and some
of them even at Lincoln, be exhibited in the sordid garb of penance,
with faggots on their necks, by way of warning to concealed heretics.
Having performed this humiliating pilgrimage, they were brought
back to Amersham, tied to posts, towels bound round their necks,
their hands held, and their cheeks branded with red-hot irons, —
branding * being probably introduced into England now, for the first
time, as an ecclesiastical penalty, — and made to wear a piece of red
cloth, like a faggot, on their sleeves. One of the number, Robert
Bartlett, being proprietor of some land, was sent to the monastery
of Ashridge, and kept in durance for seven years ; while his perse-
cutors enjoyed the revenue of his estate. On the same day as the
"act of faith" at Amersham, or the day after, father Eoberts, a miller
of Missenden, was burnt at Buckingham. About twenty faggot-
bearers were brought to add effect to the execution. But the unsated
vengeance of the Bishop was indulged in the secret, and unhappily not
unexampled, murder of one of the Amersham penitents. Thomas Chase,
wearing the badge of a faggot, was brought to the Episcopal palace at
Woburn, and thrust into one of the vaults or dungeons usually built
under those edifices. To stand upright was impossible, and he sate on
the damp ground, heavily laden with chains, manacles, and fetters,
and tormented with hunger, thirst, and cold. Frequently the Bishop's
Chaplains amused themselves by looking into the place, and assailing
him with scoffs and taunts ; but, seeing that no torture could over-
come his faithfulness to Christ, they, or some other ruffians, beat him
to death in the night. His body was buried out of sight : women
who had heard his cries divulged the murder ; but no judicial inves-
tigation anticipated the severer vengeance that Smith and his creatures
might expect at the bar of God (A.D. 1506).
Two or three years after this persecution, Amersham was again
visited. Thomas Barnard, a husbandman, and James Morden, a
labourer, were burnt in the same fire ; and two old men, Rogers and
Reive, were branded, with thirty others. Reive ended his earthly
career at the stake. Rogers was taken to Woburn palace, for the
* The
ami be b
import of this punishment was fully expressed in a vulgar adage : " Put it off
umed; keep it on and be starved.'' — Fuller, 7 Henry VIII.
126 CHAPTER III.
gratification of the Bishop ; and, after being bowed in irons, in, pro-
bably, the same dungeon as Thomas Chase, — called "little ease,"
because no one could stand upright in it, — for fourteen weeks, his
sufferings being cruelly aggravated with cold and hunger, he was
discharged, but could never after walk erect.
The Bishop of Norwich, emulating the zeal of his brother of Lin-
coln, burnt a Lollard, named Thomas Norris, at Norwich, on the last
day of March, 1507. Wherever there was even one person burnt,
there were, usually, many forced to abjure; and it may therefore be
taken for granted, that there would be many such in Norfolk, in the
year marked as that of the great abjuration. There were a few in
London, where the offence generally consisted in ridiculing images
and pilgrimage to the shrines of saints.*
The western counties witnessed the same contest as the eastern.
In Salisbury there was a little flock, of whom Lawrence Ghest was
one of the most eminent, if not the chief. He was a man of some
consideration in the city, of tall and comely figure, and great firmness.
After Wycliffe, and in common with the spiritual descendants of
Wycliffe in Bohemia, Ghest denied the doctrine of transubstantiation,
and suffered imprisonment for two years on that account. The
Bishop and Clergy would fain have gloried in a recantation, and
avoided the peril of burning a man of his rank and influence ; but,
every effort to pervert him having been spent in vain, at last they
bound him tQ the stake. The fire was not kindled, a crowd of specta-
tors were waiting to witness a sacrifice not yet quite familiar to the peo-
ple of Wiltshire ; and in that interval of suspense, while every eye was
turned towards the victim, his wife and seven children came upon the
ground. The husband — the father — the man — struggled hard under
that sudden onset. Pardon was waiting for him if he would pro-
nounce the single sentence, " I recant." His heart-broken wife
prayed him to accept release. The children would have unbound
him. Brothers and kinsfolk added their entreaties. But he bade his
wife be content, and not hinder him from attaining to the heavenly
recompence ; " for he was in a good course, running towards the
mark of his salvation." Lest more converts should be made by such
discourse, the wood was lighted, its heat drove out the weeping circle,
and, as they were turning away with horror from the half-burnt mar-
tyr, one of the Bishop's men wantonly threw a smoking brand at his
face. A brother saw the man, and, drawing his dagger, would have
killed him on the spot, had not some one caught his arm, and the
wretch escaped. The incident became a legend in Salisbury ; and for
many years the branded faces of Lollards kept up the memory of that
scattered congregation. About the same time, (A.D. 1508,) the little
town of Chipping-Sudbury was the scene of an extraordinary display
of cruelty, and also of retribution. A Christian woman, whose name
is not preserved, was brought out to the stake. The only fact
recorded, in relation to her suffering, is, that the Bishop's Chancellor,
one Dr. Whittington, stood by to superintend the execution. The
* Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England, part i., book i.;
Foxe, book vi.
HENRY VIII. 127
remainder shall be told in the words of John Foxe. " The sacrifice
being ended, the people began to return homeward, coming from the
burning of this blessed martyr. It happened, in the mean time, that
as the Catholic executioners were busy in slaying this silly latnb at
the town's side, a certain butcher was as busy within the town, slay-
ing a bull ; which bull he had fast bound in ropes, ready to knock
him on the head. But the butcher, (belike not so skilful in his art
of killing beasts, as the Papists be in murdering Christians,) as he
was lifting his axe to strike the bull, failed in his stroke, and smote a
little too low, or else, how he smote, I know not : this is certain,
that the bull, although somewhat grieved at the stroke, yet not
stricken down, put his strength to the ropes, and brake loose from
the butcher into the street, the very same time as the people were
coming in great press from the burning ; who, seeing the bull coming
towards them, and supposing him to be wild, (as it was no other
like,) gave way for the beast, every man shifting for himself, as well
he might. Thus, the people giving back, and making a lane for the
bull, he passed through the throng of them, touching neither man
nor child, till he came where the Chancellor was : against whom the
bull, as pricked with a sudden vehemency, ran full butt with his
horns, and so killed him immediately ; carrying his guts, and trailing
them with his horns, all the street over, to the great admiration and
wonder of all them that saw it."
Henry VIII., a youth of eighteen, succeeded to his father, with
every advantage of popularity. Perhaps the usages of those barbaric
times may serve to palliate his conduct in sending his father's Minis-
ters, Dudley and Empson, to the Tower, on the morrow, if not on
the very day, of their master's death. They could not have been
more subservient to the pleasure of their Sovereign, than his own
servants were required to be to him ; but they found no sympathy in
the people of England, who rejoiced at their fall, because they had
diligently extracted wealth from the nation, to gratify Henry VII. ;
and an Englishman in 1850 must not be in haste to pass judgment
on the conduct of a King in 1509. Even under this extenuation, the
character of Henry VIII. will not bear examination, by even the low-
est standard of morality ; and we need not be anxious to justify any
of his acts. He was not the father of the English Reformation ; — for
that title must be allowed to Wycliffe, if to any man ; — but has been
more justly styled the postilion of the external or political reforma-
tion, that merely consisted in casting off the Bishop of Rome.*
# No one, after studying the history of the period on which we now enter, will hesi-
tate to approve the following passage of M. Basnage : — " The schism of Henry VIII.
has scarcely any relation to the reformed religion. We abandon him as a vicious
Prince, who could not do it any honour, and as a despotic King, under whom the
Clergy howed down, and whose licentiousness the Pope himself authorized. Why
should the crimes of Henry VIII. he charged on us ? He lived before the Reformation
[formal and ecclesiastical]. It is true that he separated himself from the Pope ; but he
failed not to persecute those who made an open profession of the truth, and, shortly
before his death, was within a very little of putting his own Queen to death for heresy.
Indeed, he had already signed the order for her condemnation [or imprisonment]. The
first Christians thought themselves honoured by the proposal that Tiberius had made to
the Senate, to place Jesus Christ in the number of the gods ; but they never were
128 CHAPTER III.
Abjurations went on, as usual, after his accession to the throne ; and
the Clergy admired him not less than the Commons. Within less
than a year after his coronation, Pope Julius II. expressed his favour
towards him by a special act, which is recorded in a letter to Warham,
Archbishop of Canterbury. Julius, desiring to bestow some signal
apostolic gift on his dearest Son in Christ, Henry, most illustrious
King of England, whom he embraced with a peculiar charity, in order to
do him honour in the beginning of his reign, sent him a golden rose,
anointed with sacred chrism, sprinkled with odoriferous musk, and
blessed with his own hands, after the manner of the Roman Pontiffs,
to be given to His Majesty at mass, with ceremonies prescribed, and
an apostolic blessing.*
After an interval of about three years, persecution broke out again
in the bishopric of Canterbury. A numerous congregation of praying
people in Tenterden, Kent, was to be dispersed. Archbishop Warham
had several small companies of them brought before him at his resi-
dence in Knoll, where they were examined, convicted of heresy, and
required to abjure. The court then adjourned to Lambeth, and con-
tinued to examine, convict, exact abjuration, impose penance, and
make the penitents swear that they would discover all whom they
knew to hold prohibited opinions. Either from a prevalent notion
that compulsory oaths and abjurations were not binding, or from ter-
ror prevailing over conscience, many submitted, and a few betrayed
their brethren ; but three failed to satisfy the Priests. William Carter
would not deny that it was enough to pray to God alone, and there-
fore needless to address prayer to saints ; and some who had been
united with him in the meetings at Tenterden swore that he had
taught them other obnoxious truths. He was pronounced an obsti-
nate heretic, and given up to the secular power. Agnes Grevill was
indicted on the same articles. She pleaded, "Not guilty;" but her
husband and two sons were brought as witnesses. Her husband swore
that, for twenty-eight years, she had persisted in holding forbidden
opinions ; and her sons deposed, that she had always endeavoured to
imbue them with her sentiments. Robert Harrison also pleaded, " Not
guilty ; " but witnesses were found to prove the contrary ; and the
Archbishop, on the same day, signed the writs for certifying the sen-
tences to the Chancery, concluding in these words : " Our holy
mother, the Church, having nothing further that she can do in this
matter, we leave the forementioned heretics, and every one of them,
to your Royal Highness, and to your secular Council." John Brown
loaded with the shame that covered Tiberius, because of his cruelty and other crimes.
France has gone yet further. France has canonized Clovis, and regards him as the
founder of the Christian religion in this kingdom ; and perhaps even my Lord of Meaux
has often invoked him in his prayers, and taught Monsieur the Dauphin to trust in the
fnerits of that Prince, as in those of St. Louis. Yet this father of the Christian religion
disgraced his life by enormous and innumerable crimes.* * * * But, how can it be said
that Henry introduced new and unheard-of dogmas when he combated the tyranny of the
Pope, image-worship, and some other abuses, of which the reform had been a thousand
times demanded ; and seeing the Lollards and Vaudois professed in England the same
religion, of which Henry VIII. began to form the establishment?" — Histoire de la
Religion des Eglises Reformees, partie lime., chap. 9me.
* Burnet, book i., Collection of Records, ii.
WILLIAM SWEETING AND JAMES BREWSTER. 129
and Edward Walker were dealt with in the same manner. A plea of
"Not guilty" availed them not. If they thought that by any casu-
istry the peril of confessing Christ might be eluded, they were
deceived. The circumstances of their execution are not related ; but
of the fact there can be no doubt * (A.D. 1511).
Disobedience to the inquisitorial discipline of the Church was as
grave an offence as heresy, and to be punished with equal rigour, as
is exemplified in the execution of William Sweeting and James
Brewster. The former of these had served the Prior of St. Osithe's
for sixteen years, and so effectually taught him scriptural truths, that
he became suspected of heresy, and was compelled to abjure. The
faithful servant was committed to the Lollards' Tower at St. Paul's,
then abjured in the Cathedral, was made to carry a faggot at the Cross,
and to do the same at Colchester, his native town, with the perpetual
penance of wearing a faggot on his left sleeve. For two years he carried
the badge, until the Parson of Colchester employed him in the service
of the church, and, as it would be unseemly for a holy- water Clerk to
carry a mark of heresy, caused him to put it off. From Colchester he
removed to a place under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Winchester,
where he was holy-water Clerk for another year ; thence to Chelsea,
where he obtained employment as neatherd, and kept the cattle for
the town. One morning, as he was driving the kine to pasture, he
was apprehended and taken before the Bishop, and his chamber
searched for books. The charges were, that he had conversed with
heretics, dissuaded his wife from going on pilgrimage, and burning
candles before images, and said something contrary to the doctrine
of transubstantiation. These offences were irremissible, because he
had thrown aside the faggot. James Brewster, another Colchester
man, was also apprehended, and convicted of having taken off his
faggot, at the command of the Comptroller of the Earl of Oxford,
who employed him on one of his Lordship's estates, and would not
allow a servant under his direction to wear a badge of priestly
tyranny. He was also charged with having been "five times" in the
fields with his townsman, Sweeting, together with some few others
who were named, hearing him read out of a prohibited book. He
had worked at the same bench with a heretical carpenter. He pos-
sessed a little book of Scripture in English, of an old writing, almost
illegible for age. He had heard one Master Bardfield, of Colchester,
say, " He that will not worship Maozim f in heart and thought shall
die in sight;" but, being so ignorant as not to know that the word
means "mass-god," or "host," gave Master Bardfield sore offence.
And he had expressed himself heretically in some private conversa-
tions. The two friends made no defence, but meekly submitted
themselves to the mercy of their Judges, who gave judgment that
they should be released from excommunication ; but the Bishop
of London sentenced them, notwithstanding, as relapsed heretics,
* Burnet, part i., book i.
t DM1?73 " strongholds." The title of a Syrian idol, (Dan. xi. 38,) sagely applied
to their "massing god" by some Romish triflers. Amused with a similar alliteration,
they translate HD73 " a sufficiency," by missa, " the mass !"
VOL. III. S
130 CHAPTER III.
delivered them to the secular arm ; and they were burnt in Smithfield
at one fire* (Oct. 18th, 1511).
So did the church of God yield her victims to Antichrist at inter-
vals of every few years. A persecution in some part of the kingdom
would disperse or burn the most devoted members of the humble
brotherhood, and impose the brand or the faggot on some other more
conspicuous confessors. A calm succeeded, but to be followed by a
like tempest in some other quarter, ending again in fire and faggot.
This state of things continued for, at least, thirty-five years after the
burning of Sweeting and Brewster ; but a new train of events, having
no relation whatever to spiritual religion, began to open the way for
Christian liberty in England. The exemption of the Clergy from criminal
jurisdiction had long been found subversive of public order and morality;
and in the preceding reign f an Act of Parliament prescribed, that Clerks
convicted should be burnt in the hand, unless they could produce their
letters of orders, or a certificate from their Ordinary, within a day. But
criminous Clerks were not to be restrained by so slight a terror. The
layman who should dare to read his New Testament exhibited openly
a seared cheek ; while the incorrigible mass-Priest only carried a scar
on the palm, quite out of sight. This expedient was too feeble to
avail : robberies, assaults, and murders were still perpetrated Math
impunity under the shield of ecclesiastical privilege. The House
of Commons, therefore, enacted, that all murderers and robbers
should be denied the benefit of their Clergy ; but the Lords would not
consent to so heavy a blow on the power of the Church, and limited
the Act to persons in lesser orders, still exempting the Bishop,
Priest, and Deacon (January 26th, 1513). J The Clergy ought to
have submitted to this compromise ; but, seeing that the whole body
of unordained Monks, all Nuns, and swarms of holy-water Clerks,
and menials in the service of the churches, were thus made amenable
to the same tribunal as other men, and that the charm of personal
inviolability would be broken, clamoured against the Act. The Abbot
of Winchelcombe denounced it in a sermon at Paul's Cross, as con-
trary to the law of God and the liberties of holy Church ; and
declared, that all who assented to it, as well spiritual as temporal per-
sons, incurred the censures of the Church. The temporal Lords and
the Commons took fire at this demonstration of monkish lawlessness,
and called on the King to repress the insolence of the Clergy. The
King summoned his Council, and all the Judges, to hear and to debate
the question. Dr. Standish, chief of the King's spiritual Council,
argued for the new law ; and, on the other side, the Abbot of Win-
chelcombe represented the Church. Worsted in dispute, he was desired
by the Council and Judges to go to St. Paul's Cross and recant his offen-
sive sermon ; but he refused, and all the Bishops sustained him in the
refusal. Both parties were immovable, yet each dreaded the consequences
* Foxe, book vii.
t An. 4 et 5, Hen. VII., c. 12. No credential had been previously required from
those who claimed the benefit of Clergy. If a criminal could but read, he enjoyed
immunity as a Clerk.
I An. 4, Hen. VIII., c.-2. " Such as ben within holy orders only exempt." The
lawyers did not acknowledge the lesser orders to be included in the term "holy."
HENRY VIII. IN FRANCE. 131
of a rupture between the spiritual and temporal powers. The quarrel
was suspended, not settled, and an incident soon occurred to raise the
question again.*
Meanwhile a new personage appeared on the field of ecclesiastical
and civil politics, but fell, unconsciously to himself, into the grasp
of the Sovereign Providence that made him, almost from that time,
a chief instrument in breaking off the Papal yoke from England.
Thomas Wolsey, Chaplain and Almoner to the King, son of a
butcher at Ipswich, but afterwards eminent for learning in Oxford,
now about forty years of age, and, by promotion from the Uni-
versity to the court, stimulated to insatiable ambition, already
exerted great influence over Henry, a well educated, but impetuous,
young man of one-and-twenty. Wolsey found him strongly addicted
to the study of scholasticism and canon law, proud of his fancied
attainments as a theologian, fervently attached to the Church of
Rome, and anxious to shine in the eyes of Christendom as a brave,
magnificent, and religious Prince, — religious, as the word was under-
stood, however godless. Wolsey conceived the design of making
himself so useful, acceptable, and necessary to the King and to the
court of Rome, as to render both subservient to his own advance-
ment. Occasion offered. Maximilian I. and Louis XII. were at
war with each other ; and as Maximilian was then leagued with the
Pope, and Louis, on the other hand, was prosecuting by force of arms
some dynastic claims in Italy, the latter was regarded as an enemy
of the Church. Wolsey persuaded, or, if he did not persuade, assidu-
ously encouraged, Henry to make war on Louis, and invade France, in
compliance with an exhortation from Pope Julius. The King professed
to undertake the war according to his duty to God and to his Church,
for the defence of the Church, and for the extinction of a detestable
schism, aiding such of his confederates and allies as should join him
" in that God's quarrel." " Faile ye not to accomplish the premises,"
wrote he to Sir David Owen, with a command to bring a hundred
men for the expedition, "as ye tender the honour and suretie of us,
and of this our realme, and the advauncement and furtheraunce of this
meritorious voyage." -f The royal Chaplain displayed his zeal by
going over to Calais with the King, and discharging the unclerical
office of victualling the army, deeming this diligence so far merito-
rious as to entitle him to future compensation from Rome and from
the Emperor. The Church rewarded him speedily, the Emperor
courted him, and his successor gave him a promise of assistance for
election to the Papal throne on the first vacancy. This promise was
not kept ; Wolsey became disappointed and disgusted ; and, while
revenging himself on Charles V., unwittingly promoted a schism in
the Church. His very zeal for Popery thus led to our deliverance from
its oppression ; when, after a long career of power, his haughty spirit
had suddenly brought him to a fall.
Henry had not long returned from France when the dispute con-
cerning clerical privilege was renewed. Richard Hun, a merchant-
* Burnet, part i., book i.
t Strype, Memorials Ecclesiastical, vol. i., part ii., Appendix, No. 1.
S 2
132 CHAPTER III.
tailor in the city of London, a man of unblemished reputation, reputed
to be " a good Catholic," and possessing considerable property, sent a
child to nurse in a neighbouring parish.* The infant died at the
age of five weeks : the Parson, Thomas Dryfield, claimed a bearing-
sheet as his perquisite; but Hun considered the demand unreason-
able, and refused to pay. Dryfield sued him in the spiritual court ;
Hun found himself obliged to take legal advice in his defence, and,
at the instance of his Counsel, sued the Priest in a prcemunire f for
having brought a subject of the King before a foreign court, that court
sitting under the authority of the Pope's Legate. The Priests, and
especially Fitz-James, Bishop of London, were exceedingly provoked
at a proceeding that tended to lower their temporal power in Eng-
land ; and, to perplex the case and baffle the civil court, they charged
Han with heresy, and shut him up in the Lollards' Tower, (the tower
of St. Gregory's church, which was contiguous with the cathedral, and
so called because used as a prison for heretics,) where none of his
friends were allowed to visit him. Dr. Horsey, the Bishop's Chan-
cellor, undertook to manage the affair, and being, ex officio, Warder
of the Tower, he also acted as prosecutor of the prisoner, and brought
him before Fitz-James, in his new palace at Fulham, on Friday,
December 2d, 1514. The Bishop, seated in his chapel, proceeded to
take evidence of the Lollardism of this persecuted citizen. Horsey
and some other Priests were the only persons professing to be wit-
nesses : their affirmation passed as proof sufficient : and they had no
difficulty in making out six articles to the effect, that Hun had dis-
puted against tithes ; compared Priests and Bishops to the Scribes and
Pharisees who crucified Christ ; spoken freely of the immorality and
covetousness of the Clergy ; sympathised with Joan Baker, a woman
recently abjured ; and " that the said Richard Hun hath, in his keep-
ing, divers English books prohibited and damned by the law : as the
Apocalypse in English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wycliffe's
damnable works, and other books containing infinite errors, in which
he hath been a long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily."
In all this there was nothing unlikely ; for thousands gave expression
to such views, and possessed and read such books. The episcopal
register contained no answer to these charges ; but, in another hand,
the following words were found written : "As touching these articles,
I have not spoken them as they be here laid ; howbeit, unadvisedly I
have spoken words somewhat sounding to the same, for which I am
sorry, and ask God mercy, and submit me to my Lord's charitable
and favourable correction" There was no signature, nor any evi-
dence that the writing was of his hand. Now it is remarkable, that
while Horsey and his victim were away at Fulham, Horsey's cook and
other servants, gossiping in their kitchen in London, were predicting
that he would suffer a grievous penance. Some, indeed, went beyond
the notion of penance ; and, probably interpreting words they had
* St. Mary Matfilon. — Foxe.
t Pro: munire (for pramoneri) facias A. B. " Yoa shall summon A. B. to appear," &c.,
are the first words 6f the writ issued in prosecution of one who has resorted to a foreign
judicature, or obeyed a foreign authority, as, for example, of the Pope. The ofience
itself, also, is hence called a pro: munire.
HUN IN THE LOLLARDS' TOWER. 133
heard from their master, who wished the rumour of a grievous penance
to be circulated, in order to lull suspicion, said, that before that day
seven night, or before Christmas, he should have a mischievous death.
Hun was reconducted to the Lollards' Tower, made fast in the stocks, the
doors locked, and the keys kept by Horsey and one Charles Joseph, his
Sumner,* as usual. How to impose this grievous penance, of which "all
who should hear would marvel," had to be arranged without delay. The
idea of penance was to be impressed on Hun : his fears were to be
excited : a servant in my Lord of London's kitchen was made to
report, that when the keepers put his feet into the stocks, he asked
for a knife to kill himself; saying, that such cruel treatment was
more than he could bear. On the other hand, a witness deposed that
a knife had actually been left by the keepers, but lay unnoticed by him,
while he was calmly praying over his beads.f On the Saturday, Horsey
further carried on the feint of penance. He mounted to the cell,
knelt down before Hun, as if he were to be the reluctant executioner
of a superior sentence, given after his examination of the day preced-
ing, and, lifting up his hands, "prayed of him forgiveness of all that
he had done to him, and must do to him." While Hun might be
supposed to be pondering on the hangman-like supplication of the
Chancellor, a present of salmon was brought in, and set before
him. The Sumner, Charles Joseph, was the messenger, with one or
two others ; and, after pleasant conversation, and seeing him take
a hearty meal, they turned the keys on him, and left. Horsey,
waiting in the church below, gave leave of absence to his Sumner, —
who suddenly pretended to be in danger of arrest, on account
of some misdemeanour, — gave the keys to the bell-ringer, John Spald-
ing, " a poor innocent man," a simpleton, with strict orders to let
no one enter the cell. Spa! ding took charge, and was officious in
attention to the prisoner. On the Sunday, Horsey kept a strict eye
on the progress of his plot. Spalding was duly sent up at nine
o'clock, to ask him what he would choose for dinner. In the fore-
noon Horsey called his Penitentiary, J and desired him to take holy
bread § and holy water to Hun. This recognition of his Christianity
was probably intended to relieve him from any apprehension of death
for heresy, and prepare him from the " grievous penance " that the
Chancellor was going to do to him. Spalding next took him an abun-
dant dinner, giving him the Sumner's boy, as company, for two hours.
At six o'clock in the evening, the bell-ringer took him a quart of ale
to be drunk with supper, for draughts to encourage sleep. And after
a day with so little like the dreariness and pain of a Lollards' prison,
released, moreover, from the confinement of the stocks, the poor man
unsuspectingly laid him on his bed, and fell into a sweet sleep.
* Summoner.
t Proving two things : that he did not intend to kill himself, or he would have
attempted to do so with the knife ; and that he was not a Lollard, or he would not have
used a rosary.
t Or Confessor.
§ According to a Papal constitution, holy or hlessed bread, that is to say, bread
taken from the oblations of the people, should be blessed by a Priest, on Sundays, and
sent to those who could not be present to communicate, in token of communion.
134 CHAPTER III.
Charles Joseph, the Sumner, had been carousing all that holy
day with a relative in the country, and, towards bed-time, left his
companions, mounted his horse, rode hard, and on reaching his house
near St. Paul's, sent his boy with it to the Bell at Shoreditch, with
direction, that it should be kept saddled all night, as it was uncertain
at what hour he might want it again. Then he hurried to St.
Gregory's church. Horsey was there ready ; so was John Spalding,
the half-witted bell-ringer. Horsey took a wax-candle from an altar,
lit it, put it into Spalding's hand, and bade him go first. They
slowly mounted the tower-stairs, Spalding softly opened the prison-
door, and, as the light gleamed in, they saw Hun in a deep sleep, for
it was not yet midnight. " Lay hands on the thief," said the Chan-
cellor. He laid his own hands on him first, and dragged him off the
bed ; the Sumuer, too, held him down. Spalding stuck the candle
on the stocks, and came to the bed-side to take part in the infliction
of that "grievous penance." It was soon done. With one hand
Horsey grasped his wrist, and with the other held down his head.
Spalding did the same. The Sumner knelt on Hun, and, introducing
a sharp-pointed wire into one of his nostrils, pierced the brain. The
blood gushed, and a pool of it was found afterwards in that corner
of the prison-house ; while, rudely handled in the convulsive struggle,
his neck was dislocated. Life being extinct, the murderers hung him
up at a beam by his own silken girdle, then put his cap on his head,
folded his clothes so as to conceal the blood, put the cell in order,
and went down into the church again. Horsey was satisfied that be
had done his sect a service ; but his accomplices were trembling, and
almost ready to divulge the crime. And it was divulged. Their con-
fession furnishes our narrative ; together with the reported inquest
of a jury, convened, next day, by the Coroner of London, who sus-
pected that his fellow-citizen had been murdered, when he heard that
Horsey and a party of Priests had told the people that they had just
seen Hun hanging, killed by his own act. The Sumner had ridden
off again, before day ; but on the Wednesday night following, as
if unable to rest anywhere, he secretly came back to London, and con-
fessed the whole, unquestioned, but requiring her under an oath to keep
the secret, to his own servant-woman. Spalding confessed also ; and
the Coroner's jury gave their verdict accordingly. "And so the said
jury" — these words are still on record — " have sworn upon the holy
Evangelists, that the said William Horsey, Clerk, Charles Joseph, and
John Spalding, of their set malice, then and there feloniously killed
and murdered the said Richard Hun, in manner and form aforesaid,
against the peace of our Sovereign Lord the King, his crown and
dignity." (Signed) "Thomas Barnwell, Coroner of the city of
London."
Horsey found refuge in the Archbishop's house, Charles Joseph
betook himself to a sanctuary-town in Essex, and Spalding seems also
to have tried to conceal himself ; but while the Chancellor was allowed
to remain at Lambeth, the two servants were examined, with several
other persons, and on their concurrent confession and evidence the
jury gave their verdict. The Priests could only hope to rescue
HUN'S MURDERERS ESCAPE. 135
Horsey by disputing the integrity of the jurymen, as persons hereti-
cally inclined ; by declaring, that the criminals themselves had yielded
to terror, and borne false witness against their own lives, and by again
charging Hun with heresy. One of Wycliffe's Testaments was found
iu his house after his murder ; and from the preface they extracted
propositions which, from the single fact of having owned the book,
he was supposed to have entertained. The Bishop associated two
other Prelates with himself, and several inferior Priests, so as to make
the sentence appear to be that of the Clergy, and on that flimsy show
of heresy caused the body of Hun to be taken from its grave, and
burnt in Smithfield (December 20th). The citizens of London were
indignant. The verdict of the Coroner was sent up to the House
of Commons, who immediately passed a Bill for the restoration
of Hun's property to his children ; even the Lords accepted and also
passed it ; and the King not only gave his royal sanction, but issued
a writ to the murderers, commanding them to restore the property to
his family, which they, under pretext of his alleged heresy, had con-
sidered to be forfeited. Had not Horsey and his accomplices been
under the protection of the Church, they would certainly have been
hanged ; but, while the Parliament met, the Convention held their
sessions also, and contended for clerical immunity. Fitz-James, in
the House of Lords, besought the members to look upon the matter,
for the love of God, and to protect him and his brethren from the
heretics, who so abounded, that if their Lordships did not, he should
soon not be able to keep his house for them. The jury he denounced
as perjured caitiffs. He also wrote to Wolsey, and implored him to
stand good-Lord to Horsey ; to intercede with the King's grace, that
the case might be tried over again by other Judges ; and that after
the Chancellor's innocency should be declared, the King would instruct
the Attorney-General to confess the indictment for murder to be
untrue. Sure he was, that no twelve laymen could be found in Lon-
don— so maliciously set were they all with heretical pravity — who
would not find any Clerk guilty, though he were as innocent as
Abel. " Wherefore, if thou canst, blessed father, help our infirm-
ities." Wolsey, helping their infirmities, conniving at their crimes,
represented to the King the peril of contending with the Clergy, and
incurring the censures of holy Church ; and Henry, seeing the two
Parliaments, temporal and spiritual, arrayed against each other, and
fearing consequences, left with the Clergy the persons of the mur-
derers, but required them to give up the property of the murdered.
But the matter did not end here. The Convocation resumed the
question of clerical privilege, and called Standish to their bar to
answer for advice he had given to the King. On the other side, the
Judges delivered their opinion, " that all those of the Convocation
who did award the citation against Standish, were in the case of a
pramunire facias." This judgment alarmed the Clergy, who began
to feel a diminution of power, and heard themselves execrated from
one end of England to the other as murderous persecutors. A special
assembly of all the Lords, spiritual and temporal, the Judges, and
some members of the House of Commons, was convened before His
136 CHAPTER in.
Majesty in Baynard'a Castle; and there Wolsey, although Legate,
knelt before him, and, on the part of the Clergy, said, " That none
of them intended to do anything that might derogate from his prero-
gative ; and, least of all, himself, who owed his advancement to the
King's favour. But this matter of convening of Clerks (by the
civil Magistrate) did seem to them all to be contrary to the laws
of God, and the liberties of the Church, which they were bound, by
their oaths, to maintain according to their power." Therefore, in
their name, he humbly begged " that the King, to avoid the censures
of the Church, would refer the matter to the decision of the Pope and
his Council, at the court of Rome." After some disputation between
the two parties, the King said these memorable words : — " By the
permission and ordinance of God we are King of England ; and the
Kings of England, in times past, had never any superior but God
only. Therefore know you well that we will maintain the right of our
crown, and of our temporal jurisdiction, as well in this as in all other
points, in as ample a manner as any of our progenitors have done
before our time. And as for your decrees, we are well assured that
you of the spiritualty go expressly against the words of divers of them,
as hath been showed you by some of our Council ; and you interpret
your decrees at your pleasure ; but we will not agree to them more
than our progenitors have done in former times." Yet the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury persisted in entreating the King to refer the
case of Horsey to the court of Rome. At that moment Henry said no
more. He received the insolent request in silence ; but afterwards,
yielding to the counsel of his more trustworthy advisers, he instructed
his Attorney to withdraw the criminal prosecution.*
Horsey then walked out of the Archbishop's palace, where he had
taken refuge, and retired to Exeter. The Church seemed to have
gained a trifling advantage, but the dispute between the ecclesiastical
and civil jurisdictions was still open ; and Henry VIII. had pro-
nounced a sentence soon to be executed in the emancipation of these
realms. Thus did God send ample retribution on the Popish Clergy
for the murder of Hun.
Retribution might seem to linger, for nearly twenty years elapsed
before it was completed ; and for nearly so long did Henry himself
persecute the followers of Christ. Indeed, he never ceased to be a
persecutor.
Not even the Pope ventured to remonstrate with his son, the King
of England, for daring to assert civil supremacy over every Eng-
lishman. The Priests were daunted for a time. The reproach of
Hun haunted them, and they could only wait for opportunity to renew
the work of death. Such an opportunity occurred with a suddenness
that must have gratified my Lord of London. A barge was conveying
passengers down the Thames from London to Gravesend, a Priest
being in the mixed company on deck. In a moment of ill humour he
chose to remind his fellow-passengers of his priestly dignity, and
claim reverence, which, perhaps, they had forgotten to render amidst
the qualms of nausea. Beside him sat John Browne, one of a noted
* Foxe, book vii. ; Burnet, part i., book i.
JOHN BROWNE. 137
family of Lollards, who had himself carried a faggot seven years before,
and probably bore the patch on his sleeve at that moment. The
Priest gathered himself up, found that Browne was sitting on his
cloak, and thus opened an angry conversation.
Priest. — " Dost thou know who I am ? Thou sittest too near me,
thou sittest on my clothes."
Browne. — " No, Sir, I know not what you are."
P. — " I tell thee I am a Priest."
B. — "What, Sir ! Are you a Parson, or Vicar, or a lady's Chaplain ? "
P. — " No ; I am a soul Priest. I sing for a soul."
B. — " Do you so, Sir ? That is well done. I pray you, Sir, where
find you the soul when you go to mass?"
P.—" I cannot tell thee."
B. — " I pray you, where do you leave it, Sir, when the mass is done ?"
P. — " I cannot tell thee."
B. — " Neither can you tell where you find it when you go to mass,
nor where you leave it when the mass is done : how, then, can you
have the soul?"
P. — " Go thy ways, thou art a heretic, and I will be even with
thee."
The dialogue ended. In due time the bark touched the bank at
Gravesend, the passengers landed, John Browne, without delay, went
on his way to Ashford, where he had lately had an increase in his
happy family ; and the Priest, too, losing not a moment, required two
fellow-passengers to accompany him on horseback towards Canter-
bury, to lay information of heresy. Just three nights after his return,
John Browne's wife had been churched, and he was bringing in a
mess of pottage to the board to their guests, when some one called
him out, as if wanted on business. No one suspected any harm ; but,
while the company were taking the meal, their host was in the hands
of ruffians, who gagged him, set him on his own horse, bounden hand
and foot, took him away under cover of night, and brought him to
Canterbury, where they lodged him in prison before daybreak. None
but the familiars who had made the seizure knew whither he had
been taken, none except Warham, the Archbishop, and Fisher, Bishop
of Rochester. They bound him in a dungeon, and tortured him by
applying hot coals to the soles of his feet, until the bones were laid
bare; but he would not recant. It was Low Sunday* (A.D. 1517)
when the day dawned on him in Canterbury, and his distressed wife
and family and friends were seeking for him in Ashford and the
neighbourhood. On the Friday evening before Whit-Sunday, he was
again mounted on horseback, taken from Canterbury, and, some time
after night-fall, set in the stocks at Ashford, to the surprise of the
inhabitants. His wife hurried to the place, heard from his lips what
he had suffered, and what he yet was to endure. The poor woman
sat by the stocks all night, that for those few hours she might testify
her love to her Christian husband, and be witness and partaker of his
constancy. She examined his swollen feet. " The two Bishops,"
said he, " put hot coals to them, and burned them to the bones, to
* The Sunday after Easter.
VOL. III. T
158 CHAPTER III.
make me deny my Lord, which I will never do ; for if I should deny
my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray thee,
th'erefore, good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast hegun, and bring up
thy children virtuously, and in the fear of God." The next day was
spent in preparing for the martyrdom. In the evening they bound
him to a stake, where, lifting up his hands, he repeated a prayer that
had probably been often recited, in far other circumstances, at his
fire-side : —
"< O Lord, I yield me to thy grace ;
Grant me mercy for my trespass ;
Let never the fiend my soul chase.
Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat,
Let never my soul come in hell-heat.'
Into thy hands I commend my spirit; thou hast redeemed me, 0
Lord of truth." And so he ended. One Chiltou, the Bailyarrant,
seeing Browne's children there, roared out, "Throw them into the
fire : they '11 spring out of his ashes."
To follow up the terror of this execution, the Bishop of London
headed an inquisition, and forced many to abjure. They appear
to have been chiefly tradesfolk, one Ecclesiastic only being marked
on the list, George Laund, Prior of St. Sithe. One of the persons
then abjured, Elizabeth Stamford, confessed that she had been
taught by one Thomas Beele, eleven years before, to repeat these
words : " Christ feedeth, and fast nourisheth, his church, with his
own precious body, that is, the bread of life coming down from hea-
ven: this is the worthy Word that is worthily received, and joined
unto man, to be in one body with him. Sooth it is that they be both
one, they may not be parted. This is the wisely deeming of the holy
sacrament Christ's own body : this is not received by chewing of
teeth, but by hearing with ears, and understanding with your soul,
and wisely working thereafter. ' Therefore,' saith St. Paul, ' I fear
me amongst us, brethren, that many of us be feeble and sick ; there-
fore I counsel us, brethren, to rise and watch, that the great day of
doom come not suddenly upon us, as the thief doth upon the mer-
chant.'" This recitation, retained in memory during eleven years,
together with that made by Browne when at the stake, and many
other examples of the kind, disclose a custom common to many
bodies of Christians, especially in times of persecution, of preserving
and propagating doctrinal truths, and quickening devotion, by means
of familiar sentences, to be repeated in prose or verse. And this fact
further exhibits the Gospel as inwrought with the tradition of a dis-
tinct people, and made the theme of household converse, commu-
nicated from friend to friend, and delivered from parent to child.
And this was the established tradition of our " religion before Luther."
The report of Browne's faithfulness unto death must have produced
great searchings of heart among many who had abjured. Two exam-
ples of the kind soon followed. Between five and six years had passed
away since Thomas Man, in a parish of the see of Oxford, had so yielded.
By way of penance he was made to carry and wear the faggot, and con-
fined to the monastery of Osney, by Oxford. The Bishop, needing
help for some work to be done in his palace, took Man from the
MARTYRS IN TOWN AND COUNTRY. 139
monastery, took off the faggot, made use of him as long as conve-
nient, and then, by a formal act, confined him in Osney again, with
the mark of penance. Weary, disgusted, and repentant of having
denied Christ, he escaped, fled into another jurisdiction, and sustained
life, by labour, in the counties of Essex and Suffolk. In the present
persecution he was detected, and brought before Fitz-James in Lon-
don. It then appeared, on evidence, and by his free confession, that,
first at Newbury, and then at Amersham, he and his wife had asso-
ciated with the praying people in those towns, assisted several who
were in peril by persecution to effect their escape, and, chiefly at
Amersham, had been the means of making about seven hundred con-
verts. He was easily convicted of what, indeed, he did not deny, and,
being sentenced as a relapsed heretic, was delivered to the Sheriff,
who sat on horseback, waiting at the Bishop's door, in Paternoster-
row. The sentence set forth that he deserved to be punished with
" rigorous rigour, yet no dissolute mansuetude, et tamen citra mortem,
and yet without death." That was written to be read in testimony
to the tender mercy of the Church ; but the Sheriff, who understood
that Man was to be killed, took him from Paternoster-row into
Smithfield, and burnt him there (March 29th, 1518).
Another such relapse suffered in a few months. He had been
convinced of the truth of Christianity twenty years before. Richard
Smart, one of the Salisbury martyrs, had instructed him out of
Wycliffe's Wicket, and then given him a copy of the book, and of
another book, containing an exposition of the Decalogue. In course
of time he was apprehended, taken before the Bishop of Salisbury,
and there he recanted, and was put under penance. But, when
expecting to be apprehended, he hid the two books in a hollow tree,
where they lay untouched for two years, when he went to the tree,
took out the books, and secretly removed to London. The flame of
love to God, half-quenched as it had been, then revived. He could
no more keep silence, but, out of the books that had been bequeathed
to him by his departed brother, taught many, affirming that Wycliffe,
their author, was a saint in heaven. Of his trial little is recorded,
except that the Archbishop of Canterbury laboured hard to bring him
to a second recantation ; and that Dr. Hed, Vicar-General, pronounced
him a relapsed heretic, and gave him to the obsequious Sheriff, who
burnt him in Smithfield the same hour (October 25th, 1518).
Of Christopher Shoemaker, Great Missenden, little more is known
than that he frequently read to his neighbours out of "a little book,"
was honoured in the conversion of some of them, and burnt, at New-
bury, about the same time.*
Some Christian parents at Coventry were wont to teach their chil-
dren the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, in English.
Here was family religion, and the beginnings, at least, of family
prayer. But family religion, and, therefore, prayer so offered, have no
place in Popery, f and are hateful to the Priests. Pious recitations in
* Foxe, book vii.
t It is not unfrequent to recite rosaries, or other LatLu prayers, in Popish families ;
hut family prayer, offered in n vernacular lanrjiiagc, is a thing unknown.
T 2
140 CHAPTER III.
English led to the religious instruction of children, tended to perpe-
tuate a knowledge and love of the Gospel from generation to genera-
tion ; and it was determined that, on the return of Lent, a strong
effort should be made to put down that novelty of family prayer.
Accordingly six men and one woman, a widow, who were known to
have taught their children prayer, and obedience to the law of God,
were apprehended on Ash Wednesday (A.D. 1519), and placed in soli-
tary confinement ; some of them in dungeons under ground. On the
following Friday they were all removed to Mackstock Abbey, about
six miles from Coventry, and their children sent for to the Grey
Friars, where the Warden, Friar Stafford, examined them as to their
belief, and as to what their fathers had taught them, and charged them
not to meddle again with the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments,
on pain of suffering death, as their fathers were about to suffer.
Meanwhile the Lent preachers had abundant opportunity to refresh
the zeal of their people against heresy ; and, this done, the ceremo-
nies of the season were closed, by bringing back the seven heads of
families to Coventry, on Palm-Sunday, condemning them as heretics,
and burning them in one fire, in a place called the Little Park, one
day in Passion week.* The widow, indeed, was to have been spared.
She was exempted from the sentence, and the Sumner, with suspicious
kindness, offered to accompany her from the court to her home, as
the evening was rather dark. By the way, as she leant on his arm,
he perceived something rustle in her sleeve, rudely searched, and
drew out a scroll containing the Lord's Prayer and Ten Command-
ments. She was then his prisoner. They turned, retraced their
steps into the presence of the Inquisitors : the scroll was sufficient
testimony, and widow Smith was added to the martyrs. As soon as
they had ceased to live, the Sheriffs ran to their houses, seized every
article of property, and left the families to starve. To silence some
expressions of dissatisfaction at this aggravation of the sentence, by
inflicting a penalty on the survivers for merely repeating a Prayer and
Commandments, the Bishop caused it to be reported that the real
offence was one of greater gravity, — eating flesh on Fridays !f The
holocaust would have been of eight persons, had not one escaped.
This one, however, (Robert Silkeb,) was discovered about two years
afterwards, apprehended, brought back to Coventry, and burnt
(January 13th, 1521).£
While the widows of the Coventry martyrs were yet weeping, the
Pope himself unconsciously gave the first signal for ecclesiastical
reform in England. It was the Roman policy, at that time, to talk
loudly of such reform, in order to satisfy, if possible, the Germans,
by whom it was demanded, and to divert attention from questions of
doctrine. Cardinal Wolsey, too, athirst for power, solicited Papal
authority for reforming the Monks and Priests of Enland. A Bull
* A?ril*A\ 7° revir the zealots> "* to Persecute Protestants, is the usual busi-
ness ot a Popish Lent, wherever practicable.
t Foxe, hook Viii.
J The names are Mrs Smith, widow ; Robert Hatchets, Archer, Hawkins, Thomas
JJond, shoemakers ; M ngsham, glover ; Laudsdale, hosier ; and Robert Silkeb.
DR COLET, DEAN OF ST. PAUI/S. 141
to that effect was issued by Leo X., (June 10th, 1519,) as offensive to
the Clergy of both orders, for the just severity of its censures, — it
affirmed that they were lewd and ignorant, and given over to a repro-
bate mind, — as it was gratifying to the Cardinal. But Leo X. was not
the man to preach morality, and Wolsey was even more unfit than he.
The Bull, in effect, authorized him to visit the monasteries, to sup-
press the worst of them, and convert them into cathedral or collegiate
churches. He was dissuaded from acting on it then, but he cherished
the scheme, communicated it to Henry and to Secretary Cromwell,
and, in doing so, suggested the beginnings of the work that was after-
wards done by other hands, and with a far different intention.* True
it is that Leo issued another Bull, for the suppression of heresy,
immediately after that which empowered Wolsey to attempt his expe-
riment of reformation of manners, and that the honoured names of
Tyndale, Roy, and Brightwell, were therein associated with those
of Luther, Zuinglius, Melancthon, and many others ; but both Bulls
were equally ineffectual to mend or to destroy. f A few abjurations
were the only result.
If Fitz-James could have done it, a good man, who died this year,
would have been killed long before. Dr. John Colet, Dean of St.
Paul's, entertained many opinions in common with the " known
men " of Buckinghamshire, who frequently resorted to his sermons.
Fitz-James complained to the King against him, after having failed
with the Archbishop of Canterbury ; but, by the friendship of War-
ham, and the discernment of Henry, under the good providence of
God, he was shielded from harm. His offence, at first, consisted in
expounding St. Paul's Epistles, instead of Scotus and Aquinas, in the
University of Oxford ; and, when promoted to the deanery of St.
Paul's, preaching like one who desired to win souls, in living godly,
and disapproving of clerical celibacy. St. Paul's School is a monu-
ment of his beneficence and zeal for learning ; and the circumstance
of its management by lay-Trustees, is known to have arisen from his
distrust of the Clergy of his time, and is supposed to indicate a pre-
monition of the extensive impropriation of Church-lands that soon
took place, and might have extended to that foundation, if held by
Ecclesiastics instead of laymen. J
Burnet conjectured that Wolsey was not displeased with the dis-
affection to the Church in England, but thought that heresy might
give a salutary check to the power of the Clergy, whom he desired to
humble, for the increase of his own. This conjecture does not receive
confirmation from history. However willing Wolsey may have been
to set the English Clergy at his feet, he was never indifferent to the
spread of principles that tended to overthrow the See towards which
he constantly aspired ; and, if the elections of Adrian VI. and Clement
VII. seemed to render his ambition hopeless, his dignities as Cardinal
and Legate were still to be guarded against the peril of religious inno-
* Burnet, part i., book i.
t This Bull is cited, by Mr. Offor, from the archives of the Bishop of London, in hia
Memoir prefixed to the reprint of Tyndale's Testament ; and by Strype, Ecclesiastical
Memorials, chap, ii., and appendix ix., where Wolsey quotes it.
1 Fuller, book v., sect. i. ; Foxe, book vii.
142 CHAPTER III.
vation, that endangered all. And, in fact, we find him busied in an
effort to bring about a general persecution. Having fanned Henry's
zeal during the composition of his book against Luther, he made the
religious state of England a subject of report and appeal, in corre-
spondence with the Court of Rome, whence came a Brief, exhorting
Henry to explode (ad explodendum} heresy in his kingdom. A pro-
hibition of Luther's writings was accordingly issued under royal
authority, and followed by a letter from Wolsey, as Legate, addressed
to the King and the kingdom, condemning the errors of Martin
Luther, and referring to the above-mentioned Bull. After remarking
that the Pope had called his Majesty Defender of the Faith, (although
it must be observed that the title was not yet obtained,) he instructed
the Clergy to the following effect : — That on the next Sunday or feast-
day, at time of mass, when the largest congregations should be assem-
bled, they were to publicly require all booksellers and stationers, with
all other persons, ecclesiastical and secular, subjects of the realm, or
foreigners, to give up all written or printed books or papers contain-
ing the writings of Martin Luther, in Latin, English, or any other
language, within a fortnight, under penalty of the greater excommu-
nication, and of punishment as abettors and promoters of heretical
pravity. The Clergy, under the same penalty, were commanded to do
the same ; and, within ten weeks, to send him a certificate of having
obeyed the mandate* (May 14th, 1521). In order to concentrate all
power, pontifical and regal, in the one work of persecution, he obtained
a Bull conferring on Henry the title of Defender of the Faith,f — yet
* Strype, Memorials, cliap. ii., appendix is.
t After the introductory sentences, Leo writes thus : " And as other Roman Pontiffs,
our predecessors, were wont to confer special favours on Catholic Princes, (as the state
of affairs and of the times required,) especially on those who in storm}- times, aud when
the rabid perfidy of schismatics and heretics was raging, not only stood firm in the calm-
ness of faith, and in the unstained devotion of the most holy Roman Church, but also, as
legitimate sons and mighty wrestlers (athlete) of the said Church, opposed tlumselves,
spiritually and temporally, to the insane furies of schismatics and heretics : thus also We
desire to exalt Your Majesty with deserved and immortal commendations and praises on
account of your excellent and immortal words and deeds towards Us and this holy See,
in which, by Divine Providence, We sit, and to grant them to you, that, for their sake,
you may be watchful to drive away wolves from the Lord's flock, and cut off, with iron
and the material sword, those putrid members that infect the mystical body of Christ, aud
confirm the hearts of those faithful who are wavering in the solidity of faith. For when,
lately, our beloved son John Clerk, Orator of Your Majesty at our Court, in our Con-
sistory, before our venerable brethren, the Cardinals of the holy Roman Church, and
many other Prelates of the Court of Rome, presented Us, to be examined by Us, and then
approved by our authority, the book which Your Majesty composed, kindled with charity
that does nothing rashly, with, zeal for the Catholic Faith, and with fervour toward* Us
and this holy See, as a noble and salutary antidote against the errors of divers heretics,
often condemned by this holy See, and lately revived and introduced again by Martin
Luther ; and when he declared in a brilliant oration that Your Majesty was ready and
disposed, not only to refute with true and irrefragable reasons of holy Scripture, and
authorities of the holy Fathers, the notorious errors of the said Martin, but also to pcr-
ing and not inferior eloquence, and approve and confirm it with our authority, but also
to adorn Your Majesty himself with such an honour and title, that all Christ's faithful in
cur own and all future timea may understand how grateful and acceptable your present
has been to Us. especially as offered in such a time as this." " We, etc., have deter-
PERSECUTION IN LINCOLN. 143
not given until after long reluctance, — and another Bull, giving ten
years and ten quarantains of indulgence to the readers of his book
against Luther. All that is essential in the former of these Bulls, is
translated at the foot of the preceding page. And, in the same month,
the King, probably informed of the despatch of those Bulls, when as
yet they could not have reached him, on application from Longland,
Bishop of Lincoln, under whose jurisdiction the " known men " were so
numerous, that he could not venture to attack them without special
authority and aid, sent that Prelate a letter, (October 20th, 1521,)
addressed to all Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, and other his
officers, ministers, and subjects, charging and commanding them all
to assist the said Right Reverend Father in God in the execution
of justice on the heretics. Thus armed, the Bishop made a pitiless
inquisition as far as his power extended. A multitude of persons was exa-
mined. Husbands and wives, parents and children, were made to inform
against each other by artful questioning, by bribery, or by intimidation.
They were accused of reading the Evangelists, which were said to be full
of damnable errors, reciting prayers, learning by memory the Epistle
of St. James, or some part of an Epistle of St. Paul, or select sentences
of Wycliffe, or speaking slightly of the mass, or of pilgrimage or
images. Many were convicted of having spent whole nights in read-
ing and prayer, and in labouring to turn sinners from the error of
their way. And most of the offences were registered as of so long
standing, committed before the name of Martin Luther was known
beyond his own province, that the dishonesty of calling those people
Lutherans was flagrant. Foxe, with all his industry did not venture
on the labour of extracting all the names of the abjured from the
voluminous records at Lincoln. Brand, faggot, pilgrimage, fasting,
imprisonment, and exposure to the public gaze in processions and on
the greecen (steps) of crosses, were the usual forms of penance. But
persecution was conducted systematically : some were always burnt,
for greater terror of the rest ; and the names of six * are on record,
who thus finished their course (A.D. 1521). And that a perfect exam-
ple of diabolical cruelty might not be wanting, the Priests compelled
the daughter of one of them, John Scrivener, to light the pile on
which her living father was bound ;f teaching her, Brachman-like,
that parricide is meritorious. A horrid doctrine ; yet one that the
Church of Rome has taught, in various ways, for many ages past.
From this time there appears to have been no more burnings for
several years in England, but important events occur in the interval.
Proud of his title and his roses, (for Leo, too, had sent him a golden
rose,) Henry still waged war on Reformers and Reformed. To the
mined to give Your Majesty this title, to wit, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, by winch title
we have distinguished you in these presents, commanding all Christ's faithful that they
name Your Majesty hy this title, and that, when they write to you, they add Defender
of the Faith after the word King." Some exhortation and good wishes follow, as of
course. After the seal of " Ego Leo Deeimus Catholicae Ecclesise Episcopus," were
appended the seals of twenty-seven Cardinals. — Rymeri Fosdera, torn. xiii.. p. 756.
* Thomas Bernard, James Mordeu, Robert Rave, John Scrivener, Joan Norman,
Thomas Holmes.
t Foxe, book vii. As the daughter of William Tylesworth was compelled to burn
him. Page 125, supra.
144 CHAPTER III.
Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, one of their bitterest enemies in Ger-
many, he sent a magnificent embassy, with the insignia of the Order
of the Garter, and wrote a sketch of a speech which Master Edward
Lee, Archdeacon of Colchester, clerical member of the embassy, was
to pronounce on investing Ferdinand with the garter. " And, in the
latter end of his oration, the said Master Lee shall largely and amply
extend the great lawd, praise, and estimation, which the said Duke
doth attain, in that he, like a good Catholick and vertuous Prince,
doth with all effect impugn the detestable dampnable heresies of Freer
Martin Luther : saying that nothing can be more joyous or acceptable
to the King's Highness, who, as well with his sword as with his pen,
hath always endeavoured himself to the tuition and defence of
Christen faith, than to hear and understand that his good cousin and
nephew shall persist in this his godly and meritorious purpose" (A.D.
1523).* But this expensive embassy was not sent to Ferdinand with-
out a special reason of religion and wicked policy. Clement VIT. evi-
dently regarded it as signifying readiness to join in a crusade against
the followers of Luther, as appears by a Bull shortly afterwards
issued, (March, 1524,) confirmatory of the title Defender of the
Faith, granted by his predecessor. In that document, f after much
ridiculous praise of Henry for pure and inviolate observance of the
Christian religion, moderation, clemency, and every virtue of which
he was notoriously devoid, the Pope inserts a gentle intimation of his
hope. "A time followed not less injurious to Christian faith, than
wicked ; in which — when Luther was troubling Germany with impious
and depraved opinions — there was no small decline in the souls of the
faithful. In which time, as thou hadst not AN OPPORTUNITY of
employing arms for the protection of the faith," fyc. Any reader
could understand the reticence, and supply : But now thou hast : go
and help the zealot Ferdinand.
In England, the remembrance of recent persecution unto death, the
terror of legantine and royal edicts, and the vexation that good men
daily suffered from the wicked, caused many to leave England, and,
among others, William Tyndale, who went to Holland, and there dili-
gently applied himself to translating, for the first time, the New
Testament from Greek into English.
Wolsey, persisting in his desire to reform the Clergy, both secular
and regular, and ever willing to display his authority as Legate, sum-
moned a convocation from the provinces of Canterbury and York, (the
letters citatory were dated April 22d, 1524,) "to deliberate concern-
ing the reformation as well of the laics as of the Ecclesiastics." They
were to "appear before him" in the church of Westminster. No such
reformation came to pass; but it was well that, under the highest
ecclesiastical authority, people should have liberty to speak of the
acknowledged corruption of Priests and Monks. A letter from Fox,
Bishop of Winchester, written to Wolsey about this time, contains
charges against them as strong as any that were ever found in articles
of inquisition against " known men," and expiated at the stake. He
declares that, after devoting his energies, during three years, almost
* Stiype, ut supra. f Rymeri Fcedera, torn, xiv., p. 13.
FIRST SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES. 145
exclusively to the single object of ascertaining the state of his diocese,
with a view to such a reformation therein as Wolsey contemplated
throughout the kingdom, he found, far beyond all that he could have
imagined, that everything that had contributed to the ancient inte-
grity of the Clergy, and especially of the Monks, was so depraved by
licentiousness and corruption, or abolished by the malignity of the times,
or worn out or decayed by age, that he had so much the more ardently
desired to devote the remainder of his life to the work contemplated.
Yet the wickedness of the Clergy was so great that it took away all
hope of his ever seeing a perfect and entire reformation in his single
diocese. And his reference to the state of public opinion and feel-
ing towards them is not less confirmatory of the statements of
Protestant writers. His words are these : — " It appears to me that
this reformation of the Clergy and of all sacred things will please the
people who have been long and loudly murmuring, will enlighten the
Clergy, will conciliate the most serene King himself, and all the
nobility, to the Clergy. And, especially, it will please the most high
God himself, more than all sacrifices, that I should employ and
spend the remainder of my life most gladly in promoting it."*
Then what hindered such a reformation ? Wolsey, Pope of the West,
this Bishop, and many other learned and well-meaning men, the
King, the nobility, and most of all the people, desired and clamor-
ously called for it. Two Popes had sanctioned the scheme. The
cause of their failure is explained by our Lord in a few words : " Let
them alone, they be blind leaders of the blind. And if the blind lead
the blind, both shall fall into the ditch."
Already they are digging the ditch, and undermining their own
house. God employs those to demolish who are utterly unfit to build.
A favourite part of Wolsey's scheme was to erect new colleges, to be
seats of learning from which a better race of Clergymen should go
forth ; and he thought that a few worthless monasteries might be well
suppressed for the building and endowment of them. And Clement
VII., perhaps to placate the Cardinal, who had been flattered with
promises of election to the Papal See, not only confirmed him to be
Legate for life ; but gave him a Bull for the suppression of the
monastery of St. Fridswide, Oxon, in order to the building of a col-
lege in that University .f Here began the suppression of monasteries
in England;! the initiators of that great revolution being, not Henry
VIII., but Pope Clement VII. and his Legate, Cardinal Wolsey.
This Pope, however, did not claim an absolute right over the monastic
property, but made an express limitation : If the assent of the King
were given, and that assent duly signified, it gave authority for
the execution of the Bull.§ The reader will not fail to remember
that the first monastery suppressed, was that which had been made
use of as a prison for Thomas Man, who escaped thence, and was
* Strype, Appendix, No. x.
t " First called Cardinal's College ; then, King's College ; and, at last, Christ's
Church, which it retaineth at this day." — Fuller.
J Strype, vol. i., chap. 4; Burnet, part i.,hook i.
§ The words are : " Si ad hoc charissirni in Christo Clii nostri Henrici Angliae Reg!*
illustris accesserit asaensus." — Rymeri Foedera, tosn. siv., p. 15.
VOL. III. V
146 CHAPTER III.
therefore burnt in Smithfield. Nor must we overlook the fact, that
to drive away the " horrid Lutheran pestilence " was an object avowed
by Clement VII. in renewing to Wolsey his authority for visiting the
religious houses.*
But the raising of the Universities, which had never been so abso-
lutely subject to the Popes as the monasteries, was simultaneous with
the decline of those fraternities over which they had exercised, and
now again exercise, a supreme disciplinary control. The holy Scrip-
tures had not hitherto been read there ; but were soon introduced into
Cambridge (A.D. 1524). George Stavert, or Stafford, B.D., Reader
of Divinity, Proctor of the University, and University Preacher, first
read lectures out of the books of Scripture, instead of the Sentences.
The Bible thus came into request, and his labours were appreciated
by many who began to investigate for themselves the true sense of the
inspired writings of the New Testament. After his death, his
books were brought into the library, and an epigraph on the covers
attested the gratitude of those who had been enlightened by his
instructions, —
" Augustini opera oia', Testamentum et ntrumque
Hebraice et Grace, bue contulit ille Stavert.
Contulit ille Stavert, nostris studiis promovendi* ;
Qui Paulum explicuit rite, et evangelium."
Which means that Stafford, who had correctly explained St. Paul and
the Gospel, had bequeathed to that library all the works of Augus-
tine, the Old Testament in Hebrew, and the New in Greek, for the
promotion of their studies. One, at least, of those to whom he
" rightly explained " the Epistles and Gospels, eminently profited by
the instruction, rose to the dignity of Bishop, and the higher dignity
of martyr, as appears by the following passage of Latimer's seventh
Sermon on the Lord's Prayer : — " When I was at Cambridge, Mr.
George Stafford read a lecture there. I heard him. And in expound-
ing the Epistle to the Romans, when he came to that place where St.
Paul saith, that we shall overcome our enemy with well-doing, &c.,
it was even at that time when Dean Colet was in trouble, and should
have been burnt, if God had not turned the King's heart to the
contrary." And Stafford was not alone. Nicholas Paynel, a York-
shireman, mathematical lecturer, and John Thixtel, of the diocese
of Norwich, also a University Preacher, were noted " Scripture men."
Paynel afterwards published a small book containing a collection
of passages from the Bible, classified for devotional use on various
occasions ; and Thixtel acquired so high authority by his use of the
book which laymen suffered death for reading, that, as if he were a
second Aristotle, the disputants used to cite him with " Thixtel dizit"
"Thixtel has said it."f
From Cambridge the leaven spread to Oxford. Wolsey had
brought a company of learned men from Cambridge to his new col-
lege of Fridswide's, as he himself named it ; but the name was
changed successively until it retained that of Christ's Church, — in
* Rymeri Fcertera, torn, s'iv., p. 18. f Strype, Memorials, vol. i., chap. 3.
PERSECUTION AT CAMBRIDGE. ] -J /
order to give it the desired literary distinction ; and especially for
the counteraction of evangelical doctrine in England, as the royal
warrant for the foundation of " the Cardinal's college " most dis-
tinctly set forth.* Among them were John Clark, John Frith,
Henry Sumner, Richard Cox, and Richard Taverner, of whom we
shall hear again, with some others, not of Cambridge ; but equally
distinguished by sound learning, and love of evangelical truth. But
they were Bible men, and held frequent conferences together on the
acknowledged corruptions of the Church, acknowledged and severely
censured by their patron, the founder of the college. For this
offence they were, with some few others, who afterwards cast away
their confidence, locked up in a cellar under the building where salt
fish was kept, all infected by the stench, and diseased by being fed
on the fish ; and, when removed to their chambers, still under arrest,
three of them died. These were Clark, Sumner, and another
named Bayley. Master Bettes, having no books in his chamber,
obtained permission, with some difficulty, to be prisoner at large in
the college, stole away to Cambridge, and became, eventually, Chap-
lain to Queen Anne Boleyu. Wolsey heard with displeasure of this
severe persecution of men whom he esteemed, however he might
blame them for what was deemed heretical, and wrote to desire that
they should be less straitly handled. And of Taverner he said, that
as he was only a musician, referring to his skill in musical composi-
tion, he should be fully released. The others were dismissed on con-
dition of not going beyond ten miles from Oxford. So they remained
there, diffusing a good influence around,f (A.D. 1524,) except Frith,
who fled to Antwerp.
Beyond Oxford there was little judicial persecution. Even under
the Bishop of Lincoln there appears to have been but one process on
accusation of heresy in the year 1525 ; but that one disclosed an
admirable instance of pure Christian belief. Roger Hachmau, sitting
in the church-aisle at North-Stoke, in the earnestness of a familiar
conversation, said such words as these : — " I will never look to be
saved for any good deed that ever I did, neither for any that ever 1
will do, unless I may have my salvation by petition, as an outlaw
shall have the pardon of the King." And he insisted that " if he
might not have his salvation so, he thought he should be lost."
Thus did he honour Christ, and no doubt suffered much vexation, yet
enjoyed the blessedness of being persecuted for His name's sake.
Meanwhile, Wolsey is unwittingly contributing another occasion
of separation from Rome. His ambition in heading an effort for
reform had already marked a way of incipient reformation, and now
his disgust, also, begins to sever England from the Pope. The
Emperor of Germany, Charles V., was nephew of Catharine, Infanta
of Spain, and Queen of England. He had been at war with his
rival, Francis I. ; and while Francis was his prisoner, entered into
a treaty with him on unequal terms, and then released him. This
fame Charles V. had come over to England five years before, anticipat-
* Rymeri Foedera, torn, xiv., p. 39.
t Fox*-, book viii. ; Fuller, book v., sect. 1.
TJ 2
148 CHAPTER III.
ing an intended visit of his rival, to pay court to Henry VIIT., in
order to make use of his alliance to the prejudice of Francis. When
here, perceiving that Wolsey exerted so great an influence over his
master that his concurrence was indispensable to success in any nego-
tiation, he made the Cardinal valuable presents, and promised him
that when the Papacy should next be vacant, he would use all his
interest to have him elected. Leo X. died much sooner than might
have been expected, and Wolsey thought himself sure of getting the
triple crown; but it was placed on the head of a Dutchman, who
chose to be saluted Adrian, sixth of that name. After an uneasy reign
of only twenty months Adrian died, and the English Cardinal again
believed that the way to the Pontificate was assuredly open to him ;
but the Emperor a second time failed to procure his election, and
Giulio de' Medici, an Italian, mounted the vacant throne. Wolsey
brooded over the breach of promise in silence, and waited for an
opportunity to avenge himself on the faithless Emperor. After the
treaty of Madrid, drawn up and ratified while Francis was yet a
captive, Wolsey encouraged the feeling prevalent at court that there
had been much injustice, and even cruelty, in the transaction. He
impressed this view on the ardent mind of Henry. At the same time
he made a confidential overture to the French King, offering to induce
Henry to break with the Emperor, and make a new treaty with him.
Delighted with the proposal, Francis sent over a present of four hun-
dred thousand crowns, as the retainer of so powerful service ; and
Wolsey, artfully suppressing the real motive of his enmity to Charles,
obtained permission of his Sovereign to conduct secret preliminaries,
and then to effect a treaty between England and France on terms
of perfect reciprocity. Strengthened by this alliance, Francis broke
his engagement with his former conqueror, and perpetual rival ; the
Kings of England and France became virtually allied against the
Emperor, and the disappointed Cardinal enjoyed revenge (A.D. 1525).
The Pope seemed, for a moment, to be delivered from the cumbrous
patronage of Charles by this new movement ; and, by showing favour
to the newly-allied Princes, so provoked him that, by a vengeful stra-
tagem of the Germans, the head of the Church, as already mentioned,
found himself a prisoner in the Castle of St. Angelo, and Rome was pil-
laged for fourteen days by imperial soldiers (A.D. 1527). And, as if to
testify more fully his orthodoxy, at the same time that he was covertly
negotiating with the King of France, Henry issued, a second book
against Luther, in continuation of the theological controversy. " Rex
Anglorum Regi kcereticorum scribit" " The King of England," said a
wit, "writes against the King of heretics!" But it is his last pro-
duction of the kind. Alienation from the nephew of his Queen leads
his thoughts into another channel, as a little time will show ; yet,
for the present, he is very zealous against heresy.
William Tyndale, Chaplain to Humphrey Mummuth,* an Alderman
of London, foreseeing persecution, went to Wittemberg, where he
translated the New Testament from Greek into English, assisted by
* Xot Monmouth.
TYNDALE'S TESTAMENT. 149
John Frith, one of the Cambridge men whom Wolsey had placed at
Oxford, and by William Roy, a Friar, whose services were chiefly
those of an amanuensis. At Cologne a small edition was first
printed, (A.D. 1525,) and a corrected and more numerous impression
was in the press, (A.D. 1526,) when Cochloeus, one of Luther's
bitterest opponents, discovered every particular of the printing and
intended circulation of the books, by making the printers drunk, and
then drawing the information from them. While he was proceeding to
seize the printed sheets, Tyndale succeeded in getting both types and
paper removed to Worms or Wittemberg, and there the edition was
completed. Without delay, packages of this precious volume M'ere
brought to England by persons who disguised themselves for the hazard-
ous enterprise, and extensively circulated. Wycliffe's version (made
from the Latin Vulgate) existed only in manuscript, and had been
preserved, and even multiplied, in spite of searching inquisition ; but
now, without labour, and at comparatively little cost, an excellent
translation was offered to the " known men " in all parts of England.
A sudden and profound sensation of alarm pervaded the priesthood ;
and well it might. For the unexpected importation of the word
of life delighted multitudes who had heard of the Cambridge read-
ings, and were receiving scriptural instruction from the disciples
of Stafford, and of his brethren, persecuted and martyred at Oxford.
Families, wherein a scroll containing the Lord's Prayer and Ten Com-
mandments, or a few leaves with but an Epistle or the fragment of a
Gospel written on them, had been their only store, now saw the entire
volume for the first time. Many an Ecclesiastic caught a glimpse,
and read with trembling such paragraphs * as this : —
" The Sprete speaketh evydently that in the latter tymes some
shall departe from the fayth, and shall geve hede vnto spretes of
errure, and dyvlysshe doctryne off them which speake falce thorow
ypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with an hott yeron,
forbyddynge to mary, and commaundynge to abstayue from meates,
which God hath created to be receaved with gevynge thankes, off
them which beleve, and have knowen the trueth, for all the creatures
of God are good : and nothynge to be refused, yff it be receaved with
thankes gevynge : for it is sanctified by the worde of God, and prayer.
Yff thou shalt put the brethren in remembraunce of these thynges,
thou shalt be a good minister of Jesu Christ which hast bene
norisshed vppe in the wordes of fayth, and good doctryne, which
doctryne thou hast continually followed. But cast awaye vngostly
and olde wyves fables."
At the instigation of Wolsey, Cuthbert Tonstal, Bishop of London,
friend and correspondent of Erasmus, a reputed lover of learning, and
patron of scholars, was the first man to resist the circulation of the
printed word of God. Without loss of time he issued a mandate to
his Clergy, telling them that many children of iniquity, maintainers
of Luther's sect, blinded by extreme wickedness, wandering from the
way of truth, and the Catholic faith, had craftily translated the New
* Robert Stevens had not )-et divided the chapters into verse*. This he did in the
year 1551, while on a journey from Paris to Lyons ; inter equitiinJum, as he said.
]50 CHAPTER III.
Testament into our English tongue, mingling therewith many here-
tical articles and erroneous opinions, &c., dispersing that most pesti-
ferous and pernicious poison throughout the diocese of London in
great numbers. In short, he commanded them to call in all the
books within thirty days, under penalty of excommunication. And
opportunity was taken to publish a list of prohibited books at the
same time, which list, as it appears to have been the first put forth
by authority in this country, shall be copied at the foot of the page.*
The books circulated, notwithstanding; and among other examples
of zeal in distribution, one of the most prominent is Thomas Garret,
Curate, of Honey-Lane, who dispersed them diligently in Oxford, and
thereby enlightened many future Clergymen in the truths of Chris-
tianity, f For this he afterwards suffered at the stake.
With heresy in the people, heresy infecting the priesthood, heresy
penetrating into the Universities, and heresy streaming into the king-
dom at the sea-ports from presses at work in the strongholds
of Lutheranism, — the Priests began to see that mandates, inquisi-
tions, and burnings were insufficient to quell the rising peril to their
craft. The King and the Bishop of Rochester had, as yet, been the
only polemic writers ; they alone had attacked Luther, and that in
Latin ; but it was now thought necessary to condescend to the vulgar
tongue, and write something for general reading, iu order to sustain
their cause. So, after full deliberation, Toustal made up a stout
package, containing the books catalogued below, some few others, and
the writings of the principal foreign Reformers, and sent them to
Sir Thomas More, with an official licence empowering him to read the
"pestiferous" productions without incurring excommunication or
death. In a flattering letter to Sir Thomas, he asked him, since he
could play the Demosthenes both in Latin and English, to steal a few
hours from weightier labours, in order to declare to rude and simple
people the craft and malice of their enemies. The books — "fond trifles "
— were sent to Sir Thomas More, lest he should strive and contend
blindfold, like the Audabatse ; and, being thus allowed an insight into
the counsels of the enemies, he was exhorted to win for himself, by
i hat holy work, an immortal name, and eternal glory in heaven. As
* The New Testament, translated by Tyndale.
The Supplication of Beggars.
The Revelation of Antichrist, written by Luther.
The wicked Mammon.
The Obedience of a Christian Man.
Au Introduction to Paul's Kpistle to the Romans.
A Dialogue between the Father and the Son.
Luther's Exposition upon the Pater Noster.
(Economics Christian*.
Unio Dissidentium.
Pise Precationes.
Capti vitas Babylonica.
Joaunis Hussi in Oseam.
Zuinglius in Catabaptista*.
De pueris instituendis.
Brentius de admirauda republica.
Lutherus ad Galata*.
De Libertate Christiana.
1 Foxe, book viii. ; Strype, Memorials, vol. i., chap 23-
INQUISITORIAL VISITATION. 1 ." 1
to immortality of name, if the author of Utopia attained it, it was
not by his productions for the refutation of the Gospel.*
Clement VII. being in durance, (A.D. 1527,) Wolsey contrived to
obtain the new office of Vicar-General, by which he was empowered
to do whatever a Pope would do in England, without appeal, and to
make definitive negotiations to restore the Pope.f This placed him
at the zenith of his glory, — a spiritual Plenipotentiary. He thus
assumed the supreme charge of ecclesiastical affairs, and being
also Chancellor of England, and still in ascendancy over the royal
counsels, the King was united with him in the joint administra-
tion of Church and State, and in the complication of sacred and
civil attributes. It is therefore no matter of wonder that, after the
fall of Wolsey, Henry should wish to retain the whole power in his
own hands. In the exercise of this absolute authority, "Wolsey
forthwith applied himself to the extirpation of the obnoxious doctrines,
and established a Court at Westminster for the inquisition of heretical
pravity. Jeffrey Wharton, the Bishop's Vicar- General, presided there
during the absence of the Bishop with the Cardinal in France ; (A.D.
1 527;) and the disclosures made by the examinates throw much light on
the means employed by good men for spreading true religion in those
times. The inquisitorial visitation of the diocese of London began
in the month of January, and must have been preceded by a deter-
mination as to the course to be taken. There was no sentence of
death, no employment of torture, no extremely severe penance ; and,
if we may judge by records, the most zealously-devoted persons were
not the first apprehended.
One Hacker, or Ebbe, was first examined. For six years preceding he
had travelled over a wide district of town and country, including Lon-
don and the county of Essex. Some places he visited annually, others
quarterly, and others more freqxiently. He was wont to read and con-
verse with families, or with companies of the " brethren in Christ,"
as they called themselves, assembled to meet him on those visits; and
he taught, one by one, those who desired instruction in Christian doc-
trine. Such inquirers he supplied with written papers, or small
books, all in manuscript, written by his own hand, or by brethren
who could write. Some he taught to write, that they might render
that important service ; and in one instance, in the house of John
Stacy, a bricklayer in Coleman-street, a scribe was kept for the sole
purpose of copying the Apocalypse in English ; one John Sercot, a
grocer in the same street, defraying the entire cost. Some of the
brethren gave much time to reading and teaching, being guided
by his advice, if not under his direction. Such an one was
" Thomas Philip, pointmaker, dwelling against the little conduit at
Cheap." Notwithstanding this great activity, and after persevering
for six years, he was so timid, or so unfaithful, as to give the names
of forty or fifty, at fewest, of those who had regarded him as
their spiritual father and pastor, in London, Colchester, Branktree,
(Braintree,) Witham, and neighbouring places. This sweeping
information gave the Bishop and his Vicar abundant employment for
* Foxe, book viii. t Rynieri Fa'dera, tom. xiv., p. 198.
152 CHAPTER III.
many weeks, until it no doubt became a question how far they might
venture to enforce discipline on so many persons, connected, as they
were, with multitudes yet undetected. Dr. Wharton, however,
(February 24th,) sat judicially in the long chapel of St. Paul's church,
and examined Sir Sebastian Herns, Curate of Kensington, who con-
fessed that he possessed two books, Tyndale's Testament, and the
Unio Dissideutium. The Curate was absolved, sworn on the holy
Gospels not to possess the Gospels any more, nor any other book
containing heresy ; and seeing that London was a dangerous place to
be the abode of a religiously-suspected person, he was required to
leave it within twenty-four hours, and not approach within four miles
during two years following. This proceeding was conducted with
great solemnity, in the presence of several ecclesiastical dignitaries.
A more extensive inquest was made by " the reverend father in Christ,
Cuthbert, Bishop of London, sitting judicially in his chapel within
his palace at London." It continued, with some intermission, during
three weeks (from 3d to 23d of March). John Pykas, of Colches-
ter, was the son of a pious woman who lived at Bury St. Edmond's.
About five years before this time she had sent for him, exhorted him
to turn from the errors of Romanism, and given him a book of St.
Paul's Epistles in English, to be the rule of his life, together with the
Gospels. These sacred writings he studied, forsaking the services
of the Church of Rome ; and when a Lombard, or trader, from Lon-
don, brought a supply of Tyndale's * New Testament to Colchester,
he purchased a copy for four shillings, and read it through many
times. When the prohibition of this book was published, he sent it
back, with the others, to his mother ; yet retaining in memory much
of the sacred text, and still conversing and teaching from house to
house, after the accustomed manner. When brought before the
Bishop, he answered every question without reserve, and so freely dis-
closed the names of the known men, or " brethren in Christ," that it
is scarcely possible to resist the impression that they must have
agreed together no longer to attempt concealment. Several others
were examined on oath, both to confess their own conduct, and to dis-
close that of others. Some few objected to take the oath, and one
so determinately, that he was sent to the Lollards' Tower, and put
into the stocks ; but at last all yielded, and were sworn, examined,
and abjured. Cuthbert and his Priests violated a first principle
of humanity in confining each person in a separate cell, and in extort-
ing from one relative information against another ; but it is impossi-
ble to justify the facility with which they all abjured their faith, even
on the supposition that a compulsory abjuration was considered to be
invalid. During the remainder of this and the following year, many
more signed confessions and abjurations ; and, in order to complete
his work, Dr. Wharton went into Essex on a tour of inquisition. At
Colchester, in the monastery of St. John, a company of the wives of
* Tyndale was also called " Hotchyn." It was usual in those dark times, when the
profession of faith in Christ was treated as a crime, for persons to bear assumed names,
for the sake of concealment. • The custom, however necessitated, was bad • and we may
be thankful that, in our day, this method of concealment is only a necessity to rogues.
BULLS FOR SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES. 153
known men who had already made their submission, appeared before
him and did the like. Having displayed his condescension in going
down into the country to impose penance on housewives who might
not have journeyed to the metropolis so easily as their husbands, the
Vicar-General proceeded to Walden, rapidly dispatched his business
there, and soon re-appeared in London covered with the easy honours
of a bloodless victory.* That it was bloodless must be attributed,
under God, to the policy of the moment. But it was illusive to the
imaginary conquerors. They had gained nothing.
The Bishop of London, and whoever else undertook the repression
of heresy, were but the commissaries of Wolsey, who thought fit to
content himself with the imposition of penances. Another object
engrossed his care, and that of Henry. Queen Catharine, aunt of
Charles V., whom Wolsey hated, had been wife of Arthur, Prince
of Wales. Arthur died six months after their marriage ; from that
union there was no issue, and Henry, obtaining a Papal dispensation,
married his deceased brother's widow. The dispensation was sup-
posed to have overcome all scruples in Henry as to the lawfulness
of the marriage ; but after the lapse of sixteen years, Catharine being
still childless, Henry, who had married her for the sake of her dowry
and political relations, rather than from affection, was quite ready to
listen to a suggestion of divorce. Wolsey, having already disengaged
him from alliance with the Emperor, prosecuted his design of revenge
by making the suggestion ; and application was made to the Pope,
just after his liberation and flight from Rome, for a commission to
examine the affair, in order to effect a dissolution of the marriage.
Then (A.D. 1527) began those negotiations that led to the separation
of England from Rome ; but the narrative would be tedious, and
must be sought elsewhere. The history of this reign is full of it.
Clement, it is enough to say, would willingly have granted the King
of England any request, however contrary to the law of God ; but it
was impossible for him to accede to this without incurring the ven-
geance of Charles V., whom he did not love, yet durst not offend.
Other favours, however, he could grant. In addition to former gifts,
he again issued Bulls for the suppression of many monasteries, in order
to the building and larger endowment of the Cardinal's college at
Oxford, and for another that Wolsey purposed to erect at Ipswich. And,
yet again, he authorized the suppression of as many others as
might be required for the fabric and endowment of royal colleges at
Cambridge and Windsor Castle. In one Bull alone, twenty-two
monasteries were named. The Pope is said to have expressed his
gratification at hearing from Henry's Ambassadors, that an opportu-
nity had occurred for abolishing such scandalous establishments, and
diverting the property to the support of colleges wherein learning
should be taught, and Lutheranism counteracted ; and if an opinion
were to be formed from the number and tenor of Papal Bulls in the
years 1527 — 1529, we should say that Clement VII. was a zealous
suppressor of monasteries, and even parsonages, in England. To
* Foxe scarcely notices these proceedings; but Strype records them at length.
Memorial!), vol. i.( chapters 7, 8, and Appendix.
VOL. III. X
154 CHAPTER III.
promote the interests of the colleges, to build new cathedrals, and to
vacate houses where the Monks or Nuns were fewer than twelve, are
the objects sanctioned " under the lead " of the Bishop of Rome ; but
always subject to the condition that royal assent be given to the pro-
posed suppression,* and always pursuing the very track which has been
followed in later years for bringing about the abolition of monasticism
itself in other parts of Europe. Most fully, then, did the Pope
establish the precedent for what, at Rome, is called spoliation.
North of the Tweed the darkness had been almost unbroken, and
hitherto witnesses to the truth were so few and rare, that we have
not digressed from the course of our narrative to mention them.
But (A.D. 1527) Gospel light suddenly rose on Scotland, precisely
when ecclesiastical freedom was approaching England. To gather up,
however, the few testimonies afforded by the history of North Britain,
it must be noted that, upwards of a century earlier, the city of Glas-
gow heard some evangelical truths from an English Lollard, James
Resby, and saw him burnt to death — the proto-martyr of Scotland.
Another foreigner, Paul Craw, one of the Bohemian Brethren, was
apprehended in St. Andrews, summarily examined, condemned, gagged
by a piece of brass thrust into his mouth, that he might not confess
Christ in the hearing of the people, and, as usual, burnt (A.D.
1431). Yet the martyred followers of Huss and Wycliffe did not
preach nor pray in vain. By some unrecorded means, the word of
God was introduced into Glasgow, and, it would also appear, into
other parts of the country ; for Robert Blackader, Archbishop of that
city, (A.D. 1494,) detected no fewer than thirty persons, " some in
Kyle-Stewart, some in King's-Kyle, and some in Cunninghame," who
professed the doctrines held by Wycliffe, and had them brought
before him on charge of heresy. But, unused to inquisitorial formal-
ities, or afraid to try them, he allowed those heretics to be sheltered
under favour of the King, to whom some of them were familiarly known,
and in whose presence they spoke with so great confidence and such
pungent wit, that the Archbishop allowed them to disperse without
prosecuting the inquisition, much less pronouncing any sentence.
They were called " the Lollards of Kyle." Into Scotland, also, the
writings of Luther and others were brought by sea, notwithstanding
the most rigid prohibitions ; and a change of public opinion in mat-
ters of religion silently, but rapidly, advanced. The events of the
Lutheran Reformation were not unheard of, nor were the Ecclesiastics
indifferent to the controversy.
Patrick Hamilton, titular Abbot of Fearu, of a noble family, and
closely allied to royalty, partook of the desire to know more of the
Reformers and their doctrine. He was but twenty-three years of age,
and, ardently athirst for knowledge, determined to visit Germany. f
Taking with him three companions, he crossed over to the Continent,
345
— ry poverty of th\, ^Uv«— ~ —
ities in that age. Students went abroad to finish their education. To learn Greek in
bcotland from a living master was impossible.
PATRICK HAMILTON. 155
and was soon found as a student in the University of Marburg,
newly founded by Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, receiving instruction
from Francis Lampert, first occupant of the Chair of Divinity, and
holding intimate correspondence with men in whose heart the love
of God was shed abroad. Already a keen logician, he reasoned
closely, by a free communication that would have been impracticable
in his native country, improved the talent, and, by diligent study
of holy Scripture, attained to a clear perception of the word of truth,
that sanctifies them who love it. With prayer he sought the wisdom
that cometh from above, and, having received the liberal gift, became
anxious to make it known in Scotland. No representations of dan-
ger could deter him from his purpose. With one of the three compa-
nions he quitted Marburg, and, as speedily as wind and carriage
would convey, hastened to Glasgow. Although beneficed as pension-
ary Abbot of Fearn, he had no licence to preach ; but, whether from
pulpits or in private can scarcely be gathered from the history, he did
preach Christ, more clearly, and therefore more powerfully, than the Lol-
lards of Kyle; and aroused, as ever, the anger of an inexorable priesthood.
Before going abroad, his views of religion began to be enlarged ; and,
had he not left Scotland, it is probable that he would have been then
imprisoned, for already Bishop Beaton had summoned him to under-
go an examination. On his return, when he appeared in Glasgow as
a zealous Evangelist, Beaton contrived to have him decoyed to St,
Andrews, as if to hold an amicable conference with the Doctors in
that University ; and in order that the young King, to whom Hamil-
ton was distantly related, might not be induced, by interposing his
authority, to save him from death, His Majesty was engaged to go on
a pilgrimage beyond the Grampians, to the shrine of St. Dothe's, in
Ross. The Conference at St. Andrews was conducted with apparent
candour, and even kindness, nor were acknowledgments withheld that
many things in the Church needed reformation. Several days had thus
been spent, James V. (a child of fourteen) was taken beyond the reach
of appeal, and Hamilton had one night retired to his chamber without
the slightest suspicion of danger, when the Bishop's messengers
entered, and took him to the castle, with an intimation that he would
be required to appear before their master at a certain hour the next
morning. He obeyed the summons with alacrity, found a numerous
company of Priests and nobles assembled to hear the sentence, and to
subscribe it with their names. Even children, being of the nobility,
were compelled to give their signatures : a heap of wood and coals
was made before the college, and, after his judges had dined, they
saw him taken to the spot. The bystanders could not believe
that a person of so high dignity and excellent reputation, after a
lengthened and apparently friendly intercourse with the heads of the
University, would be thus thrown into the fire. He was only twenty-
four years of age, something might be allowed for youthful haste ;
and they thought the whole was but an effort to terrify him into
submission. But it was not so : the plot was complete, and, after
suffering severely from an explosion of gunpowder which did not
ignite the wood, he was consumed by fire (February 28th, 1528).
x 2
156 CHAPTER III.
When the torches were applied, he cried, " Lord Jesus, receive ray
spirit ! How long shall darkness overwhelm this realm ? How long
wilt thou suffer this tyranny of men ? " The fire burnt slowly, and
one Campbell, a Black Friar, officious as cruel, persisted in reiterat-
ing, " Convert, heretic ; call upon our Lady, and say, ' Salve
Regina.' " " Depart, and trouble me not, ye messengers of Satan,"
was his first answer. But when the Friar persisted in that vexatious
outcry, Hamilton remembering long-repeated interviews with the
man, when they had freely conversed together on the faith for which
he then was suffering, and contrasting that savage with the Christian
brother, as he once had thought him, who, shut up in the same
chamber, had exchanged professions of the most unrestrained confi-
dence, the sight of such a transformation filled him with horror, and
he could no longer refrain from saying plainly, " Wicked man !
Thou knowest the contrary. To me thou hast confessed. I cite
thee before the judgment-seat of Christ Jesus ! " These were the
last words that he could speak, and Alexander Campbell said no more,
but went away to Glasgow covered with confusion ; and, after a few
days, died without giving any sign of repentance.*
Of all people in the world, the Scotch were least likely to be deter-
red from religious inquiry by force. Their country was profoundly
ignorant, it is true ; but a few rays of sacred knowledge had gleamed
in from England and the Continent, just enough to show where fur-
ther information might be found. And the Clergy, more impetuous
than prudent, kept alive the rising excitement by waging open war on
all who differed from them. Alexander Galoway, Canon of Aberdeen,
went over to Louvain, and delighted the University by an account of
the feat performed at St. Andrews in the burning of Patrick Hamil-
ton. The professors of theology forthwith wrote a laudatory letter to
their Scottish brethren, exhorting them to expel those ravening wolves
from the sheep-fold of Christ, as they had themselves done, to employ
inquisitors and examiners of books, and to imitate the example of the
English zealots, in preserving Scotland clear from the plague of heresy
by which it had not been hitherto defiled. Meanwhile, people asked
each other with what reason Hamilton had been condemned. The
following articles objected against him were read with avidity, and
few could perceive in them anything worthy of death : —
I. Man hath no free-will.
II. A man is only justified by faith in Christ.
III. A man, so long as he liveth, is not without sin.
IV. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, who believeth not
that he is in grace.
V. A good man doeth good works : good works do not make a
good man.
VI. An evil man bringeth forth evil works ; and evil works, being
faithfully repented, do not make an evil man.
VII. Faith, hope, and charity are so linked together, that one of
them cannot be without another in one man, in this life.
* John Knox, Hidtory of.tUe Reformation iu Scotlaud, book i. ; M'Crie'a Life of
Kuox ; Foxe, book viti.
HENRY FORREST. 157
These became tlieses for universal discussion ; and the propositions,
although not all such as we can fully approve,* could not be enter-
tained •without leaving an indelible impression of new- discovered truth
on the public mind. Some dared to affirm that Master Patrick
Hamilton had died a martyr, and that his articles were true. Henry
Forrest, a young man lately admitted to the lesser orders, was reported
to have said as much. Beaton caused him to be forthwith immured
in the tower of St. Andrews, and sent a Friar, Walter Laing, to con-
fess him, with instruction to draw out, if possible, some avowal that
might serve to his condemnation. The Friar succeeded perfectly, and
disclosed the confession to the Archbishop and a council of the Clergy,
who pronounced Forrest to be a heretic, equal to Patrick Hamilton,
and delivered him to the secular arm. At a place between St. An-
drews Castle and Monymaill, the Clergy assembled to degrade him ;
he was brought into their presence, and, on entering at the door, he
saluted them with an indignant cry : " Fie on falsehood ! Fie on
false Friars, revealers of confession ! f After this day, let no man
ever trust any false Friars, contemuers of God's word, and deceivers
of men." Proof against shame, and not troubling themselves with
the law of God, or even of their Church, they stripped him of his
orders. When this was done, he asked them to take from him also
" their own baptism," which he justly thought to be very different
from Christian baptism. For such a deprivation they had no form in
the Ritual ; but, " at the north stile of the abbey church of St.
Andrew, to the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the
fire," they burnt the man whose sin — allowing them to think that he
had sinned — they were bound to have buried in perpetual silence, because
discovered in auricular confession (A.D. 1533).£ Murmurings gave
way to terror, and subsided ; but the Cardinal, not considering that
they must have been succeeded by silent reflection, stirred up the
latent truth again by citing a brother and sister of Patrick Hamilton,
James and Catherine, with a woman of Leith, and two others, to
appear before him in the abbey church of Holyrood-House in Edin-
burgh, as accused of heresy. Young James was brought there, to
# Such as articles I. and III., to which latter, however, the Church of Rome had no
reason to object.
t The law of the Church on this point is explicit, but has been often violated. It is
found in the Gregorian Decretals, lib. v., cap. 38, Omnis utriusque. " But let (the
confessor) beware lest by the least word, or gesture, or in any other way whatever, he
in the slightest degree betray the sinner. But if he need more prudent counsel, let him
cautiously seek it without any indication of the person ; because he who shall presume
to reveal a sin disclosed to him in penitential judgment, we determine that he shall not
only be deposed from the priestly office, but shut up in some close monastery, there to
do perpetual penance." Turning from this original statute of the Church to the autho-
rized exposition of it made a few years after the perfidious breach by Archbishop
Beaton and his accomplices, we find the Roman Catechism demanding people's confi-
dence in confessoi-s, and assuring " tiiefideles" of their honesty. " And because there
is no one who does not earnestly desire to conceal his crimes and his uncleanness, the
faithful are to be assured that they have no reason to fear that what they disclose in
confession will be ever divulged by any Priest, or that any sort of danger could result to
them at any time. For the Sacred Sanctions provide that those Priests shall be most
severely punished who do not keep all sins, which any one may have confessed to them,
buried in perpetual silence." (Cat. Rom., De Pocnitentiu.) The Catechism here refers
to a Decretal of Innocent 111., which I find in its place, aud have translated in this note.
J Foxe, book viii.
158 CHAPTER III.
give regal authority to the procedure, appropriately dressed in red,
the colour of their Church.* James Hamilton, informed of his
danger by a secret message from the King, fled. Catherine appeared,
and, after long reasoning with a professor of canon law, in presence
of the court, recanted at the King's desire, "because she was his
aunt." The woman of Leith also recanted ; but the two others,
Norman Gurley and David Straton, stood firm. Mr. Straton, a gen-
tleman of St. Andrews, had quarrelled with the Bishop about some
tithes which he refused to pay. The Bishop prosecuted ; the circum-
stance led him to serious reflection, and this, by the divine blessing,
to change of heart. He and his friends, the lairds of Dun and Lauristen,
frequently read the Bible together. One day, when with the latter
in a field reading in the Gospels, they came to the sentence of our
Lord : " Whosoever shall confess me before men, him will I con-
fess also before my Father which is in heaven : but whosoever shall
deny me before men, him will I also deny before my Father which is
in heaven." He fell on his knees, and, after some moments' silent and
most earnest prayer, devoutly pronounced such words as these : " O
Lord, I have been wicked, and justly mayest thou withdraw thy
grace from me : but, Lord, for thy mercy's sake, let me never deny
thee, nor thy truths, for fear of death or temporal pains." Thus
prepared, he stood before Beaton and the priestly court at Holyrood,
and, in the strength of God's grace, sought in faith, preferred death
to recantation. Mr. Gurley displayed equal constancy ; and, after
dinner, (August 27th, 1534,) they were taken to an open place near
the rood (cross) of Greenside, and burnt to death. It appears that
others, not named, were summoned to Holyrood at the same time ;
but that they escaped to England, whither many of the persecuted,
by this time, betook themselves for safety.
Yet England afforded them a very precarious refuge, and those
who would escape imprisonment or death, eventually endeavoured to
make their way to Germany, or, at least, to the Netherlands ; and
there some of them laboured with eminent success, by committing
their writings to the press, and sending them over into this country,
where they were distributed by multitudes of willing hands, and read
with avidity by persons of all classes. There was no society estab-
lished for the purpose ; but wealthy merchants and flourishing trades-
men, rendering spontaneous co-operation, bought parcels of those
little books newly set forth in English, and trusty " known men "
gladly scattered them abroad.
Such a distribution was made at Westminster Abbey on Candlemas-
day, February 2d, 1528. Many thousands of candles received the
blessing of the Bishop, and were placed, with the accompaniments of
holy water, kissing, and genuflection, into the hands of Canons, nobles,
and as many of the people as were fortunate enough to catch a lesser bit
of the consecrated wax ; and even His Majesty, who had already been
honoured with rose, and cap, and sword, and pendent bullce, headed
the throng, and took his weighty, decorated taper, amidst the crowd
of courtiers and Priests, while the choir sang a shrill antiphone.
* Henry VIII., of England, when going to l>urn Lambert, less honestly chose white.
"THE SUPPLICATION OF BEGGARS." 159
This part of the ceremony being ended, and his portly person at
ease in the chair of state, a cross-bearer moved towards the great
western door, preceded by a band of choristers, and followed by the
choicest hierarchy of England, and a long train of inferior clerks, all
intonating the supplications of a litany, in sonorous response to the
soprano invocation of the siuging-boys. The train made their ap-
pointed circuit of the Abbey, carrying the newly-hallowed lights, and
flanked by a rude but vigorous constabulary, who kept back the
dense crowd of devotees and idlers. Every now and then you might
have perceived a taper-flame dip. Its bearer had stooped to pick up a
small book that lay at his feet. Or you might have observed a scowling
Priest fold his left arm hurriedly under his robe, but half concealing
a copy that had been dropped before him, too. Yet the procession
must have halted for him to inquire by what daring hand it had been
projected. The procession completes its round. The master of
Ceremonies and acolyths are hard at work in packing away the para-
phernalia of the day : King, Abbot, Bishops, dignitaries, and common
people go home to the banquet and the cup ; but many a Priest, and
many a Lord, half impatient of the festivity, burns to know the con-
tents of the surreptitious libel in his pocket. Many an eye is kept
open all night in curious perusal and uneasy thought.
The title is, " The Supplication of Beggars." The author speaks
for the whole community of beggars, who complain to the King their
sovereign Lord. His poor daily beadsmen, wretched, hideous mon-
sters, on whom scarcely for horror any eye dares look ; the foul un-
happy sort of lepers, and other sore people, needy, impotent, blind,
lame, and sick, that live only by alms, " lamentably complaineth of
their woeful misery." Their number is sore increased ; all the alms
of well-disposed people are insufficient to sustain them, and they die
for hunger. This most pestilent calamity has come upon the King's
poor beadsmen by reason that, in the times of his predecessors, ano-
ther sort of beggars, not impotent, but strong, puissant, counterfeit,
holy, and idle beggars and vagabonds, craftily crept into this realm,
and, since the time of their first entry, by all the craft and wiliness
of Satan, are not only increased into a great number, but into a king-
dom. These alien beggars are not only the Mendicant Friars, formerly
complained of, but Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Deacons, Archdeacons,
Suffragans, Priests, Monks, Canons, Friars, Pardoners, and Sumners.
This " ravenous sort " have begged so importunately, that they have
gotten into their hands more than the third part of all the realm.
Their territory consists of the goodliest manors ; they also take a
tithe of all produce and of all stock, and even a tithe of every ser-
vant's wages. The poor wife who fails to pay even her tenth egg, is
branded as a heretic when Easter comes. They gather from probates
of testaments, privy-tithes, pilgrimages, and masses ; masses and
dirges and mortuaries for the dead ; confessions, (yet not kept secret,)
hallowings, blessings, cursings, absolutions, extortions, citations, bribes,
beggings ; by all these things, iu fraud, chicanery, and force, they
drain the realm, and cheat the true beggars. The petitioners im-
plore his Grace to mark, and he will see all things out of joint : here
160 CHAPTER III.
it is made out that the Friars alone get, in the form of offerings,
.£43,333. 6*. 8</. per annum, whereof, four hundred years before,
they had not one penny. Not only are the real beggars defrauded,
but the King is cheated of his revenue, and the nation of defence ;
for the people cannot possibly pay necessary taxes, nor is there force
sufficient to defend the kingdom from invasion. It is proved, by
truth of history, that those sturdy, idle thieves have ever drawn the
nation into disobedience and rebellion ; that, by their celibacy, popu-
lation is diminished, and that, by their gross immorality, it is depraved
and enfeebled, while they perpetrate, by their benefit of Clergy, the
foulest crimes with impunity. They are stronger than the Parlia-
ment. To them the laws are captive, or are shamelessly eluded ; since
whom they list they will murder as a heretic : that honest merchant,
Richard Hun, for example. The utmost good they can pretend to do
in return for half the wealth of the kingdom, is to pray men out of
purgatory, which is but a region of their own invention. Therefore
they will not have the New Testament translated into English ; there-
fore they keep civil power in their own hands ; and therefore the
chief Minister of England is always a spiritual man, as Wolsey at
this time.
The prayer of this remarkable petition probably surpassed in bold-
ness anything as yet addressed to an English King. " Set these
sturdy loobies abroad, to get them wives of their own, to get their
living with their labour in the sweat of their faces, according to the
commandment of God in the third of Genesis ; to give other idle
people, by their example, occasion to go to labour. Tie these holy
thieves to the carts, to be whipped naked about every market-town,
till they fall to labour, that they, by their importunate begging, take
not away the alms that the good Christian people would give unto us,
sore, impotent, miserable people, your headmen. Then shall as well
the number of our aforesaid monstrous sort, as of the profligate men
and women, thieves and idle people, decrease ; then shall these great
yearly exactions cease ; then shall not your sword, power, crown,
dignity, and obedience of your people be translated from you ; then
shall you have full obedience of your people ; then shall the idle people
be set to work ; then shall matrimony be much better kept ; then
shall the generation of your people be increased ; then shall your
commons increase in riches ; then shall the Gospel be preached ; then
shall none beg our alms from us ; then shall we have enough, and
more than shall suffice us, which shall be the best hospital that ever
was founded for us ; then shall we daily pray to God for your most
noble estate long to endure."
The Supplication of the Beggars was thenceforth the subject of
conversation ; and Sir Thomas More made haste to publish an attempt
to counteract its mischief, under the less nervous title of " The poor
silly Souls puling out of Purgatory." But the puling of the souls
could not cry down the Supplication of the Beggars. Cardinal Wol-
sey, with feverish anxiety, employed his servants to search narrowly
for copies of the book, lest one should reach the King ; but, despite
his diligence, more than one were already in Henry's possession.
WOLSEY DECLINES. I6i
" If it shall please your Grace," said he, " here are divers seditious
persons who have scattered abroad books containing manifest errors
and heresies." His Grace said nothing, but, coolly putting his hand
into his bosom, drew out a copy, and gave it to the spiritual Chancel-
lor. In truth, that " supplication " was deeply lodged in the King's
bosom ; and a succession of incidents served to convince Wolsey that
his master was already disposed to give ear to the complaints of no
small part of the nation, expressed with so much ingenuity and pun-
gency by one of the English exiles. And it soon became known that
the King had read the book with great satisfaction. Anne Boleyn,
now aspiring to be Queen instead of Catharine, who no longer occu-
pied the same palace with her heartless consort, had commended the
"libel" most warmly. He asked her who made it. "One Fish,"
said she, " a subject cf your Grace, who is fled out of the realm for
fear of the Cardinal." Henry then put the book into hid bosom,
whence he delivered it, three or four days afterwards, to the perse-
cutor of its author. The King's footman, too, talking with him about
religion, mentioned " a marvellous book," and offered to introduce
persons who would present it to him. Two merchants were accor-
dingly introduced into " a privy closet," and gave the same work to
the King, who received it with a significant pleasantry, heard it read,
locked it up in a desk, and then gravely said, " If a man should pull
down an old stone-wall, and begin at the lower part, the upper part
thereof might chance to fall upon his head." To pull down the old
fabric was the thing he desired to do, if it couiJ be done with
safety to himself.*
Anne Boleyn also incited him to the demolition of, at least, the
material system of Popery. She had imbibed the new doctrines, as
they were called, and read the books as they were brought over from
the Continent, and so did those around her. She introduced Fish's wife
to the King, who immediately gave her permission to bring her
husband into his presence ; and, when the good man came, took him
out a hunting with him for three hours, and gave him a ring from his
finger, with a message to Sir Thomas More, — by that time the suc-
cessor of Wolsey in the dignity of Lord Chancellor, — requiring his
Lordship to protect him. And the degradation of Wolsey had
been hastened by his interference with Anne Boleyn, on account
of her religious opinions, independently of other causes of dislike in
her towards him which have been conjectured. An incident is related
•which shows that new influences must have now obtained ascendancy
at court. Anne Boleyn had lent Tyndale's " Obedience of a Chris-
tian Man " to a young lady in her suite, from whom a gentleman in
the same service, being her suitor, caught it playfully, but afterwards
read it with serious attention, and with much profit. The Dean
of the King's chapel, suspecting that the book was heretical, rudely
demanded it of him, gave it to the Cardinal, and Wolsey refused to
return it. The lady ran to her mistress to explain the loss of the
oook, which she valued very highly ; and Anne declared that it should
oe the dearest book the Dean or Cardinal ever had. Hastening to
* Foxe, Act* and Monuments, book viii.
VOL. III. Y
1(52 CHAPTER III.
Henry, she fell on her knees, desired help for the recovery of her
book, and Wolsey was obliged to restore it. No sooner was it in her
possession again, than she besought the King to read it, as he did,
and expressed delight in the- perusal, saying, that that book loas for
him and all Kings to read. Less than three years before, he had
prohibited the reading, under the severest penalties, of the very book
which he now accepts as a book for himself and all Kings ; and, like
one suddenly recovering from some illusion, perceives, or thinks that
he perceives, that Wolsey has abused excessive confidence, partakes
of the keen disgust entertained against him by Anne Boleyn, sends
the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to deprive him of the Great Seal,
commands him to leave " York Place," — residence of the Archbishop
of York in London, — and to confine himself to his house at Esher, a
country seat near Hampton Court * (October, 1529). The sudden
fall of this great but godless man, his abject humiliation, the fitfulness
of the King, the cowardly triumph of his enemies, and his mournful
end, abundantly described by our historians, are replete with instruc-
tion to the Christian, as well as to the philosopher.
It was when the Cardinal had fallen, condemned under a prcemunire,
— when the Pope had declared himself -f unable to gratify the King
with a bill of divorce from Catharine, and the Clergy agreed with
him, generally, in thinking that a divorce would be unlawful, — just
after Dr. Cranmer had suggested that the question should be sub-
mitted to the judgment of Divines, rather than to the authority of the
Pope and vexatious policy of the court of Rome,| — and while the
laity were more alienated from the Clergy, and more willing to listen
to evangelical doctrine than at any former time, — that a Parliament
met at Westminster (November 6th, 1529). The first debate in the
House of Commons related to the oppression of the temporalty by
the spiritualty, and issued in a formal complaint of six grievances :
1. Exorbitant fines for probates of wills. 2. Unreasonable exaction
for mortuaries, or burial-fees. 3. Monopoly, by Priests, of farms and
granges. 4. Pursuit of trade and commerce by Monks and Priests.
5. Non-residence. 6. Pluralities. The King supported the Com-
mons, and the House of Lords was compelled to pass bills for the
correction of the grievances relating to probates, mortuaries, plural-
ities, and non-residence. While he gratified the Commons with these
* Strype, Memorials, vol. i., chap. 15.
t On the 9th of July Dr. Bennet had an audience of the Pope at Rome, and wrote to
Wolsey, the same day, to inform him that Clement had declared, with tears, that he
could not grant Henry's request, although "now he saw the destruction of Christendom,
and lamented that his fortune was such to live to that day, and not be able to remedy
it.' (Burnet, book ii., collection 29.) Wolsey, however earnest in acting against the
Emperor, would not act contrary to a decision of the Pope ; and it was, therefore, no
matter of surprise that his royal master should treat him as guilty of having used his
legantine office to the prejudice of the kingdom. One in his position, even if such an '
one could possibly he single-minded, — which Wolsey was not, — could hardly have
avoided that offence ; and Henry, therefore, found no difficulty in making out a case,
and accordingly took the Great Seal from him in September, before the commencement
of the Michaelmas, term.
t Cranmer became known to the King, and was consulted by him, in August, 1529,
the time, almost to a day,. when the intelligence mentioned in the preceding note
reached England.
HENRY VIII. PERSECUTES. 163
reasonable reforms, he repaid himself by forcing another bill to cancel
all debts due from him to his subjects, in consideration of the heavy
charges incurred during the military expeditions to the Continent, and
as an acknowledgment of the prevention of war on England " by the
high providence and politic means of his Grace."*
As he gave to the Commons with one hand and took away with
the other, so did he make the Clergy feel his power by a similar
policy. While slightly diminishing some of their revenues, he unre-
servedly supported them in carrying on persecution. " Of his most
virtuous and gracious disposition," as he was pleased to proclaim,
considering the long persistence of this noble realm of England in
" the true Catholic faith of Christ's religion," and the laws previously
enacted for the defence of the said faith " against the malicious and
wicked sects of heretics and Lollards," who again perverted Scripture
arid sowed error and sedition, after the example of Martin Luther in
some parts of Germany : considering, also, certain heretical and blas-
phemous books lately made, and privily sent into the kingdom by
Lutherans and others, "his Highness, like a most gracious Prince,
of his blessed and virtuous disposition, for the incomparable zeal
which he had to Christ's religion and faith, and for the singular love
and affection that he bore to all his good subjects of this his realm,
and especially to the salvation of their souls, according to his office
and duty in that behalf," willed to be put in execution all existing
laws for the extirpation, suppressing, and withstanding of the said
heresies. His Highness, therefore, charged and straitly commanded
all authorities, both spiritual and temporal, and all his true and loving
subjects, to aid in the execution of those laws, under penalty of his
high indignation and displeasure. Again he forbade all preaching,
teaching, and writing, openly or privily, that should contain any
thing contrary to the doctrine of holy Church ; as well as favouring
those who so preached or taught in schools, or in any way disseminated
the alleged heresy, or retained prohibited books in their possession,
under penalty of immediate imprisonment. He also authorized
Bishops to imprison and to impose fines ; the fines, however, " to be
paid to the behoof of the King," and "certified by the Bishop info
the King's exchequer, there to be levied to the King's use," except
where such persons were "totally to be left to the secular jurisdic-
tion," in order to suffer death f (A.D. 1529). This proclamation
stirred up persecution afresh : the Clergy almost seem to have ima-
gined that the desired extirpation of Lollardy and Lutheranism would
soon be realized, and, as their inquisition proceeded, pastorals and
proclamations were issued to invest it with a more awful appearance
of legality. Archbishop Warham, Chancellor More, Bishop Tonstal,
and several others, met in a sort of convocation and issued an injunc-
tion (May 24th, 1 530) to every Incumbent to publish in his parish, that
the obnoxious books, as therein catalogued, were heretical and dan-
gerous ; and that, having consulted concerning a translation of the
Bible into English, they had agreed that such a work was not neces-
sary, and that, although it had been half promised when Tyndale's
* Foxe, book viii. ; Burnet, book ii., and collection 31. t Foxe, book viii.
Y 2
104 CHAPTER III.
version of the New Testament was first prohibited, the King had done
well in not authorizing the work.* Four days afterwards a voluminous
document was published, in presence of the King, his Council, and a
convocation of Clergy at Westminster, repeating and amplifying the
contents of the former. Henry delivered an oration to the assembly,
to incite them to a zealous execution of the mandate for search and
destruction of the books ; and a multitude of hands gave signature to
the deed, Hugh Latimer, at that time a Papist, amongst them.f Yet
the effect of this edict conld not have been satisfactory to those who
issued it ; for in order to get a heap of books for burning in St.
Paul's church-yard, the Bishop of London was obliged to buy them ;
and, within a month, another royal proclamation, which required all
forbidden books to be delivered up within fifteen days,! was issued,
as a further effort to force them out of people's hands. But Henry
could not equal Diocletian.
Abjurations had been extorted incessantly. Many lay in prison,
and of these one deserves especial mention. Humphrey Mummuth, an
Alderman of London, had received William Tyndale into his house as
Chaplain, believed the doctrine held by him, given money to him and
his friend Roy when they went over to Antwerp, and assisted them
when translating and printing the New Testament. He had scandal-
ized the bigots by eating flesh in Lent, and affirming that a man is
justified by faith without works of the law ; and had spoken against
saint-worship, pilgrimage, auricular confession, and Papal pardons.
His former munificence to their Church, and to many Ecclesiastics,
who were far from being Lutherans, did not engage the gratitude
of his persecutors ; nor did his eminently Christian deportment con-
ciliate their esteem. He was arrested by order of Wolsey, and
imprisoned in the Tower of London, where he lay when the Cardinal
was degraded, but was afterwards forced to abjure, then released ;
and when the King's views had undergone some change, knighted,
and made a Sheriff of London. §
Thomas Philip was another prisoner in the Tower. His brethren
suspected that he had been betrayed by one of their own number,
and conveyed to him a letter when on his way to the Tower, exhort-
ing him to make a good confession, and, by the grace of God, stand
firm. Upheld, no doubt, by their prayers, he steadfastly refused to
recant the articles of his Christian faith, resolutely telling the Bishop
of London that he would only abjure heresy, reserving to himself the
right of judging as to what was or was not heresy. The Bishop
would not yield, neither would he, but appealed to the King, who
would have been well pleased to be called on to arbitrate ; but the
Bishop suppressed the appeal. In the Lollards' Tower, also, was
immured a victim of personal malice. Stokesley, Bishop of London,
having conceived dislike against Thomas Patmore, the Incumbent
of Hadham, || in Hertfordshire, sought occasion to put him out of the
way, and easily found it at a time when few earnest men had not
expressed some sentiment unsanctioned by the Church. Patmore had,
* Burnet, part i., book ii. . t Offor, Memoir of Tyadale. I Ibid.
§ Foxe, book viii. Probably Much Haddam.
ABJURATIONS. IMPRISONMENTS. DEATHS. 165
indirectly, at least, disapproved of clerical celibacy ; and if he did not
pronounce the nuptial benediction, yet, knowing that his Curate had
secretly married a servant rather than live with her after the usual
manner, had retained him in his church ; and when the poor man
was compelled to flee after the discovery of the fact, covered his
escape. Bishop Stokesley, using the authority allowed him over his
Clergy, and again and again confirmed by royal edicts, imprisoned the
Parson of Hadham in the Lollards' Tower, without any trial or form
of justice, and kept him there in solitary durance without the sight
of a friend, or fire, or candle, for two years. He did not so much
as allow him food, except what his friends sent him, who yet were
not permitted to see him, not even when sick. The Bishop's Vicar-
General, Foxford, like the Chancellor Horsey who murdered Hun in
the same place, was the active man, and often endeavoured to entangle
him by questions and the exhibition of articles of reputed heresy ; but
Patmore withstood the extreme suffering of two years in that dreadful
chamber, and at length appealed to the King, who liberated him, at the
end of the third year, on the intercession of Anne Boleyn. The King
also commanded an investigation of the conduct of Stokesley in inter-
cepting his appeal, with the view of restoring him to his benefice if it
should be found that he was innocent of heresy. But it does not
appear that such an investigation was prosecuted, probably, because the
King would have been thereby committed to an execution of justice on
the guilty Prelate, and that would have brought a revolt of the whole
priesthood against him, as had almost happened in the case of Hun,
whose murderers the King did not dare to punish. Longland, Bishop
of Lincoln, signalized himself as a zealot, of which the register of his
diocese gave ample evidence. A poor man, a painter, named Edward
Freese, apprehended in Colchester for the single offence of painting
some words of Scripture on a picture, was brought up to Fulham, impri-
soned and tormented in the Bishop's palace, and then in Lollards'
Tower, until he lost his reason, and was discharged in a state of idiocy.
Perhaps that was the effect of grief, on account of the murder of his
wife. When the poor woman heard whither they had carried him, she
made her way to Fulham to implore pity of the Bishop, and was endea-
vouring to gain admission at the gate, when the brutal porter, observ-
ing that she was likely soon to become a mother, kicked her with vio-
lence, that at the same time destroyed the life of the unborn babe, and
sent her to an untimely grave. These are but a few examples of the
sufferings of reputed heretics at that time (A.D. 1530, 1531) ; a narra-
tive of abjurations and penances, with the charges brought against the
penitents, — often ridiculously trifling, — would fill a long chapter.*
But the Inquisitors could never be satisfied without blood.
The Martyrologist of England, to whom every subsequent writer
must be principally indebted, and many of whose sources of inform-
ation cannot be re-opened, as regards his own country, thus records
the sole memorial of one : " Touching the memorial of Thomas Hitten
remaineth nothing in writing, but only his name ; save that William
Tyndale, in his apology against More, entitled, ' The Practice of Pre-
* Fuxc, book viii.
166 CHAPTER III.
Jates,' doth once or twice make mention of him, by way of digression.
He was (saith he) a Preacher at Maidstone, whom the Bishop of Can-
terbury, William Warham, and Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, after they
had long kept him in prison, and tormented him with sundry tor-
ments, and that he, notwithstanding, continued constant ; at last
they burned him at Maidstone, for the constant and manifest testi-
mony of Jesus Christ, and of his free grace and salvation, A.D.
1530." *
An undaunted witness to the truth appears at Exeter. Thomas
Benet, a native of Cambridge, Master of Arts in that University, and
Priest, enlightened by the Bible readings and holy conversation of the
few good men there, secretly cast off Popery. For the same reason
that induced many of his brethren to do the like, he privately married ;
and finding the constraint of a perpetual concealment to be insuffer-
able, removed to Devonshire. In the little market-town of Tor-
rington, divested of the priestly robe, and in the character of a
layman, with wife and children, he endeavoured to eke out their
maintenance by keeping a school. But as in that rural population
there was little demand for learning, he removed to Exeter, hired a
house in Butcher-row, and pursued his new vocation of schoolmaster
with better success. When not so employed, he spent the leisure
hours in his library, absorbed in study or earnest in prayer ; or he
attended at sermons, gleaning the good, and fortifying his mind
against the evil. Unable to associate with most of his neighbours, he
slowly gathered around himself a small circle of serious and enlightened
persons, whom he instructed, as a brother, with unobtrusive modesty.
Amidst such exercises and such communion, his soul gained increas-
ing power, and his conversation became increasingly instructive. He
ventured to seek out for persons like-minded with himself, and
enjoyed the mutual confidence that in those days shielded companies
of praying people from detection. So, after he had been six years
in the county, when William Strowd, Esq., of Newnham, (Gloucester,)
was committed to the Bishop's prison on charge of heresy, he sent
him letters written in Latin, — prisons in those days and for centuries
later being easily accessible, although indescribably wretched, — and,
to obviate mistrust, disclosed his history.-j- A man so devoted to the
cause of Christ could not be content to hide his talent. He burned
with desire to do something that should arouse public attention to the
great doctrines of Christianity, and, perhaps, received a suggestion
from some of the proceedings of the continental Reformers. Yet he
knew that, sooner or later, any active endeavour would draw down
the vengeance of those "antichristians ;" and, therefore, making
known his determination to his friends, distributed his books among
them, strove to surrender himself as a living sacrifice to God, and,
encouraged by their exhortations, prayed for power to confess Christ
even unto death. But how should he carry out his purpose ? He
wrote a single sentence on scrolls of paper, and secretly affixed one
* Foxe, book viii.
t " Ut ne scortato
iatoruui antichristianorum m
t " Ut ne scortator aut iinmundus essem, uxorem duxi, cum qua Li^ee sex anuis ah
[lanibus in Devonia latitavi."
THOMAS BENET AT EXETER. 167
to each door of the cathedral. " The Pope is Antichrist, and we ought
to worship God only, and no saints." Early next morning the mass-
goers and passengers, entering the cathedral-yard from all parts of the
city, were attracted by the white papers, read the sentence aloud, and
in an hour it was repeated on every lip. The Clergy were strangely
excited ; and, as the thesis could not now he suppressed, it was deter-
mined that their Doctors should preach a sermon every day against
the heresy. They delivered sermons, but similar placards appeared
on the doors of other churches. Benet quietly marked the progress
of his enterprise, and went to the cathedral, as usual, to the sermon
on the following Sunday, casually seating himself by the two most
zealous heretic-hunters of Exeter. They suspected him, but as he
sat with no less decorum than they, devoutly conning a Latin Testa-
ment, their suspicion died away. At last, when no familiar had suc-
ceeded in detecting the author of the scandal, the Priests resolved to
make a new effort for discovery. On an appointed day, a Priest,
robed in white, ascended the cathedral pulpit, the Monks of St.
Nicholas standing round, and a lofty cross erected near, illuminated
with wax tapers. The Priest began with a flourish of rhetoric.
"Blasphemia est in castris" * " There is blasphemy in the camp."
Then he delivered a vituperation of the foul and abominable heretic ;
and lastly an apostrophe to God, our Lady, St. Peter, the patron
of that church, and all martyrs, confessors, and virgins, praying that
they would make him known. Sermon being ended, the curse fol-
lowed ; and as it is as compendious a form of malediction as can be
found, it shall be repeated here, and will render any similar recitation
needless in this volume. A Priest in pontificals officiated, reading
thus : —
" By the authority of God the Father Almighty, and of the blessed
Virgin Mary, of St. Peter and Paul, and of the holy saints, we excom-
municate, we utterly curse and ban, commit and deliver to the devil
of hell, him or her, whatsoever he or she be, that hath — in spite
of God and of St. Peter, whose church this is, in spite of all holy
saints, and in spite of our most holy Father the Pope, God's Vicar here
in earth, and in spite of the reverend father in God, John our Diocesan,
and the worshipful Canons, Masters and Priests and Clerks, who serve
God daily in this -cathedral church — fixed up with wax such cursed
and heretical bills, full of blasphemy, upon the doors of this and other
churches within this city. Excommunicated plainly be he or she
plenally, or they, and delivered over to the devil, as perpetual male-
factors and schismatics. Accursed may they be, and given, body and
soul, to the devil. Cursed be they, he or she, in cities and towns, in
fields, in ways, in paths, in houses, out of houses, and in all other
places ; standing, lying, or rising, walking, running, waking, sleeping,
eating, drinking, and whatsoever thing they do besides. We separate
them, him or her, from the threshold, and from all the good prayers
of the Church ; from the participation of the holy mass ; from all sacra-
* No siich sentence exists in the Vulgate, nor can I find it any where else. It was
not the custom to name the place of Scripture, so that any scrap of Latin would serve as
text. He might have meant to quote, Educ llasphemum extra castra. (Lev. xxiv. 11.)
168 CHAPTER III.
ments, chapels, and altars ; from holy bread and holy water ; from
all the merits of God's Priests and religious men, and from all their
cloisters ; from all their pardons, privileges, grants, and immunities,
which all the holy fathers, Popes of Rome, have granted to them ;
and we give them over utterly to the power of the fiend : and let us
quench their souls, if they be dead, this night, in the pains of hell-
fire, as this candle is now quenched and put out. (He puts out a
candle.) And let us pray to God, if they be alive, that their eyes may
be put out, as this candle light is. (He puts out another candle.) And
let us pray to God and to our Lady, and to St. Peter and St. Paul,
and all holy saints, that all the senses of their bodies may fail them,
and that they may have no feeling, as now the light of this candle is
g0ne> — (he extinguishes a third candle,) — except they, he or she, come
openly now and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance, as much
as in them shall lie, make satisfaction unto God, our Lady, St. Peter,
and the worshipful company of this cathedral church ; and as this
holy cross-staff now falleth down, so may they, except they repent
and show themselves."
The cross was removed ; the staff that had leant against it fell upon
the ringing pavement ; the whole congregation shouted, and every
hand was raised in savage imprecation. Benet alone stood unmoved,
except to scorn. Scarcely could he repress laughter, which some one
observing, asked how he could dare to laugh, seeing that that weighty
curse must fall on some one. " My friends," said he, "who can for-
bear, seeing such merry conceits and interludes played by the
Priests?" "Here's the heretic!" they cried : "here's the heretic!
Hold him fast!" Yet no one touched him ; for they could not con-
ceive it possible that a man canonically deprived of peace, and almost
of life, and the senses of whose body ought to have failed, if he were
indeed the foul blasphemer, could be guilty. So the clamour subsided,
the crowd dispersed, and Benet returned to Butcher-row to carry on
the warfare. Very early next morning his servant-boy was sent with
more bills, relating to these proceedings, to post them up in a few
public places. As he was attaching one of them to a gate called the
Little Stile, a devotee, going to hear a five o'clock mass, caught him in
the act, and took him to the Mayor, who instantly caused Benet to be
taken into custody. The Canons and chief men of the city came to
institute an examination ; but he rendered that unnecessary by plainly
acknowledging that he had put up the bills, and would do so again,
if it were possible, and maintain that what he had written was the
truth. Next day he was sent to the Bishop, who first committed him
to his own prison, where he was put into the stocks and laden with
irons, until it pleased his Lordship, with his Chancellor, Dr. Brewer,
and some others, to examine their prisoner. With perfect self-posses-
sion he entered into controversy, and argued so learnedly and so
forcibly, that they not only thought fit to close the conversation, but
could not conceal their admiration of the man. During a full week
the Friars, after their usual manner, harassed him with threateuiugs
and intreaties, hoping for the glory of an abjuration. His house was
searched, and his wife ill-treated. The good woman brought him food,
THOMAS BILNEY. 169
and he soothed her grief with godly exhortations. Meanwhile a writ
" for burning the heretic " was obtained from London, and on the
15th of January, 1531, he was delivered to Sir Thomas Denis, Sheriff
of Devonshire, to be burnt. " The mild martyr, rejoicing that his
end was approaching so near, as the sheep before the shearer, yielded
himself with all humbleness, to abide and suffer the cross of persecu-
tion." In a place called Livery-dole, outside the city, he endured
meekly, but triumphantly, the last trial. Two Esquires beset him
with coarse abuse, and, as he was burning, excited the rabble to pelt
him. But he had raised his voice in testimony to the Gospel, the
surrounding crowd had heard it that day, and he was satisfied. Praying
for his murderers, he for ever escaped their fury.
Another name that adds honour to Cambridge is Thomas Bilney.
He studied there from childhood, graduated Bachelor in Canon and
Civil Law, (utriusque juris,) and was a good Churchman. Of low
stature, slender, active, temperate, and studious, as if fashioned for
preferment, he was likely to become an earnest and eminent Eccle-
siastic ; but an incident, such as often determines a man's career,
diverted him from the pursuits of clerical ambition. Hearing the
Latinity of Erasmus's Paraphrase of the New Testament highly com-
mended, he bought the book. It was then new, and to be desired as
a literary luxury. At the very first reading, just on the opening
of the book, before he had begun a consecutive perusal, this sentence
caught his eye : " This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all accept-
ation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners ; of whom
I am chief." The " faithful saying " could not have been found more
opportunely ; for his heart was already wounded with a sense of guilt,
and he was endeavouring to find consolation in works of righteous-
ness. At the moment he did not perceive the power of that precious
sentence ; but it was the first read, and the best remembered. The
words, Fidelis sermo, et omni acceptione dignus, followed him every
where ; he pondered the faithful saying, he accepted it, confessing
himself to be the chief of sinners, " and immediately felt a mar-
vellous comfort and quietness, insomuch that his bruised bones
leaped for joy." Profoundly studying the Gospel, he perceived that
all his labours, fastings, watchings, all the spurious redemption
of masses and pardons, being without Christ, who only saves from
sin, were nothing better than error and delusion. Alarmed at the
discovery, and under keen stings of sorrow and shame, he prayed
earnestly for mercy, and after some time " was taught of God
the lesson that Christ speaketh :" "As Moses lifted up the ser-
pent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of Man be lifted
up, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have
eternal life." Thomas Bilney believed ; and while the paraphrast
enjoyed the applause of Europe for a work written in darkness, the
penitent at Cambridge, " taught of God," came to an understanding
of the text, and walked in the light of His countenance, rejoicing in
the loving-kindness that is better than life.
The same divine teaching and grace constrained him to cry to God
for strength " to teach the wicked His ways, which are mercy and
•VOL. in. z
170 CHAPTER III.
truth." From that time he visited the prisons, and exhorted the
" desperates " to repent and believe in Christ. He fearlessly ventured
into the lazar cots, or " leper hospitals," wrapped the sufferers in
sheets, and strove to win them for Him who cleansed the lepers, by
displaying compassion towards both soul and body. Without any
formal connexion with the " known men " in the country, pcobably
without knowing any of them, he did as they did, exhorting his friends,
bringing them over to bis views, uniting them in a distinct company
of praying brethren, and labouring with them to convert sinners. We
now find him associated with Stafford, the lecturer on the Gospels
and Epistles, with Arthur, of whom we shall have more to say, with
Master Thixtel, of Pembroke-Hall, Master Fooke, of Benet-College,
Master Soud, Warden of the same College, Master Parker, Master
Powry, and others. Dr. Barnes and Lambert, afterwards martyrs,
were converted by means of Bilney : and Hugh Latimer, cross-bearer,
hitherto a most zealous Papist, proud of leading all the great pro-
cessions, and on the way to high Church dignities, owned him
as a spiritual father. The Priests charged him with propagating
Luther's opinions, and bound him by an oath not to do so : but he
preached Christ, not Luther ; and at length left Cambridge, accompa-
nied by Thomas Arthur, and proceeded through Norfolk and Suffolk
towards London, delivering many sermons by the way, and in the
metropolis excited much attention by a discourse at St. Magnus, (an
obsolete saint,) where a large crucifix had just been erected, but was
not yet gilded. Such images, he told the congregation, ought not to
be worshipped, but taken down by Kings and Princes, as Hezekiah
destroyed the brazen serpent. Neither should men worship saints, but
God alone ; nor should lights be placed before their images, since the
blessed in heaven need not light, and the images cannot perceive it.
He also denounced the Popes as holding keys of simony, not the keys
of the kingdom of heaven ; and pointed out the folly of pilgrimages,
and the insufficiency of men's best works, who can do nothing meri-
torious. But he spoke plainly of the merits of the Saviour, expressed
his joy that the Gospel was at last made known, and his hope that
many other preachers would shortly confirm his words. And at the
recitation of the Litany, the congregation pronouncing the responses,
after the invocation of the Holy Trinity, when he came to Sancta
Maria, ora pro nobis, " Holy Mary, pray for us," he bade the people
stop there, and pray to God alone. Scarcely had he left the church
when he was apprehended, taken to the Bishop of London's coal-
house at the back of his palace in Paternoster-row, together with
Arthur, and thence conveyed to the Tower (Whitsun week, 1527).
From the Tower he wrote no fewer than five letters to Tonstal, Bishop
of London, containing an account of his conversion, and an undis-
guised confession of his faith ; and, after half a year's imprisonment,
he was taken to the Chapter-house at Westminster, before Cardinal
Wolsey, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Roches-
ter, Ely, Exeter, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, and St. Asaph, with many
others, both Divines and Lawyers, and interrogated by the Cardinal
himself respecting his sermons in London and the neighbourhood,
BILNEY'S TRIAL AND ABJURATION. l/l
Norfolk, and elsewhere. To every question lie gave a clear and unequi-
vocal reply, agreeing in many lesser points with the Church of Rome,
displaying strong prejudice against Luther, yet maintaining the essen-
tial doctrines of the Gospel.* Four days afterwards Bilney and
Arthur were recalled to the same place, Wolsey having commis-
sioned the Bishops to proceed as his representatives, and gone
to look after secular affairs. Two long series of articles were then
exhibited against them, extracted from reports of their sermons and
conversations. Arthur acknowledged some, explained or denied
others, revoked the whole, and submitted himself to the judgment and
discipline of the Church (December 2d, 1529). Thus closed the
proceedings of the day.
The court re-assembled on the following day : Bilney, deserted by
his companion, was exhorted to submit also, and return to the
Church of Rome ; but he steadily refused to deny Christ. Then
the Bishop exhibited the five letters, delivered them to Notaries
to be copied into the register, and the originals returned to him-
self. Bilney demanded a copy, which was granted, and the Nota-
ries were sworn to transcribe accurately. Several witnesses made
their depositions ; a Friar from Ipswich brought up a long report
of a private conversation concerning image-worship, written in
Latin ; and after spending the day in juridical formalities, the
Bishops adjourned, and Bilney was reconducted to the Tower,
to ponder the question of life and death until morning. When
morning came, he was again set before the same tribunal, and
called on to answer the single question, whether he would recant.
The Judges evidently shrank from pronouncing the extreme sen-
tence. Tonstal appeared perfectly sincere in his notion of doing
God a service by persecution, and betrayed some signs of humanity
struggling against the ruthless temper of his order. Bilney was no
vulgar heretic, and his learning, self-possession, and dignified piety,
called forth as much courtesy as could be found in such a place.
Neither was his influence at Cambridge forgotten. The depositions
of witnesses were once more read over, with his answers ; and this
done, Tonstal exhorted him to recant, and offered him permission to
withdraw, in order to determine in private. This permission he did
not accept, but intimated his wish for an immediate decision : Fiat
justitia et judicium in nomine Domini, "Let justice and judgment be
done in the Lord's name." Again and again the Bishops entreated
him, but as often he reiterated the same sentence : " Let justice and
judgment be done in the Lord's name ;" and added at the last,
" This is the day the Lord hath made : let us rejoice in it and be
glad." The Bishops consulted for a few moments, and then Tonstal
arose, put off his cap, and said, " In the name of the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost, Amen. Let God arise, and let his enemies be
* Yet not without retaining much that is erroneous. It is certain that he believed
in baptismal regeneration, and in the " real presence." But in truth, the great doc-
trine of justification by faith in Christ seemed to him to be the sum and substance
of the Gospel ; and he went little further than the more obvious conclusions to which
thut necessarily conducted him.
z 2
172 CHAPTER III.
scattered." * And having crossed himself twice, he gave sentence :
" I, by the consent and counsel of my brethren here present, do
pronounce thee, Thomas Bilney, who hast been accused of divers
articles, to be convicted of heresy ; and, for the rest of the sentence,
we take deliberation till to-morrow." Next morning all were in their
places in the Chapter-house again ; and again the question was
repeated. Bilney answered that he would not bring scandal on the
Gospel by a recantation, and he trusted that he was not separated
from the Church ; but if witnesses to his conduct were admitted, he
would have thirty in his favour to each one that had appeared against
him. The Bishop replied, that after the delivery of the sentence, it
was too late to summon new witnesses, and urged him to recant,
which he still refused, but was told that he might withdraw and
consult his friends in private, until one o'clock. On this consulta-
tion he began to waver, catching at some of those fallacies which,
to a man so dealt with, and so wearied, grow into the semblance
of reasons. After much difficulty on both sides, the Bishops fear-
ing that he would appeal to the King, if allowed time, and he
wishing to save life and conscience, two days were granted ; and on
the following Saturday, (December 7th,) he was brought up again,
professed himself persuaded to submission by his friends, read an
abjuration, and received a final sentence to be imprisoned as long as
the Cardinal should please, after doing public penance. On the fol-
lowing day he walked bare-headed before the procession in St. Paul's,
with a faggot on his shoulder, and, during the sermon at the Cross,
stood in the same guise before the preacher.
About a year after this we find him at Cambridge again, which makes
it probable that for so long he was a prisoner in the Tower of Lon-
don. Latimer, who had received his friend and enjoyed his entire con-
fidence, afterwards related, in a sermon preached before the Duchess
of Suffolk, that he was overwhelmed with remorse, refused consola-
tion, and declared that for having denied Christ he was excluded
from all participation in the promises of God, and from all hope
of mercy. In that wretched state he continued for some months,
until, by divine grace, he was enabled to resolve that he would sub-
mit to die in proof of the sincerity of his repentance. This reso-
lution was communicated to his more intimate friends ; and one night,
about ten o'clock, he took leave of them, saying, in allusion to our
Lord's last journey when he went to be delivered up for death, that
he was going up to Jerusalem. Under cover of darkness, he walked
out of the college, (Trinity-Hall,) and by day-light was many miles
on the way towards Norfolk, where he sought out the persecuted
Lollards, joined in their cottage-meetings, and proceeded to Norwich,
where he found an anchoress, whom he had previously brought, under
God, to acknowledge the truth, still persevering. To her he gave
copies of Tyndale's Testament, and his " Obedience of a Christian
Man." But he had not contented himself with frequenting private
meetings. Often had he gone into the fields, followed by a few per-
* A sentence that frequently occurs in the proceedings of the " Holy Office.'1
BILNEY'S RESTORATION AND DEATH. 173
sons, and preached to them there, bewailing his fall, and exhorting all
who had any knowledge of Christianity to take warning by him. His
field-sermons began to be numerously attended : aware of the conse-
quent notoriety, he had voluntarily appeared in the streets of Nor-
wich, and it was then that Nix, Bishop of Norwich, caused him to be
apprehended, and placed in custody at the Guildhall ; and, as no trial
was necessary for the condemnation of a known relapse, sent to Lord
Chancellor More for a writ to burn him. So delighted was More on
receiving the application, that he bade the messengers go their ways
and burn him first, and afterwards come for the parchment, that
would be engrossed at leisure. Meanwhile, Nix lost no time. His
Chancellor examined the heretic, and had him degraded with great
publicity, amidst an officious crowd of Friars and Doctors, and forth-
with committed to the two Sheriffs of the city. One of these,
Thomas Necton, was a friend of Bilney, and therefore provided him
with every possible accommodation at the Guildhall, until the return
of the persons who had gone to London for the writ, and refused to
be present at the execution. During the two days that intervened,
many of his friends from Cambridge and elsewhere came to see him,
and were surprised to find their once broken-hearted brother cheerful
as none had ever known him. The burden of guilt and shame had
fallen off, and he ate his bread with gladness. He told them that
he was following the example of men, who, having a ruinous house to
dwell in, yet bestow cost, as long as they may, to keep it up. " And
so do I now with this ruinous house of my body, and with God's
creatures, in thanks to Him, refresh the same, as ye see." The con-
versation turning on the pain of burning that he was to suffer the next
day, and the power of the Holy Spirit that might be expected to sus-
tain him, he did what he had often done before. While his friends
were talking, he silently stretched out his hand towards a candle, and
held his finger in the flame ; and, when they were surprised at this,
conversed in a strain that Plato never equalled. " 0," said he, " I feel
by experience, and have known it long by philosophy, that fire, by God's
ordinance, is naturally hot; but yet I am persuaded by God's holy word,
and by the experience of some, spoken of in the same, that in the
flame they felt no heat, and in the fire they felt no consumption ; and
I constantly believe, that however the stubble of this my body shall be
wasted by it, yet my soul and spirit shall be purged thereby : a pain
for the time, whereon followeth, notwithstanding, joy unspeakable."
Then he recited and descanted on a passage before marked in the
margin of his Bible : * " Fear not : for I have redeemed thee, I
have called thee by thy name ; thou art mine. When thou passest
through the waters, I will be with thee ; and through the rivers, they
shall not overflow thee : when thou walkest through the fire, thou
shalt not be burned ; neither shall the flame kindle upon thee. For
I am the Lord thy God, the Holy One of Israel, thy Saviour."
At the same time his finger was burning. All his friends, except
* This BiMe is stated by the Rev. George Townsend (Foxe, vol. iv., p. 6:53, note) to
be now in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, so marked at Isai. xliii.
1—3.
174 CHAPITER III.
one old scholar, left him : with him he retired to rest, and the
Doctor perceived, in the night, that he was again holding that finger
in the flame. " I am trying my flesh," he said, " by God's grace,
and burning one joint, when to-morrow God's rods shall burn my
whole body in the fire."
On the Sunday came the officers to receive him. A party of
friends were standing at the prison-door when he came out ; and one
of them prayed him to be constant, and take his death patiently.
Bilney compared himself to a mariner, biding the storm in hope
of reaching the haven ; but requested the benefit of his prayers. The
procession then moved through the city, Bilney dressed as a layman,
disfigured by the clumsy cutting off of his hair at the time of
degradation, and wearing a tattered cloak, with Dr. Warner, an old
fellow-student, at his side, who distributed alms for him among the
poor. Thus they went out at the Bishop's gate, and down the lull
towards a place called " Lollards' pit," where they found that the
preparations for burning were not quite complete ; and employing
the interval in speaking to the people, he assured them of his stead-
fastness in the Christian faith, justified himself for having preached,
contrary to the prohibition of the Church, and reverently recited the
Creed. Then, putting off his unsightly gown, he walked to the stake,
knelt on the ledge prepared for him to stand on, and offered private
prayer with as much calmness and subdued fervour as if he had been
in his chamber, ending with this Psalm, " Hear my prayer, 0 Lord,
give ear to my supplications," &c. ; and thrice, with deep meditation,
repeated the sentence, " Enter not into judgment with thy servant,"
as if in remembrance of his former abjuration. Having finished this
act of devotion, he rose from his knees, and asked the executioners if
they were ready. Finding that he might now be released, he took
off his outer garments, stood on the ledge, and was chained to the
stake. Dr. Warner then came to bid him farewell ; but his voice
was choked with weeping. The martyr smiled, and, after a few
words of thanks, most impressively concluded their earthly com-
munion : " 0, Master Doctor ! Feed thy flock, feed thy flock ; that
when the Lord cometh, he may find thee so doing. Farewell, good
Master Doctor, and pray for me." The Doctor hurried from the
spot, sobbing aloud ; and as he retreated, a company of Friars,
Doctors, and Priors, who had assisted at his degradation, pressed in
through the crowd, and their spokesman thus discharged his mission :
" 0 Master Bilney ! the people be persuaded that we be the causers
of your death, and that we have procured the same ; and thereupon
it is likely that they will withdraw their charitable alms from us all,
except you declare your charity towards us, and discharge us of the
matter." Their prayer was granted in few words by the generous
victim of their Church : " I pray you, good people, be never the
worse to these men for my sake, as though they should be the
authors of my death : it was not they." The reeds and faggots were
then lighted, the wind drove away the flames, so that his sufferings
were prolonged. But he uttered no cry, except "Jesus," cr "Credo," *
* 1 believe.
SIR THOMAS MORE, A ZEALOT. 175
until his spirit fled, and the lifeless body sunk forward on the chain,
was dropped into the fire, covered with wood, and seen no more *
(A.D. 1531).
Sir Thomas More, Lord Chancellor after Wolsey, displayed excessive
zeal in the prosecution of heretics, of which we are reminded by one
passage in the history of Bilney. During his imprisonment in the
Tower, he met two brethren confined there by the Chancellor, — Frith,
of whom we shall have more to say presently, and John Petit. This good
man had been twenty years burgess for the city of London, wealthy,
learned, and benevolent, and of so great influence and independence, that
Henry VIII. would ask, when matters of supply were to be discussed in
Parliament, whether Petit was on his side ; and when the King required
his debts to be cancelled by an Act, Petit opposed the measure, after
having first surrendered to His Majesty a large loan that he had him-
self made. This honourable citizen favoured the promoters of what
was then called the new doctrine, and contributed towards the cost
of printing several of their books. Moneys advanced to them for this
purpose, or for their private use when in distress, he entered in his
accounts as "lent unto Christ," and directed in his will that payment
of such debts should not be exacted. Sir Thomas More, who was in
the habit of walking about London with the Lieutenant of the Tower,
and committing to his custody any heretics he could find, called one
day at the house of John Petit. Mrs. Petit came towards the door,
and, seeing the Lord Chancellor, ran to her husband, who was at
prayer in his closet, to announce the visiter. But More was close at
her back ; and Mr. Petit addressed him with great courtesy, thanking
his Lordship for having honoured that poor house with his presence.
After some general conversation, he attended Sir Thomas to the door,
and, about to take leave, asked if his Lordship would command him
any service. " No," said the Chancellor : " ye say ye have none
of these new books." " Your Lordship saw," he replied, " my books
and my closet." " Yet," quoth the Chancellor, " ye must go with
Mr. Lieutenant. Take him to you." The Lieutenant seized Mr.
Petit, took him to the Tower, and shut him up in a dungeon, with
no other furniture than a pad of straw. After long solicitation, Mrs.
Petit obtained permission to send him a bed, and he was eventually
released ; but the hardship of that imprisonment was so great, that
he died immediately afterwards. The uuder-keeper, however, was a
humane man, and used to allow Bilney, Petit, and Frith to meet at
night, partake together of their prison-fare, and spend a few hours in
spiritual conversation and prayer. Sir Thomas More, on the contrary,
seems to have delighted in torturing his victims, and jesting as he did
it. Once, for example, when examining a Lollard named Silver, he
told him that Silver must be tried in the fire. " Ay," said the
prisoner, " but quick-stiver cannot abide it." The pun pleased, and
did what a thousand prayers would have failed to do. Sir Thomas
laughed heartily, and dismissed the man.-f
About the time that Bilney was apprehended in Norwich, Richard
Bayfield was burnt in London. When Bayfield was a Benedictine
* Foxe, book viii. t Strype, Memorials Ecclesiastical, vol. i., chap. 28.
176 CHAPTER III.
Monk at Bury St. Edmund's, Dr. Barnes, Prior of the Augustine
Friars at Cambridge, frequently came to the abbey of Bury, to visit
Dr. RufFam, an old fellow-student. Two laymen, also, of London,
Master Maxwell and Master Stacy, were wont to visit there. All
being enlightened, they formed a Christian company, and, within the
abbey, could converse on religious subjects without interruption.
Richard Bayfield, as Chamberlain of the house, found lodging for the
strangers, was frequently in their company, received a Latin Testa-
ment from Dr. Barnes, and Tyndale's Testament and " Obedience "
from the other two visiters. The reading of these books produced
an entire change of mind : at the end of two years, the brother-
hood regarded him as a confirmed heretic ; he was gagged, that his
cries might not be heard, whipped, and then put into the abbey
prison, — a necessary part of every " religious house," — and kept
there in the stocks for three months, until Dr. Barnes succeeded in
getting him out, and having him sent to Cambridge with himself. At
Cambridge he applied himself to study, and, having made some profi-
ciency, went to London, where he became conspicuous for zeal in
disputing with Papists, was examined, abjured, and made to carry a
faggot ; (A.D. 1528 ;) after which his friends Maxwell and Stacy
concealed him, and then sent him over to Tyndale and Frith, whom
he assisted in selling their works, and those of the German Reformers,
both in France and England. In short, he became an itinerant
bookseller, and made three successive voyages to England with large
supplies of books in sheets, which he landed at Colchester, at St.
Catherine's, London, and on the coast of Norfolk, whence he brought
them to London in a mail. Some one saw him go into the house
of William Smith, a tailor, in Bucklersbury, where he lodged, as did
many other " known men," and he was thence dogged to his book-
binder's, in Mark-lane, there taken, and carried to the Lollards'
Tower, where lay Parson Patmore, whom " he much confirmed,"
and thence to the Bishop's coal-house. In this place they tied him
upright to the wall, passing cords round his neck, body, and legs,
put his hands in manacles, and bade him tell who had bought his
books. This he would not do ; but stood firm in confession of
Christ, offered to give a reason of his faith, and was brought into the
Consistory of St. Paul's to undergo examination. The formalities
of trial were disposed of in three hearings ; and, the articles alleged
against him having been fully proved, he was brought into the choir
of St. Paul's cathedral, (Nov. 20, 1531,) before the Bishop of
London, Abbots of Westminster and Waltham, Prior of Christ's
Church, the Earl of Essex, the brother of the Marquis of Somerset,
and the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, who were required to be there
by letters from the Bishop, under statute of Henry IV. Before these
witnesses the Bishop read the sentence of degradation, and delivered
him to the secular power, ordering that he should be brought thither
again on the following Monday. He came accordingly, was robed,
und degraded with a circumstance of barbarism worthy of the man who
so displayed his temper. The canonically-degraded Priest was kneeling
on a step of the high altar, after having been stripped of the priestly
BAYFIELD AND TEWKESBURY. 177
vestments, when the Bishop struck him on the breast with his crosier
so violently, that he rolled on the pavement of the cathedral, and lay
there insensible. When recovered, he thanked God that he was
delivered from the malignant Church of Antichrist, and come into the
true church of Christ militant here on earth : " And I trust anon to
be in heaven with Jesus Christ, and the church triumphant for ever."
The Sheriffs saw him taken to Newgate, where he spent about an
hour in prayer, thence walked manfully into Smithfield, and, the fire
being slow, was alive in it for half an hour. His left arm fell from
him while he was yet fully conscious ; but, standing unmoved in the
flames, he was heard offering prayer until the spirit fled (November
27th, 1531).*
This constancy aroused a brother who had formerly abjured, to
renew his confession. John Tewkesbury, a leather-seller, of the
parish of St. Michael-at-Quern, had been enlightened by reading the
New Testament many years before. He possessed a complete manu-
script copy of the Bible, studied it closely, read several of the writings
of Tyndale, and disputed openly on points of doctrine, even in the
Bishop's chapel and palace. Tonstal cited him into his presence, and
heard him argue with his Doctors, not a little mortified by the
superior knowledge of the leather-seller. During seven examinations he
defended the doctrine of justification by faith, and other fundamental
articles of belief, before the Consistory, and was then taken from the
Lollards' Tower to Sir Thomas More, at Chelsea, who endeavoured to
extort a recantation, and force him to disclose the names of others.
There he was confined for six days in the porter's lodge, with hands,
feet, and head in the stocks, without relief, but would not yield.
They then took him to a private garden, where he was tied to
" Jesus' tree," whipped, and cords twisted round his head, until
blood burst from his eyes ; but he would not accuse any one. After
being unbound in the Chancellor's house for a day, he was sent
to the Tower, and racked. Under the torture he promised to
recant the next day, and was brought thence, with faggot on
shoulder, to Paul's Cross, and, having fulfilled the penance, was
allowed to go home, under sureties to appear whenever called
for (May, 1529). But he could find no peace; and, after the
martyrdom of Bayfield, openly acknowledged the sin of abjura-
tion, was soon apprehended, brought before the Lord Chancellor and
the Bishop, sentenced as a relapse, delivered to the Sheriffs, and
burnt (December 20th, 1531).f
Both Bayfield and Tewkesbury were burnt without any royal warrant,
although the law required a writ De hceretico comburendo, and the
employment of torture gave additional ferocity to the persecutors, and
heightened the terror of priestly lawlessness. Familiarized with mur-
der, they became less careful to cover it with the cloak of juridical for-
mality, and there were precedents enough to justify secret murder to their
blinded conscience. One of their victims about this time was John
Randall, a relative of Foxe, the Martyrologist. This young man was
a student in Christ's College, Cambridge, having one Wyer as tutor,
* Foxe, book viii. f Ibid. Strype, Memorials, vol. i., chap- 28.
VOT,. III. 2 A
178 CHAPTER III.
who hated him because he had shown a disposition to read the word
of God. His fellow-students had missed him for several days, and,
at last, perceived a stench as they passed his study-door. The door
was broken open, and Randall's body found hanging, and half putre-
fied, with an open Bible on a table by its side, and one finger pointing
to a passage of Scripture relating to predestination. This was intended
by the murderer to produce an impression that he had hung himself in
a fit of despair produced by that doctrine, and so to discredit the
study of holy Scripture ; but, that a person dying by the halter could
deliberately point, in the last struggles, to a particular sentence in a
book, surpasses all power of belief.*
Although Henry VIII. read and commended some of the writings
of Tyndale, he seems to have abandoned his subjects to the tyranny
of the Priests and Sir Thomas More. Yet he was prosecuting unwel-
come demands at Rome, and soon avowed a quarrel with the Pope. An
embassy, or commission, consisting of Dr. Cranmer, the Earl of Wilt-
shire, father of Anne Boleyn, Dr. Lee, Archbishop elect of York, Dr.
Stokesley, Bishop elect of London, and Drs. Trigonel, Karn, and Benet,
were sent over to Paris, to confer with the Doctors there respecting
his marriage with Catharine, and thence to Rome, to dispute with the
Canonists of that court, and urge the Pope to grant a Bull for the divorce.
The messengers obtained an audience of the "Holy Father," who expected
the usual genuflexions to be made before him, being enthroned for the
reception. Not supposing that the Englishmen would have kept their
feet, he extended his foot for them to kiss ; but the gesture produced
no other effect than that of provoking the Earl's dog, which snapped at
the embroidered slipper. " A Protestant dog ! " exclaims the Jesuit
Floud ; on whom Fuller humorously retorts, " Let him tell us what
religion those dogs were of that ate up Jezebel the harlot." Cran-
mer's book, written to establish that no man ought to marry his
brother's wife, and that the Bishop of Rome ought not to dispense to
the contrary, was presented to Clement ; but received far differently
from the volumes previously sent over, and long negotiations with
him, and disputations with the lawyers, were spent in vain. He
would have granted the divorce demanded, but for fear of drawing
on himself the revenge of Charles V. Political complication thus led
to the English schism, as, in the present day, political complication
hastens the downfal of the temporal power of the Papacy. The em-
bassy, guided by Cranmer, sought and obtained the judgment of several
foreign Universities and theologians. Most of them gave it in favour
of Henry ; and with this, the only fruit of their labour, the messengers
returned to England, (A.D. 1530,) when the King, fearing that Clement
might interfere to hinder a formal repudiation of the Queen, issued a
proclamation, (September 19th,) forbidding his subjects to "purchase
anything from Rome, or elsewhere, contrary to his royal prerogative
and authority, or to publish or divulge any such thing, under pain
of his displeasure, and its consequences."
^ To prohibit the publication of Bulls in England, and yet leave the
Clergy without a check in the exercise of their power, would have
* Foxe, ut supra.
HENRY VIII. HEAD OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 1/9
been feeble policy. Their power was excessive. It impeded tbe civil
authority, impoverished the nation, weakened allegiance, nullified
laws, and spread immorality among both Clergy and laity. An
indictment was therefore brought into the King's Bench against all
the Clergy of England, who had involved themselves in a presmuni re,
together with Wolsey, by concurring in the proceedings of courts
holden under his legantine authority, which was proved to have been
exercised contrary to the law of England, and in violation of royal
prerogative. The Convocations of Canterbury and York, on one side,
endeavoured to maintain what they conceived to be the rights of the
Church ; Parliament, on the other, upheld those of King and country.
The Convocations endeavoured to appease the displeasure of their
Sovereign by cautious overtures of submission, couched in abject
language, the only style of language that either Priest or layman used
when addressing the King ; but His Majesty would suffer no reserva-
tion, and released them from the penalties of that political offence
only on condition of being acknowledged " Head of the Church,"
and of receiving a fine of one hundred thousand pounds from the
province of Canterbury, and eighteen thousand eight hundred and
forty pounds from that of York. The Convocations, with the Arch-
bishops at their head, and justified by a formal judgment of both
Universities, conceded the supremacy to the King, and denied it to
the Pope. He then forgave them, became their head in reality,
instead of the alien whom they had hitherto obeyed ; and how-
ever confused his notions of supremacy may have been as to the
Church, it is certain that those of the court of Rome were unspeak-
ably more confused as to the State. They would have made the
Pontiff supreme over all men and things for an alleged religious
reason : Henry and his advisers would have made the King supreme
over the Church in England for a political reason, disguised under an
appeal to Scripture. Their notion of supremacy was carried too far,
and the religious argument was abused in the controversy ; but, after
allowing this, and stripping the affair of what was extraneous, we must
honestly acknowledge, that the real question was whether Henry or
the Pope should reign in England; and we should, therefore, be
thankful for the decision then reached, notwithstanding much inac-
curacy of language and confusion of ideas.
Henry VIII. thus became head of the Church. The high Clergy ren-
dered him the utmost reverence, in utter forgetfulness of their oaths to
the Bishop of Rome, and on the next New- Year's day (A.D. 1532) out-
shone Dukes and Earls in sending gifts to His Highness.* As early in
the spring as Members could well travel to London, Parliament assem-
bled, and a national act of self-defence remitted the government of the
Prelates from the hands of the Pope into those of the King. It had
been required of every Archbishop or Bishop elect to send one year's
* For example : " By the Busshop of York, £50." The Bishops of Durham and
Exeter gave each as mnch. " By the Duke of Norfolk, xx soveraynes, £22. 10*, and
five pieces of gold, at 40*. the piece, £10." £32. 10. The soveraynes, suffereynes, or
sufferaynes, of the Clergy far outnumbered those of the laity. — Strype, Memorials, vol.
i., chap. 18.
2 A 2
180 CHAPTER. III.
rent to Rome in payment for the Bulls confirmatory of his election, in
order, as the fiction went, to maintain a crusade against the Turks.
But the Turks had nothing to fear from that source ; for the money
was otherwise employed than in troubling them. The people of
England grudged the alienation of so much wealth ; and the Bishops
themselves were not well pleased to be compelled, as they generally
were, to borrow on interest a sum equal to a year's revenue in
advance. Often the aged dignitary died before his debt could be
paid, and the creditor lost a great part of the money. Impatient
of the impost, the Convocation first appealed against it in a letter to
the King. They pleaded that a tax on the temporalties of a bishopric
should only be paid to the King, if paid at all, because he is, indis-
putably, the temporal superior ; and that if the spiritualties were
taxed, such a contribution out of their fees ought to be paid to the
Archbishop rather than to the court of Rome ; and spoke of that
court in language of strong aversion. They prayed the King to
refer the matter to Parliament, in order that the payment of annates
might be made illegal. This was done : the Parliament set forth,
in a long Act, the manifold inconveniences of such a tax, and deter-
mined, subject to any negotiation that the King might make with the
Pope to the same effect, that annates should be no longer paid. They
allowed, however, a payment of five per cent, on the estimated
amount of one year's income, and enacted, that if a Bull were refused
to any Bishop nominated by the King, he should be installed not-
withstanding ; and that, if the Pope should see good to avenge this
contumacy by an excommunication, or an interdict, such an act of
pontifical authority should be set at nought.* Nor did the Legislature
end here. No sooner had the King written the words of assent
(Le Roy le volt, " The King wills it ") on the parchment, than by
some means he ascertained what he ought to have known before, that
" all the Prelates, whom he had looked upon as wholly his subjects,
were but half subjects ; for at their consecration they swore an oath
quite contrary to the oath they swore to the crown ; so that it seems
they were the Pope's subjects rather than his." -f The King sent for
the Speaker of the House of Commons : the oath that had been
hitherto unobserved in the manuscript ordinals, as part of the
mysteries of consecration in which no layman thought himself con-
cerned, was put into his hand ; he hastened back to the House, and
communicated the King's command that those conflicting documents
should be read and considered without delay. It was done : the
Members were strongly excited by the disclosure, and would have
passed a severe censure on the Bishops had not a report been brought
that the plague was in London. They hurried to their homes with
an additional feeling of mistrust towards the Clergy. The Clergy
were astounded. Some murmured, most of them feared to murmur,
a few flattered. The Carthusian Monks of Colen, (Cologne,) for
* Burnet, Reformation, book ii., collect. 4 1 .
t Burnet gives - both oaths, which have been often republished. The oath rendered
to the Pope by every Bishop at his consecration is still unaltered and in full force. It
now lies before the author in the Pontificale Romanum.
HUGH LAT1MER. 181
example, at the request of their fraternity in England, wrote an
epistle dedicatory to Henry, prefixed to an exposition of the Gospel
of St. Matthew, wherein they say, that " by his writings concerning
the sacraments he had displayed his glory over his people. That he
had put on the harness of Catholic doctrine, like a giant, and girt his
loins with the warlike arms of the Scriptures in battles of disputa-
tion against heretics, and defended Christ's camp with the sword
of his learning : that he was like to an evangelical lion, and a mysti-
cal lion's whelp, sent down from heaven to hunt the heretics." * On
the other hand, Sir Thomas More, whose heart had been set on the
exaltation of the Church, and who would fain have drowned heresy in
biood, saw that it was time to retreat, and obtained leave to deliver
up the Great Seal, which was given to Sir Thomas Audley, Speaker
of the House of Commons, at the time when annates were suppressed,
and the oaths of Bishops brought under debate. f
Collateral with the decline of Papacy in this country was the
advance of evangelical truth ; but still under persecution. Hugh
Latimer began to excite notice as a Preacher. For many years he
had been a zealot in the cause of Popery ; but, under the influence
of Bilney at Cambridge, his bigotry relented, and the grace of God
began to subdue his nature. The change became apparent, informa-
tion was laid against him, and he was summoned to answer charges
of heresy before Archbishop Warham. Here Latimer first appears on
the field of history. In London, before the Archbishop, with
Stokesley, Bishop of London, and three or four others, he under-
went a private examination. We know not in what building, but
suppose it to have been the Bishop's Palace in St. Paul's Church-
Yard, in an apartment hung with tapestry. During several weeks
they met there thrice a week, and carried forward a system of
interrogation intended to elicit information respecting the Uni-
versity, while their utmost artifice was employed to lead him to
say something that might be turned against himself. One day he
found the arrangement of the room altered. There was no fire ; and
the spacious chimney was covered by a piece of arras, as when apart-
ments were furnished for the summer. Before the vacated fire-place
there was a table, so that Latimer stood between it and the arras.
At the further end sat an aged Bishop, rather dull of hearing, with
whom he had been formerly very familiar, and who still passed for a
friend. On putting a very subtle question, the old man bade him
speak up, that he might be able to hear his answer, as well as those
who sat at a distance. He raised his voice, and, on ceasing to speak,
heard a pen moving on paper behind the hangings. However, he still
spoke loud and clear, even in reply to the insidious question : " Master
Latimer, do you not think in your conscience that you have been
suspected of heresy ? " But God gave him wisdom so to answer that
they could make no use of the reply to his injury, and, for that time,
he was delivered out of their hands. J
Those closet investigations were not without reason. The spirit
* Strype, Memorials, vol. i., chap. 19. t Burnet, part i., book ii.
t Strype, Memorials, vol. !., chap. 22.
182 CHAPTER III.
of Lollardism had not only arisen at Cambridge, and revisited Oxford,
but revived throughout the country. Openly and familiarly people
were calling the Pope Antichrist ; and the King was not displeased at
the unpopularity of a personage who had become his declared enemy.
To counteract this impression, the Papists endeavoured to produce
another, by circulating an obscure prediction that Antichrist would
soon come* into the world, a monster born of a Jewess, by a sort
of Satanic incarnation ; that he would perform miracles, pervert
Princes, and that a host of preachers, precisely like the " known
men," would travel over the whole world, and bring nations into
subjection to Antichrist. Strype has printed this figment from a
MS. of that time ; * and one might fancy it to be a reproduction by
some Monk, in a scarcely less monstrous form, of the old Jewish
fable of Armillus, also invented to discredit Christianity. f Specula-
tion led to action, as, whether good or bad, it always does, and
therefore should be well guarded. In this instance, the bugbear of a
Monkish Antichrist only served to quicken the spirit of inquiry ; the
persuasion that crucifixes and other images were idols became general,
and iconoclasm began again. At Dover-Court, near Harwich, there
was a crucifix called " the Rood of Dover-Court," an awful idol !
No man, its worshippers believed, could shut the church-door
as long as that rood remained within. No man dared to close
the door, which therefore stood open, day and night ; and pilgrims
from remote parts of the country now and then strayed in to pay
their honours to the god. But three good men of Dedham, Robert
King, Nicholas Marsh, and Robert Gardner, with Robert Debnam,
of Eastbergholt, were grieved at the stupid idolatry of their neigh-
bours, and determined to demonstrate that " an idol is nothing in the
world." They set out, accordingly, on a fine, clear, frosty night,
conversing cheerfully during a walk of twelve or thirteen miles, made
their way to Dover-Court church, entered by the open door, took the
Rood from his shrine, carried him away to the distance of about a
quarter of a mile, and, no power resisting, planted him in a heap
of brush-wood, threw in the tapers taken from his altar, struck fire
with flint and steel, set him on a blaze, and, lighted by him a good
mile on the way, deliberately walked home again. One Sir Thomas
Rose, the Priest by whose preaching they had been enlightened,
afterwards burnt his coat, which they had carried away ; but the
men were indicted for felony, and all, except Robert Gardner,
who escaped, were hung in chains about a year afterwards, giving
evidence of true piety, and a sincere horror of idolatry, which then
spread the more. Many crosses and images were destroyed in
various parts of the country, as at Coggeshall, Great Horksleigh,
Sudbury, and Ipswich.^ Here again the Priests attempted an anti-
dote, and by means of printing § too, circulating among the churches
* Strype, Memorials, vol. i., chap. 22, and Appendix, xlv.
t Leslie, in his " Short and easy Method with the Jews," gives their fahle of this
Armillus (Dlp'o^N). Edition of 1812, page 124.
t Fose, hook viii'.
§ Romanism still hates this modern invention of printing, \vhich the present Pope
calls an evil art. A recent illustration of this hatred is furnished from an official
THOMAS HARDING. 183
a book of Homilies, to be read on Sundays. It contained tales as
wild and foolish as any that were ever fabricated in the thirteenth
century, taken from the " Golden Legend." But, notwithstanding
this variation of the tactic, the discipline of the Church proceeded
with unvarying and unrelenting severity. Abjurations were incessant,
as they had been for some years, and executions still continued.
One day in Lent, (A.D. 1532,) while the people of Chesham, in Buck-
inghamshire, were crowding their church, Thomas Harding, a good
man, more than sixty years of age, walked into a neighbouring wood,
with a book of English prayers in his pocket, sat on a stile near the
edge of the wood, and peacefully communed with God, aided by the
manual. For twenty-six years he had borne the honourable mark
of heresy, having been, together with his wife, a member of the
persecuted church of Amersham, and, until latterly, subject to peni-
tential discipline, — walking in processions with the faggot, and
performing compulsory pilgrimages. A zealous townsman passing
by, saw Harding absorbed in meditation, and, unseen by him, ran
into Chesham, and told some of the officers of the town that he had
just seen Harding in the wood, looking on a book. The officers
instantly ran to his house to search for books, tore up the boards
of a floor, and found copies of the Bible, or of some parts of it,
concealed. To have been seen looking on a book, and to have con-
cealed the Bible in his dwelling, was criminality deep enough for
them. They took him and his books to Woburn, where was Long-
land, Bishop of Lincoln, who received him with the usual expressions
of contemptuous anger, to which he answered in very few words,
putting his trust in God. They then threw him into the well-known
dungeon, " Little Ease," * where he suffered pain and hunger for a
time, like others before him, until brought again before the Bishop,
who, from his throne, gave sentence that the relapsed heretic should
be burned to ashes ; and commanded one Rowland Messenger,
source. When the Austrians entered Florence in the spring of 1849, an edition of six
thousand New Testaments was passing through the press, by permission of the Govern-
ment, on the application of Captain Packenham, an Irish gentleman. The police seized
the whole impression, and, after an interval of at least eight months, the printer waa
prosecuted. An enlightened advocate, Signer Marri, pleaded for Benelli, the printer,
that, although the existing law prohibits any book treating of religion, ex professo, to be
printed without a preventive censure, it cannot be said that the New Testament treats
esc professo of religion. The Pandects of Justinian, he argued, or the Code Napoleon,
do not treat of law, they are the law ; and the New Testament does not treat of Christian
doctrine, for it is the doctrine. This drove the venal court to a confession of the truth ;
and in the " Monitore Toscano," official gazette of the Tuscan Government, No. XXI.,
January 25th, 1850, we find a summary of the case, with sentence on Benelli to pay a
fine of 50 scudi and costs, and forfeit the books. The court says, " Non sono i
dogmi di religione che si sottopongono a censura, ma bensi la esposizione tipografica di
quei dogmi," — " It is not the doctrines of religion " (as contained in the New Testa-
ment) " that are subjected to censure, but the typographical exhibition of those doc.
trines." The typographical exhibition, then, of the words of our Lord and his Apostles,
is at this day condemned by a tribunal acting in Italy under the direction of the Cardi-
nals. They only use the press as a last resort, for the typographical exhibition of their
own pleasure.
* Some other dungeons were known by the same name. Until the time of Howard,
it was a part of English penal discipline to torment prisoners ; and this was not to be
wondered at, when Bishops gave the example. — See " Life of Howard," and " the Lon-
don Prisons," by Hepworth Dixon.
184 CHAPTER III.
Vicar of Great- Wycombe, to see it done. Rowland gladly undertook
the charge, brought Harding to Chesham, preached the usual sermon
in the church, the good old man standing before him in the accus-
tomed manner, and next day led a party of armed men, who took
their inoffensive neighbour outside the town, chained him to a stake,
and would have burnt him alive. But the offer of forty days' indul-
gence to all who would throw a faggot on the heap had attracted a
crowd of persons, old and young, all bringing faggots. Little child-
ren, sent by their parents, tottered to the place with wood upon their
backs ; and one man, in the height of zeal to earn forty days, flung a
heavy block at his head, that crushed the skull, and instantaneously
deprived him of life.
It will be remembered that Henry VIII., pleased with " the Sup-
plication of the Beggars," received the author, Simon Fish, with
extraordinary marks of kindness, restored him to his home, and
charged the Lord Chancellor More to do him no harm. Fish died
soon afterwards, and James Bainham, a Knight of Gloucestershire,
married his widow. He was a lawyer, eminent for integrity and
benevolence, a Latin and Greek scholar, a lover of the Bible, and a
man of prayer, and therefore no favourite of the Priests ; but his
marriage with this lady, whom the Chancellor had already persecuted,
drew fresh suspicion on him, and he was formally accused of heresy.
Sir Thomas sent a Serjeant-at-arms to arrest him in his chambers in
the Middle Temple, and bring him to his house at Chelsea, where he
was kept in free prison for some time, until persuasion to renounce
his faith had failed. He was then placed in close confinement,
brought from the dungeon into the garden, tied to the " Tree of
Truth," and whipped, but still refused to submit. Thence Sir
Thomas conveyed him to the Tower, and stood by while he was
racked ; yet he would neither abjure, nor accuse any gentlemen of his
acquaintance, nor tell where his books were hidden. Torture failing,
he was taken to Chelsea again, to appear before Stokesley, Bishop
of London, (December 15th, 1531,) and undergo examination. From
the record of his answers it is evident that his views of Christian
doctrine were scriptural, matured by study, and confirmed by personal
experience. He gave them without hesitation or reserve, and sub-
scribed them with his name. On the day following he was brought
again into More's palace, and the Bishop would have accepted a
reluctant and ambiguous submission, made under the pressure of
weariness and fear, had it not been neutralized by many limitations.
He therefore committed him to a common prison until further trial,
to which he was brought after two months' confinement, and, strug-
gling hard against his conscience, abjured. He then paid a fine
of twenty pounds to the King, carried a faggot at St. Paul's, and
returned home. But shame and remorse haunted him, he bewailed
his fall, implored forgiveness of God, and could have no peace until
he had professed repentance before all his friends, and made a
public confession also. First, he repaired to the congregation of
brethren, assembled in a warehouse in Bow-lane, and uttered fervent
supplication for pardon in their presence. Then, on the next Sunday,
THE BODY OF TRACEY EXHUMED. 185
lie weut to St. Austin's church, carrying Tyndale's Testament in his
hand, and the " Obedience of a Christian Man " in his bosom, and,
standing up in his pew, and weeping, declared aloud to the congrega-
tion that he had denied God, prayed the people to forgive him the
injury done to them by his weakness, and exhorted them not to follow
his example. " For," said he, holding up the New Testament, " if I
should not return again unto the truth, this word of God would damn
me both body and soul at the day of judgment." He prayed the
people rather to die than do as he had done ; and assured them, that
for all this world's wealth he would not suffer again such a hell as he
had felt within him. Not yet satisfied, he made his repentance
as public as his abjuration, by writing letters to the Bishop, his
brother, and others, so that he soon found himself prisoner a second
time, and lay in irons for a fortnight in the Bishop's coal-house.
Thence they took him to my Lord Chancellor's at Chelsea, where he
was chained to a post during two nights ; from Chelsea to the Epis-
copal palace at Fulham, where, in various ways, they tormented him
for a week. All this he suffered joyfully, and then was scourged with
whips every day during a fortnight in the Tower of London. A brief
examination before the Bishop's Vicar-General, and a few others,
served to certify the fact of his "relapse ;" the same officer caused
him to appear once more in the church of All Saints, of Barking, read
the sentence accustomed, and the letter of his Diocesan, committing the
relapse to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London. Sir Richard Gresham,
Sheriff, was in attendance, received the confessor, took him to New-
gate, and by three o'clock of the same day saw him burning in
Smithfield (April 31st, 1532). The Sheriff used gross barbarity in
this execution. First gunpowder was employed, which mangled his
body, but left the vital organs untouched. Tlreu they set fire to a
tar-barrel, in which he was placed ; but when his limbs were
half consumed, he told the bystanders that as they looked for mira-
cles they might see one, for he felt no pain. Two remarkable cir-
cumstances are noted : one is, that he made a bold confession of the
truth, declaring to the people that every person should read the
Scriptures in English ; that the Bishop of Rome is Antichrist ; that
there are no other keys of heaven than the Gospel, nor any other
purgatory than the blood of Christ, and his cross, which is persecu-
tion ; and that Thomas a Becket was a traitor to the crown and realm
of England. The other is, that Pave, Town-Clerk of the city, who
was busiest in the execution, and loaded the martyr with hard words,
hung himself in his garret a short time afterwards.*
There is a brief record of two others burnt in the same year : John
Bent, in Devizes, for denying transubstantiation ; and a person named
Trapnel, at Bradford, in the same county .f
The Church of Rome pretends to have power over the dead as well
as the living, in both worlds, invisible and visible. The Convocation
of the province of Canterbury attempted to exercise this jurisdiction.
\\'illiam Tracey, a gentleman of Gloucestershire, had presumed to
depart from the usual form in writing his will ; for, instead of saying,
* Fose, book viii. f 1WJ-
VOL. in. 2 a
186 CHAFFER III.
" I bequeath my soul to Almighty God, and to our Lady Saint Mary,
and to all the saints in heaven," he began thus, " First, and before
all other things, I commit myself to God and to his mercy, believing,
•without any doubt or mistrust, that by his grace, and the merits
of Jesus Christ, and by the virtue of his passion and resurrection, I
have and shall have remission of all my sins, and resurrection of body
and soul, according as it is written : I believe that my Redeemer
liveth, and that, in the last day, I shall rise out of the earth, and in
my flesh shall see my Saviour. This my hope is laid up in my
bosom." As touching the wealth of his soul, he proceeded to write,
that he believed this faith sufficient, without any other man's merits
or works ; and that he accepted no other Mediator in heaven or on
earth but Jesus Christ, in whose promises alone trusting, he did not
bequeath money for any man to say or do anything for his soul.
And as touching his temporal goods, he did not believe that by their
means he could acquire any merit, his sole merit being " the faith
of Jesus Christ only," by whom alone works of charity are good. He
left nothing to the Church, but all to his family, a few smaller legacies
excepted. When his son presented this will to the Archbishop of
Canterbury to be proved, the Prelate took it to the Convocation and
read it there, demanding their judgment ; which was, that the body
of the deceased should be taken out of the ground, where it had lain
two years. This commission was sent to Dr. Parker, Chancellor of
Worcester, for execution, who not only violated the grave, but burnt
the body. The King, hearing of the outrage, which had caused
general disgust, sent for the Chancellor, who threw the blame on his
Lord of Canterbury. The Archbishop died meanwhile, and the living
delinquent had to purchase pardon by paying a fine of three hundred
pounds (A.D. 1532). •
Henry VIII. seems to have been absolute on all points, but one.
When his subjects were persecuted for heresy, he had not courage to
protect them, Anne Boleyn and her friends excepted. His rebuke
of the Priest had given umbrage to the Clergy, whom he hastened
to placate, and an opportunity soon occurred. The Bishop of
London, observing .the utmost formalities,* sent him a certificate
of having conducted an inquisition of heresy on John Frith
and Andrew Hewet, whom he had judged and condemned as obsti-
nate, impenitent, and incorrigible heretics, and, by his sentence
definitive, delivered to the Mayor and one of the Sheriffs of Lon-
don. Henry did not interpose to save them ; and thus two of his
subjects, one of them no ignoble person, were burnt the next day.
Frith was a young man, but learned, one of the noble company
of godly men at Cambridge, and also of those whom Cardinal
Wolsey had brought to his new College in Oxford, but who were
persecuted, and, after imprisonment, and a penance mitigated by
favour of the Cardinal, forbidden to go beyond ten miles from
Oxford. Frith, as we have seen that some o'thers did, secretly left
the University,, went abroad, and was associated with Tyndale in the
* Certificates of this kind were generally sent to the Lord Chancellor, (when sent ai
a!'.) who issued the writ De Kirretico comburendo.
FRITH AND HF.WCT. !87
translation of the New Testament. His learning was amusingly dis-
played at Reading, just after his return to England, \vhen, being a
stranger, and, no doubt, but meanly attired, the good folk mistook
him for a vagrant, and he was put into the stocks. To some, who
deigned to bestow a word on the vagrant in passing, he begged that
they would bring him the schoolmaster of Reading, a learned man ;
and the schoolmaster, on his arrival, thought it incumbent on him to
interject a sentence of Latin with his salutation. The Oxonian
answered in good Latinity, conversation followed, and, after
talking in Latin of universities, schools, and languages, Frith quoted
Greek also, promptly rehearsing verses of the Iliad ; and the enrap-
tured schoolmaster hied him, like a hospitable Englishman, to the
authorities of the town, complaining of the indignity done to so
learned and excellent a person. Leonard Cox had thus the happiness
of releasing John Frith, and the honour to have his name associated
with that of his new friend in the ecclesiastical history of England.
But Sir Thomas More inexorably pursued him, irritated by his supe-
rior power in controversy, which was especially displayed in a book
on the Sacrament of the Eucharist, the first written in this country
against transubstantiation. He wrote also against purgatory, and
braved More, Fisher, and Rostal, the chosen advocates of Popery.
After the fashion of his day he argued in syllogism ; but, notwith-
standing the rigour of that form, scarcely succeeded in producing
evidence that would lead our reason captive. Some of the premisses
were unsound. But the textual evidence was such as had not hitherto
appeared in the vernacular ; the reasoning, as far as it was purely
scriptural, was good, and to this work Cranmer was afterwards much
indebted for attaining to a right understanding of the subject. More
wrote an answer ; but, as soon as he could seize on his antagonist, he
had him imprisoned in the Tower, and thence brought to Lambeth,
before the Archbishop of Canterbury, then to Croydon, before the
Bishop of Winchester, and, lastly, before ah assembly of Bishops in
London. When in the Tower he lay in irons ; but even in that
uneasy position, and without any books at hand, composed an unan-
swerable refutation of Sir Thomas More's book against himself. In
presence of the Prelates he defended his doctrine as far as they would
allow him to speak, and was overpowered by force, as a prisoner ; but
as a Christian theologian he proved himself unsubdued, and when a copy
of his answers had been read, subscribed it thus, " I, Frith, thus do
think ; and as I think, so have I said, written, taught, and affirmed,
and in my books have published." The Judges continued their
importunacy, but could extract nothing more from his lips than, Fiat
judicium et justitia, " Let judgment and justice be done." Sentence,
delivery to Mayor and Sheriffs, and burning, ended the horrid ritual
(July 4th, 1533).
Frith, as we have seen by the Bishop's letter to the King, was not
alone. Andrew Hewet, apprentice to a tailor in Watling-street, had
been imprisoned for heresy, but, by help of a kind brother, filed off
his fetters, and escaped. Some persons of his own class, pretending
to be friendly to the Gospel, inveigled him into their houses, and
2 B 2
188 CHAPTER III.
gave him back into custody. The Bishops, now fairly consti-
tuted as the English Inquisition, but without the name, spent little
time on him : he professed to believe as Frith did, plainly denied the
"real presence," but, with a rustic simplicity that provoked their
smiles, told them that he was quite content to burn with Frith ;
and although he might have saved his life by a word of recantation,
preferred death and a good conscience. When the two were bound
to the same stake in Smithfield, one Dr. Cook, a Priest of London,
admonished the people that they should not pray for them, any more
than if they were dogs. Frith smiled, and prayed God to forgive
him ; but a murmur of indignation ran through the crowd.* It is
refreshing to observe that this was the last act of extreme persecution
in England for the space of about five years.
Our ecclesiastical affairs underwent an essential change. The King
was determined to divorce Catharine ; and while his Ambassadors at
Rome were instructed to use their utmost energy in negotiating with
the Pontiff and the court, Cranmer was especially intrusted with the
important service of disputing with canonists and theologians, and
engaging the favourable opinions of learned men. We are far less
interested in their judgment on a question which can as well, if not
as easily, be decided by ourselves, than in this part of the history
of Cranmer. He sustained the office of Ambassador, was called
" orator to his Csesarean Majesty," saw, for several months, the court
of Rome, with its licentiousness, astute policy, and the extreme
corruptibility of its members. In Germany he obtained a near view
of the Imperial Court, with which, however, he had little personal
intercourse ; but derived an unspeakably greater benefit from corre-
spondence with some of the leading Reformers. With Osiander,
especially, that correspondence was intimate ; and what Cranmer
then thought of clerical celibacy may be inferred from the fact that
he secretly married Osiander's niece. A married Archbishop presided
at Lambeth for the first time ; a married Archbishop-r— although no
one at his consecration might be presumed to know it — began to
sway the royal counsels in Church affairs. But previously to his
return to England for the assumption of that office, he was in com-
munication with the Elector of Saxony, the first of Protestant Princes,
and making a private overture to Spalatinus, the Elector's Secretary,
and an attached friend of Luther, of assistance from his master, the
King of England, to the Elector and confederates, in the cause of
religion (A.D. 1532). His master would have confederated with any
one for the attainment of an object ; and this is not the only example
of a Sovereign who persecuted the Reformed in his own dominions,
and patronised them abroad where they were powerful enough to be
respected ; but there can be no doubt that the enlargement of mind
gained to Cranmer by intercourse with good men, and the influence
of a Protestant wife, subsequently gave decision to his religious
character. Henry VIII. might have separated his dominions from
the See of Rome, just as the Czar separated his from the See of
Constantinople, without the slightest, spiritual advantage, had not the
* Foxe, tit supra.
CRANMER MADE ARCHBISHOP. 189
good providence of God conducted many influential Englishmen, but
especially Cranmer, into something better than a rejection of the
Bullary, the Decretals, the Clementines, and the Extravagantes.
Dr. Cranmer was nothing higher in the Church than Archdeacon
of Taunton, and King's Chaplain ; except that the Pope had just
conferred on him the dignity of Penitentiary-General of England.
Strange coincidence, that this Penitentiary-General should be wedded
to the niece of the Pastor of Nuremberg ! What penance could
atone, at Rome, for such a lapse ? But Cranmer never exercised the
functions of that office. While he was in Germany Archbishop
Warham died : Henry resolved to raise his Chaplain to the vacated
See ; and, however sudden and long the stride of preferment, it was
modest, indeed, compared with the career of Leo X., who had sent
over the title " Defender of the Faith." Cranmer meditated religious
change, while Henry meditated political. He therefore shrank from the
perilous dignity of Archbishop, and, whatever Popish writers may
say to the contrary, was undoubtedly sincere in wishing to avoid
the mitre. But the King commanded, and disobedience to his com-
mand, and especially at such a time, would have been treated as a
crime. However, he still expressed great reluctance to become an Arch-
bishop, and, at last, told the King that " if he should accept it, he
must receive it at the Pope's hand, which he neither would nor could
do : for that His Highness was the only supreme Governor of the
Church of England, as well in causes ecclesiastical as temporal ; and
that the full right of donation of all manner of benefices and
bishoprics, as well as any other temporal dignities and promotions,
appertained to him, and not to any foreign authority. And, there-
fore, if he might serve God, him, and his country in that vocation, he
would accept it of His Majesty, and of no stranger, who had no
authority within this realm." To create an Archbishop was more
than the King had expected to do when assuming the supremacy : he
had already applied to Rome for Bulls, according to custom ; and, for
the moment, he hesitated to attempt so much, and desired proof of
his right to make such an appointment. Cranmer produced passages
from the Bible and from some Fathers, and, to strengthen his posi-
tion, recounted instances of Papal usurpation, all tending to show
that Kings have, and ought to have, ecclesiastical authority within their
own dominions. The King appeared unwilling to interfere with the
Papal authority over Bishops, and consulted Dr. Oliver, a canonist, and
some civilians, who advised that Cranmer should take his oath to the
Pope under protest. He acceded to their proposal ; and, subsequently,
at his consecration, protested " that he did not admit the Pope's
authority any further than it agreed with the express word of God,
and that it might be lawful for him at all times to speak against him,
and to impugn his errors, when there should be occasion." Thus he
was Archbishop elect, and in that character took part in solemnizing
a private marriage of the King with Anne Boleyn, then Marchioness
of Pembroke. Application had been made to the Pope for Bulls
to authorize the consecration of the new Archbishop, and they came
— no fewer than eleven parchments, each to give validity to some-
190 CHAPTER III.
thing pertaining to the appointment, the pardon of Cranmer' s sins
among the rest, according to custom in such cases. But Cranmer
handed the silken-threaded parchments* to the King, refusing to
acknowledge auy other authority, and, when consecrated, caused his
protest to be recorded thrice during the ceremonies with every neces-
sary circumstance of solemn publicity. By way of complying with a
formality, he said, rather than in reality, (pro forma potius quam pro
esse,) or as deeming it to be a necessary condition, he would recite
the usual oath to the Pope, but would not abide by it.f
One of his first acts was to publish the divorce of Queen Catharine, —
an act which, if done at all, ought to have preceded the marriage with
the young Marchioness ; J and the only plea under which Cranmer
could be sheltered from the charge of participation in the immorality
of his Sovereign would be, that he regarded the union with Prince
Arthur's widow as incest, not marriage. The members of the court
of Rome were indignant, but endeavoured, at first, to ignore the
marriage and other acts prejudicial to the Pontifical authority, calling
them attempts against that authority ; until the Pope, excited by his
more zealous advisers, issued a sentence of condemnation, threatening
to excommunicate the King, unless he immediately restored every
thing to its former state, abiding by his sentence as to the lawfulness
of the marriage with Catharine. The King, on hearing this, appealed
from the Pope to a General Council ; and Cranmer, who had openly
cast off the Papal authority at his consecration, did the same. Both
these appeals were presented to Clement by Dr. Bonner, the King's
Ambassador, in an audience obtained at Marseilles, who followed
them up with threats so vexatious to His Holiness, that he was glad to
make his escape to avoid the consequences of the wrath he had
excited. Some ineffectual efforts were then made by the more wary
Cardinals to appease the anger of their chief, and to encourage the
King to hope for a favourable decision, after all, if he would again
submit his case to their judgment ; but, happily for England, the
breach was too wide to be closed. Indeed, the failure to effect a
reconciliation aggravated the quarrel, and the King carried his cause
into Parliament, where several Acts were passed, (January to March,
1534,) releasing subjects from all dependence on the court of Rome,
making unlawful all payments to Rome, and all reception or publica-
tion of Bulls, provisions, or dispensations, coming thence. High
ecclesiastical functions hitherto discharged by the Pope, or his Legate,
were thenceforth to be devolved on the Archbishops in their respective
* The leaden seals of Bulls of grace are attached to the parchment by silken threads :
and those of justice, by hempen.
t No honest man can attempt to justify this trifling with an oath. But it is easily
.ccounted for. Every Bishop in England took two contrary oaths. This was an
established usage, and the bands of conscience were universally relaxed. Abjuration,
too, became so common, that it was submitted to by multitudes as a necessary formality.
I he mass of society was so corrupted by Popish casuistry, that it is vain to look for pure
integrity anywhere, except in those few noble martyrs, whom the Spirit of God fully
enlightened, and who could not bow to customary equivocation. Craumer was not yet so
taught of God.
I The marriage took place en the 25th of January, the divorce on the 23d of Way,
TRAVELLING PREACHERS. 191
provinces, under the authority and sanction of the King, in con-
formity to the laws of Almighty God. The Commons received an
appeal from Thomas Philips, whom the Bishop of London had
imprisoned in the Tower, for possessing good books, and refusing
to abjure after the usual form, and, although he appealed to the
King, as head of the Church, had kept him there. They sent some
of their number to the Bishop, requiring him to answer their com-
plaint of his contempt of royal authority ; but the House of Lords
would not suffer the appearance of one of their number at the bar
of the Lower House. The Commons, therefore, passed an Act con-
cerning heretics, which abolished the inquisitorial practices hitherto
permitted, declared that none should be troubled for speaking against
any of the Pope's canons or laws, and provided the advantage of bail
for persons under prosecution for heresy.
But the Clergy, notwithstanding the facility with which the Convoca-
tions had allowed the title of Head of the Church to the King of Eng-
land, either covertly or openly, resisted him in their parishes and fratei'-
nities when he advanced, as in the appointment of Cranmer, from a
temporal to a spiritual supremacy, and when they saw the kingdom
separated from the Roman See. Then arose hot controversy on this
question. The King — the former antagonist of Martin Luther —
wrote a book against the Pope, whom he attacked in no mea-
sured terms as Antichrist. Many others wrote, giving an unprece-
dented activity to the English press ; and some books were also
printed by recusants to maintain the honours of their old spiritual
head. The preachers on both sides were vehement; but, in the
pulpit-battle, Henry would certainly have been worsted, having the
warmest and most genuine zeal arrayed against him. No stone was
left unturned. Travelling preachers were sent out over the country,
to preach Pope versus King. Men of eccentric habits and effrontery
seem to have been preferred for that papistical apostleship. One
Hubbardine, for example, was " a great strayer about the realm in all
quarters to deface and impeach the springing of Christ's Gospel."
His circuit was the west of England. From the pulpits he poured
forth torrents of vituperation against Luther, Melancthon, Zuinglius,
Frith, Tyndale, Latimer, and all others most excellent. He prayed
long — if prayer it- were — over his rosary, fasted with devout publicity,
rode in a long gown, trailing to the horse's heels, and affected con-
templative abstraction. But the intervals of public devotion were not
filled up by private penance. He wore no hair-shirt. The same
populace whom he harangued so fervidly, he entertained with merry
episodes after the labours of the day were over, and conciliated by
alms, a means of proselytism as old and as continual as Popery itself.
Wondrously histrionic, he recited astounding legends, stamped and
danced in the pulpit when wrought up by the excitement of his
mission, and, at last, using excessive energy in one of those frail
erections that had endured through centuries under slumbering
occupants, shook it down, broke his leg in the descent, and finished
at the same time his priestly perambulations and his life. He died
of the injury.
192 CHAPTER III.
Visions, too, had already come at the bidding of Priests. The
spirit of Becket revisited Canterbury. Elizabeth Barton, otherwise
called "the Maid of Kent," a poor sickly servant-girl of the parish
of Aldington, fell into trances, was convulsed often, and talked inco-
herently. The parish Priest,* taking advantage of the girl's weak-
ness, aggravated her irritability, and fed her vanity by persuading her
that she was the subject of supernatural influence, or suggesting that
she should profess to be, and, filling her head with the prevailing
subject, got her to prophesy, and denounce terrible punishments on
the King, if he persisted in divorcing Catharine of Aragon. By this
sort of revelation she declared herself bound to make solemn visita-
tions to a chapel of the Virgin Mary, exhibited herself there under
the mysterious influence, and uttered oracles breathing sedition,
amidst congregated thousands. Archbishop Warham had patronised
her, Sir Thomas More encouraged her, dignified Clergymen paid her
visits, some solicited private interviews in order to consult her, as
if she had been a veritable pythoness, and crowds of Monks and Nuns
made pilgrimage to her cottage. On the strength of a special revela-
tion she removed to Canterbury, claimed admission into a nunnery,
and, responding to the inspiration of one Friar Bocking, chose him,
during a vision, to be her spiritual father. She was in the height
of her glory, when the Parliament of 1 533 assembled, where the affair
was examined, her Accomplices being subjected to a searching interro-
gation in the Star-Chamber, and, on their own confession, pronounced
guilty of treasonable conspiracy. She, with six of them, was executed
at Tyburn, where, from the scaffold, she confessed the imposture, and
asked pardon of God and the King ; and six others were imprisoned
in the Tower, Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, being among them, for
misprision of treason. The Clergy of Yorkshire, of all in England
the most ignorant, and, if their Archbishop spoke the truth when
trying to palliate their conduct, the poorest, received the King's order
in sullen discontent or with open murmuring. They would not preach
any other supremacy than that of the Pope, and, eventually, broke out
into rebellion. The Convocation of York refused to advance beyond an
acknowledgment of the temporal supremacy, already made. In the
south, More and Fisher plainly refused to take the oath required ; and
although the latter was not prosecuted any further on account of- the
maid of Kent, he still remained a state prisoner, and they were both
executed with an unjustifiable severity, and died with a resignation
that we might admire, but for the recollection, that for many years
they had been sanguinary and pitiless persecutors of the children
of God, had racked their victims in the very prison where afterwards
they themselves lay, and had seen them, again and again, brought out
thence to the fire.
The contest ran high between the supreme authority of the king-
dom, and the discontented portion of the priesthood, with their
adherents. The Lollards and their friends, rejoicing in the rejection of
the Pope, hailed the improving spirit of legislation, and began to hope
that they might soon be allowed to worship God without peril to life
* Like his Italian brother in our day, patron of the " Addolcrata."
THE BIBLE TO BE TRANSLATED. 193
or liberty. These were a widely-spread and powerful party. While
the King and Parliament stood ready to suppress rebellion, not only
by statutes, but by the sword, Cranmer resorted to a legal, yet
extraordinary, method of quashing controversy. He placed all the
pulpits of his diocese under interdict, and advised the other Bishops
throughout England to do the same, in order that political preaching
might no longer keep the public in a state of agitation ; but promised
to permit his preachers to resume their vocation as soon as they
should be furnished with an authorized manual for their guidance.
He also set an example of episcopal diligence by visiting his diocese.
The orders for the regulation of preaching and " bidding of the
beads " * were published in due time, and contained a prohibition
of " the General Sentence," a very comprehensive form of cursing
that had been read in all the churches four times every year, for the
terror of those who might have interfered with the functions of the
Priests, meddled with the goods, disputed the honours, withheld the
revenues, or infringed on the liberties of the Church. It was framed
according to the highest ultramontane notions of Papal prerogative,
and, of course, included heretics in the heap of transgressors to
be swept away into perdition. In short, it was a punctual and
diffuse counterpart of the Papal sentence against the King and
Legislature of England that had been exhibited at Dunkirk, followed
by a solemn excommunication like that pronounced and acted on
account of Benet in the cathedral of Exeter. These maledictions
were no more to fall upon the public ear. Bishops were strictly
ordered to see that the King was mentioned in the bidding and
prayers in the churches every Sunday under his proper style,
" supreme head;" and for one year some specified points of doctrine
in dispute were not to be treated of in sermons. Peace being so
far attempted, Cranmer proceeded to a greater work. He had
abolished the periodical cursing of heretics in the General Sentence.
Shaxton and Latimer were made Queen's Chaplains, and, on the vaca-
tion of two sees by the expulsion of Campeggio and Ghinucci, promoted
to be Bishops. By a slight exercise of prerogative, he had exempted
two ladies of rank from the necessity of frequenting the parish
churches, by allowing them chapels, anywhere on their estates, where
worship might be performed with some degree of independence,
imperceptibly opening the way for a reformed service, should that be
found necessary. He therefore engaged his friends to support him
in Convocation, when proposing that the King should be petitioned to
order a translation of the Bible into English. The petition was
agreed to without any difficulty ; but, by way of counterpoise, the
Convocation " unanimously did consent that the most Reverend Father,
the Archbishop, should make instance in their names to the King,
that His Majesty would vouchsafe, for the increase of the faith of his
subjects, to decree and command that all his subjects in whose
possession any books of suspect doctrine were, especially in the
* Delivering the lidding for prayers that the people ought to offer. It is used now,
but rarely, by some of those Ministers who cling to antiquated usages. Before sermon
they say, " Let us pray for," &o.
VOL. III. 2 C
194 CHAPTER III.
vulgar language, imprinted beyond, or on this side, the sea, should be
warned, within three months, to bring them in before persons to be
appointed by the King, under a certain pain to be limited by the
King." The futility of such edicts had been proved abundantly ; and
therefore Cranmer and his supporters had little reason to be dissatisfied,
now that the Convocation had committed themselves to a work which
their own Church had always resisted, for which so many faithful men
had shed their blood, and which, but four years before, they had solemnly
declared to be inexpedient. The law of the Church, too, as far as
ascertained, was absolutely against the reading of the Bible in a vulgar
language; and the indulgence of allowing it, when accompanied by
notes approved of by ecclesiastical authority, was, as yet, unknown
in Popery. This act of the Convocation of Canterbury, (December
19th, 1534,) may therefore be marked as a formal commencement
of reformation within the Anglican Church. And as for the petition
to the King to call in Protestant books, it does not appear to have
been acted on ; but, on the contrary, he issued a proclamation (A.D.
1535) against "seditious books," written, to his prejudice, in favour
of the Pope.
The execution of Queen Anne Boleyn furnished a mournful episode
for the history of this reign. As Henry had sacrificed Catharine, his first
wife, to a guilty passion for her successor, so does he devote his second
to death, when he had become enamoured with Jane Seymour. Impatient
of the obligation to " love, honour, keep, and protect her in sickness
and in health," (sanam et infirmam,*) he had regarded Catharine with
disgust, on account of some infirmity ; and now that Anne has dis-
appointed him by giving birth to a dead child, and some enemies
of religious reformation, and therefore her enemies, have suggested
that this is a mark of God's displeasure, his morbid conscience is
stirred up to serve his unbridled passion. Knowing that the
gravity of Catharine's deportment had displeased him, Anne Boleyn
studied to be gay. He suddenly loathed her caresses ; and wretches
were not wanting to report some trifling instances of girlish levity,
with surmises, and even affirmations, of a criminality that was never
proved, and which, considering her previous conduct when Henry him-
self would gladly have subdued her virtuous self-command, as well as her
reverence of religion, and knowledge of sacred truth, is utterly incre-
dible. The only witness against her was a man whom she was not
permitted to confront on trial, and who, it is reported, made a false
confession under promise of pardon, but was afterwards hanged, in
order to conceal the plot. While she was in the Tower, charged with
treason, the King bethought himself of an expedient for evading the
odium of having burnt his wife, — for, according to the letter of the law
in such a case, an unfaithful Queen should have been burnt. As it
was remembered that a former suitor, the Earl of Northumberland,
had made her a promise of marriage, he caused the validity of his
marriage with her to be called in question. That fact was insufficient.
But the afflicted Queen, hoping that her doom might be made less
dreadful by submitting to a divorce, and persuaded, in her simplicity,
* Thus it stands' in the Manuals of Salisbury and York.
ANNE BOLEYN BEHEADED. 195
that she had been virtually married to Northumberland, said, in
general, when questioned by Craumer, as Archbishop of Canterbury,
that there were "just, true, and lawful impediments." Cranmer
could not avoid proceeding on that confession, and, to his grief, was
obliged to pronounce the King and Queen divorced. It might have
been enough to declare that the marriage itself was null : but terror
and compulsion set aside legal accuracy, and Anne Boleyn, no longer
called Queen of England, was beheaded, two days afterwards, on
Tower-Hill, instead of being burnt, and the very day after the execu-
tion Henry married Jane Seymour, without a blush.
Convocation and Parliament soon met, (June, 1536,) and, as far as
it pertained to each, gave assent and confirmation to the murderous
transaction ; the one acknowledging the divorce as just, the other
the execution as legal. As supreme head of the Church, under
God alone, and exercising over it royal prerogative, which with
him was absolute, the King sent Cromwell, his Vicar- General, who sat
beside the Archbishop, and saw the King's pleasure carried into
execution by the Clergy. It was well that Henry allowed himself to
be governed by Cranmer, except when wrought up by the more crafty
leaders of the Popish party, particularly Gardiner, Bishop of Win-
chester ; and, at this time, Cranraer in reality wielded the regal as
well as patriarchal authority over the subservient Clergy, and having
the representative of the Sovereign beside him, and supported by the
piety and learning of Latimer, and the zeal of Shaxton, Bishops
of Worcester and Salisbury, he had no difficulty in effecting a large
innovation on the ancient system. A long catalogue of erroneous
doctrines, as they were called, was sent up from the Lower to the
Upper House. It consisted of soundly evangelical propositions, and
absurd perversions, mere individual fancies, or popular follies, mingled
therewith in order to discredit them. Cranmer and his friends, on
the other hand, had cautiously prepared a plan of partial doctrinal
reformation, wherein much error was retained, yet such essential
truths were introduced as could not but lead to an eventual change.
It was accepted, had the royal sanction, and was recorded in the Acts
of Convocation.* The holy Scriptures, with the Apostolic, Nicene,
and Athanasian Creeds, were declared to be the standard of faith, and
the four Councils of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon
were acknowledged as authoritative interpreters. Scholastic authorities
were rejected. Worship of images was declared to be idolatry,
although the images themselves remained, and might be honoured as
before, the preachers instructing the people that such honours were
but non-essential ceremonies. Purgatory was declared uncertain.
Auricular confession, however, was to be retained, and transubstan-
tiation taught. But the door of reformation was opened yet wider
by another act. The Pope had summoned a Council to meet at
Mantua, and cited the King to appear there, he having previously
appealed to a General Council. The King, on his part, was indig-
nant that others had convened a Council without consulting him ;
and he entertained, in common with the Protestants, many well-
* Out of which Fuller copied it. — History, book v., cent, xvi., sect. 34, 35.
2 c 2
196 CHAPTER III.
founded objections to the constitution and the place of the proposed
assembly. The Convocation, therefore, gave their judgment against
it ; and Henry himself " protested against any Council to be held at
Mantua, or anywhere else, by the Bishop of Rome's authority : that
he would not acknowledge it, nor receive any of their decrees." The
pens of both parties were again sharpened, and truths, for which
many had been put to death in this very reign, were insisted on both
by the King and the Reformers.
Parliament advanced another step. By one enactment every emis-
sary of the Pope " still practising up and down the kingdom, and
persuading people to acknowledge his pretended authority," was to
be liable, after the last day of that month,* to the penalties of a
preemunire. The preamble of the Act is exceedingly, but justly,
severe on the Bishop of Rome, who "had long darkened God's word,
that it might serve his pomp, glory, avarice, ambition, and tyranny,
both upon the souls, bodies, and goods of all Christians, excluding
Christ out of the rule of man's soul, and Princes out of their
dominions." By another Act, passed three days after the former, all
Papal immunities, privileges, and pluralities were abolished ; and all
persons who enjoyed such by virtue of Bulls, were commanded to
deliver those documents into the Chancery, or to such persons as the
King should appoint. But it should be lawful for the Archbishop
of Canterbury to grant them anew, under the Great Seal, to those who
had held them.
All this time the visitation of the province of Canterbury was going
on by the Archbishop, or under his direction ; and it became necessary
to visit that of York, where the Convocation openly resisted the Acts
of Parliament, and desired that they might be repealed. But the
York visitation was made impracticable by a simultaneous insurrection
of the Papists in several counties, which it required a little army to
subdue, having almost risen into civil war. The visitation of monas-
teries still proceeded, and the discovery of scandals, as the Priests
would gently designate monastic abominations, called forth universal
indignation. We blush while reading the authenticated records of
licentiousness, too filthy to be transcribed on pages intended for
general perusal ; and as for the superstition that was fostered in those
" dark habitations," it can only be regarded with pity, derision, and
contempt.f A few monasteries and convents merited exemption from
* The bill passed its last reading on the 14th of July, 1536.
t Strype gives " the Inventory of the Relics of the house of Reading. Imprimis, —
Two pieces of the holy cross. S. James's hand. S. Philip's stole. A bone of Mary
Magdalene, with other mo. S. Anastasius's hand, with other mo. A piece of S. Pan-
crate's arme. A bone of S. Quintin's arme. A bone of S. David's arme. A bone
of Mary Salome's arme. A bone of S. Edward the. Martyr's arme. A bone of S.
Hierom, with other mo. Bones of S. Steven, with other mo. A bone of S. Blase,
with other rao. A bone of S. Osmund, with other mo. A piece of S. Ursula's stole.
A jawbone of S. Ethelmoln. Bones of S. Leodegary and of S. Herenei. Bones of S.
Margaret. Bones of S. Arnal. A bone of S. Agas, with other mo. A bone of S.
Andrew, and two pieces of his cross. A bone of S. Frideswyde. A bone of S. Anne,
with many other." A visitor, writing to Cromwell from Bristow, (Bristol,) does his
jlics greater honour. Instead of placing them in inventory, he sets forth their merits.
" By this bringer, my servant, I send you relics. First, two flowers, wrapped in
white and black sarcenet, that' on Christen -Mass even, hurd ipsd, qud Ctiristus natvs
PERSECUTION IN SCOTLAND. 197
this general censure, and were recommended to be spared ; but, first,
about three hundred and seventy, and eventually all, were suppressed.
Never had the public mind been so powerfully awakened to examine
into the reasons of established customs, the rights of ancient institu-
tions, and the verity or falsehood of doctrines hitherto commanded to
be believed on peril of damnation. Neither the King, nor even
Cromwell and his brethren, could reach the conclusions avowed by
the old Lollards, revived by the continental Reformers, especially the
Sacramentarians, so called, of Switzerland, and now maintained by
multitudes in England. Injunctions were issued to the Clergy, who
differed widely among themselves, to bend the people to the half-way
doctrine sanctioned by the Convocation and its royal head, and some
were imprisoned for going beyond the mark prescribed ; but as well
might the clouds have been bidden to refrain from raining.*
We stay again to look beyond the Tweed. The King of Scotland
was in utter subjection to the Priests, and flattered by the tinsel honours
of the Roman Bishop, who feared lest he should be drawn into closer
alliance with his uncle, Henry VIII. Yet the very man into whose ear he
had committed confession of sins, — and they were many, — received the
truth of Christ into his heart. Alexander Seyton, his Confessor, was
a Dominican Friar, a man of good learning, and well read in holy
Scripture. During the days of Lent, (A.D. 1530,) he preached in St.
Andrews, affirming that the law of God had not for many years been
truly taught, because men's traditions had obscured its purity. In
his sermons were reiterated and proved the following propositions : —
" Christ Jesus is the end and perfection of the law. There is no sin
where God's law is not violated. Man cannot make satisfaction for
sins, which are remitted on unfeigned repentance, with faith, appre-
hending God to be merciful in Jesus Christ his Son." The devotees
and Priests listened to hear him tell of purgatory, indulgences, pil-
grimages, relics, saintly miracles, and such like ; but he passed on,
intent on preaching Christ, finished the sermons, left St. Andrews, and
went to Dundee without having honoured Romish mummery with so
much as a sentence of approbation or denial. They then took the
pulpit, and endeavoured to preach down the salutary truths. Hearing
of this, he hastened back, caused the bell to be tolled, and sent
round the town a notice that he would preach once more. It
was an earnest sermon, clearer and fuller than any one preceding, and
contained such sentences as these : " Within Scotland there are no
true Bishops, if Bishops are to be known by such notes and virtues as
St. Paul requires." " It behoves a Bishop to be a preacher, or else
he is but a dumb dog, and feeds not the flock, but his own belly."
How far it was wise and right for him to preach to the people the
chap. 35.
* Foxe, book viii. j Strype, Memorials of Henry VIII. ; Biirnet, and Fuller.
J98 CHAPTER III.
duty of the Bishops, may be a question. It might have been much
better for him to keep to the exposition of evangelical doctrine, and
the disproof of error, for the benefit of his congregation, leaving the
Bishops at the bar of God ; but so it was. He had caught the pre-
vailing spirit of opposition to a most degraded and licentious priest-
hood, and could not keep silence. Informers ran to the Bishop of
St. Andrews, and the same hour Seyton stood before him charged
with having vilified his order. The preacher's defence was wise, and
delivered with the rude wit that marked the old Scotch Reformers :
" My Lord, the reporters of such things are manifest liars." The
reporters were confronted with him, and they insisted that he had so
spoken, which he steadily denied, to the amazement of all the com-
pany, until, addressing the Bishop, he concluded thus : " My Lord,
ye may hear and consider what ears these asses have, who cannot
discern betwixt Paul, Isaiah, Zachariah, and Malachi, and Friar
Alexander Seyton. In very deed, my Lord, I said that Paul says, ' It
behoves a Bishop to be a teacher;' Isaiah said, ' that they that feed
not the flock are dumb dogs ; ' and Zachariah says, ' they are idle
Pastors.' I, of my own head, affirmed nothing ; but declared what
the Spirit of God before had pronounced." The Bishop was mortified
by this unanswerable sally, and sought occasion to dislodge him from
the confidence of his Sovereign. Nor was it difficult to do so. The
Confessor had dealt faithfully with James ; his counsels were unwel-
come to the Prince who could not brook any restraint on the indul-
gence of his appetites, and to whom " he smelt," as he said, " of the
new doctrine." He therefore gave ear readily to the courtiers who
were engaged to speak evil of so uncourtly a Confessor, and gave
such clear indications of displeasure, that Seyton, foreseeing its effect,
withdrew into England. From Berwick-upou-Tweed, however, he
sent a letter to the King, offering to return, meet the accusers in his
presence, and bear the consequences, even unto death, if he might
but have a fair hearing. But James would give no such guarantee,
the messenger did not return, and he prosecuted his journey, preached
in England, suffered persecution from Gardiner, and was at length
compelled to make some kind of submission, and do penance at Paul's-
Cross.*
The legislators of Scotland — if they might bear that honourable
title — emulated the obedient Parliament-men of the south, and re-
enacted a law made ten years before against them that should hold,
dispute, or rehearse the damnable opinions of the great heretic,
Luther, ordaining that, as that realm had ever been clean from "all
sic filth and vice," no native or foreigner who might arrive in any
sea-port should bring Lutheran books, nor should any one receive or
conceal the same, nor countenance their doctrines or opinions. The
penalties were to be confiscation of the ships and cargoes, and impri-
sonment of the delinquents. And the secular authorities were also
empowered to punish, by seizure of their property, persons who con-
temned the horrible sentence of cursing, and had at the same time
been fined, these fines being now legalized as recoverable debts (A.D.
* Knox, Reformation in Scotland, hook i., an. 1534.
POPISH LAWS IN SCOTLAND. 199
1535).* But the word of God, that cannot be bound, was already
within the realm, and Monks read it in their cells. John Lin, a
Grey Friar, threw off his habit. John Keiller, a Black Friar, and
religious dramatist, represented the Priests and Bishops under the cha-
racters of Scribes and Pharisees, in a play having for its subject our
Lord's passion. Keiller himself appeared on the stage in Stirling on
a Good-Friday morning : the King was present, according to cus-
tom, amidst a large audience ; and the satire was so obvious, — pro-
bably so rude, — that the Clergy and their followers clamoured for
vengeance on the author. Friar Beveridge, of whose offence there is
little distinct record, and Duncan Simpson, a Priest, with Robert
Forrester, a gentleman, are only known as involved in the same perse-
cution, for eating flesh in Lent, and assisting at the secret marriage
of a Priest. Dean Thomas Forrest, a Canon regular, and Vicar of
Dollar, obtains a more conspicuous position in the party. He
preached every Sunday, unveiled the mysteries of Christianity by
expounding the holy Scriptures to his congregation in the vulgar
tongue, and added to these delinquencies the invidious aggravation of
having remitted some part of their dues to his parishioners. Him the
Bishop exhorted to refrain from practices that threw a shade of dis-
credit on Ecclesiastics who never preached, nor ever abstained from
receiving the accustomed contributions, and to content himself with
merely preaching now and then from a good Epistle, or a good
Gospel, if perchance he found one. The Vicar replied that, " to him,
all the Gospels and Epistles were good." The Bishop thanked God
that he never meddled with them, nor went beyond his Portessef and
Pontifical, and dismissed him as incorrigible. They were all burnt
in one fire on the Castle-Hill, Edinburgh (February 28th, 1538)4
Either to supply a verbal deficiency in the existing laws, or, more
probably, to counteract the influence of the repudiation of the Pope
by England, the Scotch Parliament further enacted, "That na maner
of Persoun argou nor impugn the Papis Auctorite, under the Pane
of Deid, and Confiscatioun of all thare Gudis, movable and unmov-
able." But the same Parliament acknowledged, that the dishonesty
and misrule of kirkmen, and their deficiency of wit, knowledge, and
manners, had brought them into contempt ; and therefore the King's^
Grace exhorted and prayed openly all Archbishops, Bishops, Ordi-
naries, and other Prelates, and every kirkman in his own degree, to-
reform themselves and those under them in habit and manners towards
God and man ; and commanded them to provide due administration
of sacraments, and celebration of divine service. On the other hand,
conventicles were forbidden, and private meetings to converse about
religion, unless authorized theologians, approved by famous univer-
sities, were present to instruct. Every abjured heretic was required
by the King to keep utter silence touching religion, and submit withal
to live in poverty and disgrace, holding " no honest estate, degree,
* Keith, Hist, of Church and State in Scotland, book i., chap. 1.
t Portesse, porthose, portass, portuse, portuese, &e., is the Breviary, or daily
Prayer- Book-
I Foxe, book viii.
200 CHAPTER III.
office, nor judicature, spiritual nor temporal, in burgh nor without,
nor in any wise should be admitted to be of his council." Fugitives
— and many of the worthiest subjects of the realm were then fugi-
tive— were placed beyond possibility of restoration to their homes ;
and whoever should presume to solicit anything on their behalf, was
to be punished as a favourer and assistant of heretics. The feeble-
ness of persecuting laws, however, was acknowledged the same day, in
a declaration that the obnoxious doctrine was taught and spread in
secret congregations ; and a moiety of the property confiscated was
offered to any person who would discover the members or frequenters
of such conventicles, even though he had himself been one (A.D.
1540).* Low, indeed, must have been the national standard of moral-
ity and honour ; and with such laws before us, we can scarcely refrain
from asking those who complain of the excesses of the early Scotch
Reformers, whether the prevalent barbarism and impiety of Scotland
in the sixteenth century is not equally manifest in the conduct of all
parties. A contrast with England can scarcely be concealed ; but
the superiority of our own Legislature in those times, servile as it
was, and cruel, may be attributed to the facts that, even long before
Wycliffe, the Anglo-Saxon Scriptures were known, and that witnesses
to evangelical truth arose from time to time. Such an one wrote
" the Ploughman's Complaint."
Emulating the zealots of Edinburgh, those of Glasgow proceeded
to destroy Hieronymus Russell, a Cordelier Friar, and Kennedy, a
young man of eighteen. To urge the Bishop forwards, three persons
were sent, probably by the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to assist at
their examination. When Kennedy found himself in the presence
of his persecutors, his courage wavered, and he would have recanted,
had not the Spirit of God again empowered him to rise above dread
of death. Then he knelt down, and with a cheerful countenance
made confession thus : — " 0 Eternal God, how wondrous is that love
and mercy that thou bearest unto mankind, and unto me, the most
caitiff and miserable wretch above all others ; for, even now, when I
would have denied thee, and thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, my only
Saviour, and so have cast myself into everlasting damnation ; thou,
by thine own hand, hast pulled me from the very bottom of hell, and
makest me to feel that heavenly comfort which takes from me the
ungodly fear, wherewith before I was oppressed. Now I defy death,
do what ye please. I praise God, I am ready." His elder com-
panion bore meekly the scoffs of their judges ; and the Bishop, sub-
dued by the spirit that sustained them, pleaded against putting heretics
to death, and would have interposed authority to spare the victims.
But in such a case he had no authority ; and when he expressed his
conviction that it would be better to spare those men than to put them
to death, the emissaries who surrounded him threatened to proceed
against himself for heresy, if he failed to execute the pleasure of the
Cardinal. He then pronounced the sentence, and the two brethren,
comforting each other in hope of a glorious immortality, triumphed
over death. f
* Keith, book i., chap. 1. f Knox, book i.
BUCHANAN AND BORTHWIKE, FUGITIVES. 201
Historians variously characterize James V. One thing, at least, is
certain, that from childhood he was enslaved to the Priests, and made,
with scarcely any intermission, the instrument of their policy and
pleasure. We have seen how he cast off his faithful Confessor, and
sanctioned an Act of Parliament that made it criminal for any one
even to pronounce a word in favour of Alexander Seyton in the royal
presence. George Buchanan, whose reputation as a Christian poet
yet lives, was employed as tutor of some illegitimate children of the
King, who once, when out of humour with the Monks, and afraid to
breathe his displeasure openly, bade Buchanan write a satire on them.
He wrote " the Franciscan," a short piece of Latin poetry, and presented
it to his royal master, who had the vileness to give him xip to those
very Monks on their demand for vengeance on the writer. He was
imprisoned, and eventually fled the country.
Sir John Borthwike was one of the most eminent fugitives. He
had spoken well of the English Reformation, declared against the
Pope and ecclesiastical abuses, and professed some points of evange-
lical doctrine, gathered not only from Erasmus, but from the New
Testament, and the writings of Luther, Melancthon, CEcolampadius,
and others. A numerous company of Prelates and dignitaries assem-
bled to pronounce judgment on his case after he had fled into Eng-
land ; condemned a series of articles which he afterwards maintained
in writing ; and sagely determined, that for the terror of other
heretics, his portrait, a true likeness, should be painted, carried round
the town, and burnt. The living original being beyond their jurisdic-
tion, his picture was carried through St. Andrew's in solemn proces-
sion, for the entertainment of the King, and Mary of Lorraine his
consort, recently arrived from France. Sir John's property was con-
fiscated, as of course, and his name consigned to infamy, by a sentence
that, in reality, confers honour on them who suffer it (A.D. 1540).*
While the Scottish Parliament was framing the above-cited laws
against heresy, and endeavouring to fence round Scotland against
the irruption of " new doctrine '* from England, the King of
England, bent on counteracting foreign influence on the island,
and anxious to unite both countries under one crown, held much
correspondence with James, his nephew, and proposed to meet him
for the purpose of conferring on measures that might promote
the union. It was agreed that they should meet at York, and
Henry went thither at the appointed time. But James did not
make his appearance. The Priests had interfered, dreading inter-
course with a heretic, and the King of England, not of a nature
to brook the indignity, became hostile to Scotland. An irregular
border-warfare followed : the Scottish nobility were cool ; but the
Clergy, who had promised to spend their wealth on a war with this
country, in order to keep out heresy, and had obtained their King's
promise to put a large number of noblemen to death on charge
of heresy, in compensation for the liberal subsidy promised by the
Church, collected a large force, and crossed the Solway, to attempt an
invasion of England, but were shamefully dispersed without striking
* Foxe, book viii. ; Knox, book i.
VOL. III. 2 D
202 CHAPTER III.
a blow. James was so shocked that he fled into the country, arid
died of grief. The Cardinal of St. Andrews forged, as it was believed,
a document bearing the King's signature, but written on blank paper,
to be afterwards filled up, appointing himself head of a regency during
the minority of a Princess newly born. The Earl of Arran, supported
by the nobility and people, successfully disputed the validity of the
paper, and was appointed Governor of Scotland. A political change
which then took place is described by the historians of both countries ;
but it chiefly concerns us to notice that, during a temporary reaction
against the Cardinal and Clergy, the religious Reformation of Scotland
began in earnest.
The first public act was performed by the same authority that had
so recently legalized the utmost vengeance upon heretics. James,
Earl of Arran, tutor of the infant Queen, and Governor of the king-
dom, presided. Lord Maxwell, a representative of that party of the
nobility which had been most jealous of the ascendancy of the Clergy
in the preceding reign, proposed (March loth, 1543) that it should
be declared * lawful to read the Bible in the vulgar tongue. The
Bill set forth that it was statute and ordained that it should be lawful
to all the Queen's lieges to possess the Old and New Testaments in the
vulgar tongue, in English or Scottish, iu any good and true transla-
tion, and that they should incur no crime for having and reading
of the same ; " providing always that no man dispute or hold
opinions,-^ under the penalties contained in Acts of Parliament."
The Lords of Articles confirmed the Bill. They restored suspended
animation, but bade their patient hold his breath. The Clergy knew
that if Scotland lived it most assuredly would breathe ; and therefore
the Archbishop of Glasgow, Chancellor of the kingdom, presented a
formal " disassent " on behalf of himself and all the Prelates
present, requesting that it should be left to a Provincial Council to
determine whether " the same were necessary to be had in the vulgar
tongue or not," and thereafter to determine whether or not it should
be allowed. This " disassent " hindered not the passing of the Bill,
probably, without debate ; the sanction was annexed ; and two days
afterwards the citizens of Edinburgh heard it proclaimed at me
market-cross, that the New Testament might be read, and that a sup-
ply of authenticated copies would be published. Mr. Sadler, Ambas-
sador from Henry VIII., at the request of the Governor, wrote to
England for Bibles, and asked his Sovereign to send the Earl a copy of
the statutes and injunctions issued by the English Parliament for the
reformation of the Church and abolition of the Pope's authority.
Thomas Williams and John Rough, both members of the Earl's house-
hold, preached against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, and
adoration of images. Some preachers came from England, and the
churches resounded with doctrine hitherto unheard. But the move-
ment was too sudden, and depended too much on the will of the Earl
of Arran, whose caution soon overcame his political zeal. He
renounced the opinions so impetuously avowed, reconciled himself with
* As in England, nine years before.
t The same vain restriction was also attempted in England.
CARDINAL D. BEATON IN SEARCH OF HKRETICS. 203
Cardinal Beaton and the Church, and dismissed his Chaplains, with
every servant or retainer that was known to advocate the reformation
of either discipline or doctrine.
In order to wash away the stain of heresy from himself, he turned
hotly against the cause he had espoused ; and a parliamentary record
(December 15th, 1543) attests, that he himself caused it to be shown,
and proposed to the assembled states, how there was a great murmur
that heretics more and more arose and spread within the realm, sowing
damnable opinions contrary to the faith and laws of Church and State.
He exhorted all Prelates to institute a general search for heretics, and
promised his help at all times " to do therein as accorded him of his
office ;" that is, to put them to death, which was all that the Inqui-
sitors left for the secular power to perform. The Pope's Legate in
Scotland, whose business was to deliver money for sustaining that
country against England, to promote the interests of France, and
exhort to persecution, fulfilled his mission, and returned to the thresh-
olds of the Apostles, enraptured with the orthodoxy and zeal that
he had witnessed. Cardinal Beaton, after some months had elapsed,
determined to make a progress, or visitation, in search of heretics.
Accompanied by the Earl of Argyle, Lord Justice General, Lord Borth-
wick, the Bishops of Dunblain and Orkney, and a train of gentlemen,
they impressed awe on the trembling lieges in their course. At Perth
they were gratified by the delation of several persons who had dared
to " hold opinions" contrary to Act of Parliament. Three or four
were banished ; some were imprisoned. Five men and one woman *
were condemned to die. Although the words of an Act cited above
might have been interpreted to prohibit intercession, many did inter-
cede for these good people, but in vain. Beaton was inexorable, and
caused the men to be hanged, arid the woman to be drowned (A.D,
1545). Yet, in the dialect of the Inquisition, they would hardly have
been called dogmatizing heretics. They had not preached. The
worst offence consisted in contradicting a Friar during his sermon,
who had affirmed that without prayer to saints there could be no
salvation. Another had treated an image of St. Francis with disrespect,
and eaten roast goose on All Saints' eve. Another was suspected
of keeping company with heretics. Another had carved a Papal tiara
on the staircase .of his house, which was considered contemptuous.
The woman had refused to pray to the Virgin, when in child-bed, but
called upon God, through Jesus Christ, the divine Mediator. When
about to suffer for this offence, she took her infant from her breast,
and begged the authorities of Perth to take care of it. She then saw
her husband with the others scourged, then hung, and was herself, at
last, plunged into the flood.
This done, and the visitation ended, Beaton assembled a Provincial
Council at Edinburgh, to consult for the utter suppression of heresy,
and, if we may believe them, for restraining the licentiousness of
Clergymen. The Bishops had congregated, and were proceeding to
* William Anderson, Robert Lamb, James Ronald, James Hunter, James Finlayson.
and Helen Stark, his wife. It may be observed that the wife, in Popish countries, did
not usually take her husband's name. Neither does she now in Spain and Italy.
2 D 2
204 CHAPTER III.
deliberate, when a piece of welcome intelligence called them from
deliberation to immediate action. Master George Wishart, a zealous
Gospel preacher, was reported to be in the castle of the Laird
of Ormiston ; and his apprehension was, before all other things, to be
effected. We must relate his history somewhat at length.
Many years before, people reported to the elder Cardinal Beaton
that George Wishart, master of the Grammar-school at Montrose, was
teaching his boys to read the Greek Testament. The Cardinal, or
the Bishop of Brechin, acting under his instructions, dismissed the
innovator ; and it is even said, that Wishart was banished * for
this offence. He left Scotland, and travelled on the Continent.
The next notice of him is at Cambridge. He was known there
(A.D. 1543) as Master George of Benet's College, a tall man,
with black hair trimmed close, a full black beard, a mild and
thoughtful countenance ; wearing a " round French cap of the
best," attired in a long frieze gown, that covered plain but
good apparel, which he gave away to the poor whenever changed.
His accent strongly national, his manners courteous. He abounded
in information gathered in travel, and was learned, humble, apt to
teach, abstemious, devout, and liberal in the charitable distribution
of his private property, — which was considerable, he being member of
a family of importance, the Wisharts of Pitarrow.f When Henry VIII.
sent an embassy to Scotland after the death of James V., Wishart
went with it, remained there, preached during the short period of the
Earl of Arran's favour towards the Reformation, and continued to do
so after his desertion. John Knox, who received much benefit from
the instruction of Wishart, describes his ministrations while proclaim-
ing the Gospel of salvation, and endeavouring to evade the pursuit
of his enemies. First at Montrose, among his earlier friends, he
expounded the doctrine of Christianity; and then proceeded to Dundee,
where he occupied the pulpit, until one Robert Mill, a principal
person of the town, and formerly a professor of the truth, publicly
inhibited him, in the name of the Queen and Governor, from troubling
their town any more. Wishart paused, raised his eyes in prayer, and
then, looking sorrowfully at the speaker and the people, said, in few
words, that he never intended their trouble, which would be far more
grievous to himself than to them. He told them that at the hazard
of his life he had remained at Dundee, and to chase him away would
not deliver them from trouble, but rather bring them into it, for God
would send them messengers that would neither fear burning nor
banishment. But he would leave them, confiding the defence of his
innocence to God. " But," said he, "if it long prosper with you,
I am not led with the Spirit of truth: if trouble unlooked for
apprehend you, acknowledge the cause, and turn .to God, for he is
merciful ; but if ye turn not at the first, he will visit you with fire
* Of the dismissal there can be no doubt; but that Wishart was baniahed, or, if
banished, by what authority, is not so certain.
t Of French extraction. Gerdes gives the name Guiacard. In a Scottish document
cited below, it is spelt /fist-hart. Was there any Waldeusian tradition iu that family ?
His " French cap never changed," and his urbane manners, distinguish him remarkably.
GEORGE WISHART. 205
and sword." Having thus spoken, he came down from the pul-
pit, and was surrounded by the Lord Marshal and many other noble-
men, who begged him to remain, and offered shelter in their houses,
and protection from violence ; but he would not consent, and forth-
Avith left Dundee, crossed the Tay, and, after preaching from place to
place, "offered God's word" to the inhabitants of Ayr, who received
it gladly. The Cardinal then desired Dunbar, Bishop of Glasgow, to
proceed to Ayr with his retinue, take possession of the church, and
try to preach down the innovation. The Bishop obeyed ; and as he
entered the town, a strong party of nobility and gentry entered also, and
would have retained the pulpit by force ; but Wishart refused to enter
into so unseemly a conflict with an ecclesiastical superior, and took
his station at the market-cross, where he delivered a sermon that con-
founded even his enemies. The Bishop, failing to get any better
congregation than his own train, and a few poor dependents, with-
drew after one brief attempt. Supported by men of influence, he
preached in a church in Kyle, among the children of the old Lollards
of Kyle, at Galston, Bar, and elsewhere, where the lay-patrons were
favourable ; but the sacred edifices were often closed against him. At
Mauchlin, where the patrons shut the doors, some zealous parishioners
would have opened them, led by one Hugh Campbell ; but Master
George would not be thus introduced to any pulpit. " Brother,"
said he, " Christ Jesus is as potent in the fields as in the kirk ; and I
find that himself oftener preached in the desert, at the sea-side, and
other places judged profane, than he did in the temple of Jerusalem.
It is the word of peace which God sends by me : the blood of no
man shall be shed this day for the preaching of it." Taking Christ
as his ensample, he walked out of the town, the multitude following,
and, ascending a gentle eminence, «oon saw thousands sitting or
standing around. There he spoke from the fulness of his heart for
more than three hours, was heard without weariness ; and in that
congregation Lawrence Ranken, Laird of Shell, a notoriously wicked
man, yielded to the demonstration and power of the Holy Spirit.
Tears flowed down his cheeks, to the amazement of all, and the reality
of his conversion was afterwards attested by a godly life. God
honoured this wandering preacher as he never had mere court
Reformers.
When Wishart had last preached in Dundee, and was forbidden, in the
name of the Queen and Governor, to trouble that place any longer, he
predicted * that God would send some judgment on the town for having
* Knox and others affirm that he possessed the gift of prophecy. To deny that God
has ever enabled any of his servants, since the apostolic times, to utter a prediction
of events that He only could foresee, would be to encounter facts that many of the wisest
and best of men believe to prove the contrary. But to pronounce on any of those facts
until after the most searching investigation, such an investigation as is in many instances
impracticable, would be foolish. We are beset with error on either hand. Popery and
fanaticism have their false prophets. Rationalism, too, has its prophets, its men
of "insight," enjoying, as they boast, a perpetual inspiration, supplementary to, and
perfective of, the inspiration of holy Scripture. That inspiration this sect reduces
to a level with the pseudo-inspiration of Mohammed, Confucius, Milton, Byron, New-
man, Froude, Carlyle, aud any dreamer that may fancy himself under the afflatus, or
taught by the inner light. If Savonarola, Wishart, and other good men did utter super-
206 CHAPTER III.
rejected the Gospel. Four days after his departure the plague broke
out, and carried off a very great number of persons daily. Reports
of this visitation became, in succession, more and more alarming ; until
he, bearing no hinderance, resolved to hasten back and preach Christ
to the smitten population, trusting that God would " make them now to
magnify and reverence that word, which before, for the fear of men,
they set at light part." No sooner did he reach Dundee than he gave
notice for his first sermon at the east gate of the town, the healthy
standing within, and the convalescent and suspected on the outside.
The text was, " He sent his word, and healed them." The opening
sentence, " It is neither herb nor plaster, 0 Lord, but thy word, that
heals all." He told the people of the dignity and power of God's
word ; the punishment of contempt thereof ; the promptitude of God's
mercy to such as truly turn to him ; the happiness of those whom
God takes to himself. From the preaching-station he proceeded to
visit the sick and the dying, and all his energies were spent in minis-
tering the word of life, and guiding the distribution of temporal
charity, afforded by the more affluent inhabitants. The force of Dun-
dee was with him, and no common Inquisitor of heresy would then
have dared to apprehend the honoured benefactor. Yet a desperate
ruffian was found, John Wighton, a Priest, bribed by the Cardinal, as
it was reported, to assassinate him. The man stood at the foot
of the steps within the east gate, his gown hanging loosely, and a
knife or dagger concealed under it, ready to strike. Wishart had
eyed him closely during sermon, came down directly on him, and sud-
denly grasped his arm, exclaiming, "My friend, what would ye do ?"
The weapon was surrendered ; the Priest fell on his knees, imploring
pardon ; the people rushed on him with vengeance ; but Wishart
embraced the intending murderer, and cried : " Whosoever troubles
him shall trouble me ; for he has hurt me in nothing, but has done
great comfort both to you and me. He has led us to understand what
we may fear. In times to come we will watch belter" Thenceforth
a sword was always carried before him ; and it is worthy of remem-
brance, that the sword-bearer of Wishart was John Knox.
The plague had abated, and some gentlemen of the west wrote to him,
requesting that he would meet them at Edinburgh, where they would
invite the assembled Bishops to refute him, if they could, in order that
he might be heard in public disputation. Willing to confess Christ any
where, he consented, and prepared to set out on the journey. First,
however, he determined to revisit the church at Moutrose, where he
remained for some time, occasionally preaching ; but chiefly occupied
in study, meditation, and prayer, as if girding himself for the last
natural predictions, their gift will be distinguishable from the Popish and rationalistic
counterfeit ; but this is the very question to be decided. On the other hand, brutish
and sensual infidelity scoffs at supernatural influence, and denies the reality of extraor-
dinary spiritual gifts. This is the common expression of human unbelief, and against
this every " spiritual man " most earnestly protests. The writer of this note believes
that there have been a few instances of supernatural prediction,— a very few. But he
does not commit himself to any judgment of such instances in the present work, since
judgment must be sustained by facts, as well as arguments, adduced at far greater
length than is here admissible.
GEORGE WISHART. 207
battle. The Cardinal was also meditating — how to evade the public
disputation. One day a letter was brought to Wishart, written, as it
seemed, by his most familiar friend, the Laird of Kinneir, stating that
he was seized with sudden sickness, and wished to see him imme-
diately. The bearer brought a horse, Wishart mounted, and, attended
by some friends, had ridden a short distance, when he abruptly drew
up, sat silent for a few moments, and then turned the horse's head,
saying, " I will not go. I am forbidden of God. I am assured there
is treason. Let some of you go to yon place, and tell me what they
find." They went, and found sixty spearmen, lying in ambush within
a mile and a half of Montrose, waiting to murder him. The Cardinal
had sent a forged letter, and prepared for murder, but failed this
second time.
The time to proceed towards Edinburgh for a public disputation
with the Bishops was come, and, resisting the entreaties of the Laird
of Dun, who foreboded evil, he left Montrose. Passing through Dun-
dee, he lodged in the house of a faithful brother, about two miles
further on, and there passed a night of anguish. Stealing from his
chamber when all seemed to be asleep, he went beyond hearing of the
house, fell on his knees and prayed, and then, prostrate on the ground,
lay groaning. His host, with another, had heard him rise, followed
unperceived, and listened, at some distance, to his groans and prayer,
interrupted and made indistinct with weeping. Pressed by them,
next morning, for an explanation of the incident, he told them that
he was assured that his work was nearly finished, and bade them
pray that he might not shrink when the battle should wax hot.
This betrayed the conflict ; but he strove to comfort them by an
assurance that, after he and many more had suffered, God would .
enlighten the realm with Christ's Gospel, as clearly as was ever any
land since the days of the Apostles ; and that, despite Satan, the
house of God should be built, and the very top-stone brought on with
perfection. Thence, by way of St. Johnston, (Perth,) and Fife, he
reached Leith, expecting intelligence from Edinburgh. But no word
came. His friends were not there, and he kept himself secret, suffer-
ing great perplexity. It was determined, however, that on the
Sunday following he should preach at Leith. He did so, expounding
the parable of the sower to a great congregation. To avoid danger,
as the Cardinal and Governor were expected at Edinburgh, he left
Leith, and lodged with several friends in succession, to elude pursuit,
in Brownston, Long Niddry, and Ormiston. The next Sunday he
preached twice in the church at Inveresk, beside Musselburgh, to a
great concourse of people ; and, at the close of the afternoon sermon,
Sir George Douglas addressed the congregation, desiring that the
Governor and Cardinal, who had then reached Edinburgh, might
know that he had not only attended at the sermon, but would main-
tain the doctrine he had heard, and the person of the preacher, to
the uttermost of his power. On two more Sundays he preached in
Tranent to multitudes, and alluded to the probable nearness of
death. Lastly, he reached Haddington, and there it became evident
that his career was nearly ended. The people feared to attend, and
208 CHAPTER III.
each congregation was smaller than the one preceding. Then came a
letter to inform him that his friends had relinquished the purpose
of meeting him in Edinburgh. It reached him just before going into
the pulpit for the last time ; when he found but about a hundred
hearers, denounced, under very strong feeling, the indifference of
Haddington, then recalled his thoughts, gave a brief exhortation
respecting the precepts of the second table of the Decalogue, and
closed his ministrations by declaring that the spirit of truth was not
only on his lips, but in his heart. Bidding farewell to his friends,
and causing the sword to be taken from John Knox, as no longer
needed, he took leave of Haddington. Knox begged permission still
to follow him ; but he said, " Nay, return to your bairns," (his
pupils,) " one is sufficient for a sacrifice. God bless you." Attended
by a strong company of Lairds, and their servants, he walked to
Ormiston. The Laird of Ormiston entertained them. After supper
he discoursed concerning the death of God's children, and, in pros-
pect of that eternal repose, his pensive countenance brightened into a
sweet and elevated smile, as he ended with, " Methinks that I desire
earnestly to sleep : we'll sing a psalm." The friendly company rose,
devotions being ended, to go to their apartments. " God grant quiet
rest," said Wishart, and hastened to his. Before midnight a large
body of armed men surrounded the place, that none might escape to
call for help. The Earl of Bothwell demanded admission. He came
by authority of Arran and the Lords of Council, to whom he had
obliged himself to deliver up " Maister George Wischart " before the
end of the month (January, 1546). The Earl told the Laird, that it
was useless for him to hold out, as both Governor and Cardinal were
close at hand with a resistless force ; but " if he would deliver the
man unto him, he would promise, upon his honour, that he should be
safe, and that it should pass the power of the Cardinal to do him any
harm or scathe." Yet the Earl had already bound himself to give him
up to the Governor, " under all the hiest pane and charge that he
mai incur, giff he falzies herintill." Alas ! we know that neither words
of honour nor oaths are valid when they serve not the pleasure of the
Church. Under the -verbal assurance, the Laird submitted the matter
to Wishart himself, who instantly decided : " Open the gates : the
blessed will of my God be done." With heavy heart the hospitable
Laird saw the gates opened. Bothwell entered with his train, and the
Earl's prisoner saluted him thus : " I praise my God that so honour-
able a man as you, my Lord, receives me this night in the presence of
these noblemen ; for now I am assured that, for your honour's sake,
ye will suffer nothing to be done unto me besides the order of the
law. / am not ignorant that their law is nothing but corruption, and
a cloak to shed the blood of saints : but yet I less fear to die openly,
than secretly to be murdered." Bothwell answered with a promise,
not only to preserve his body from illegal violence, but to retain him
in his own hands and in his own place, until either he should make
him free, or restore him to that place again ; and called on all
present to witness. The delighted Lairds volunteered that, on the
fulfilment of that promise, they themselves would serve the Earl
GEORGE WISHART. 209
all the days of their life, and procure all the professors within Lothian
to do the same, and that, when that " servant of God " should be
delivered to them again, they would deliver to his Lordship their
" band of man-rent in the manner aforesaid." Bothwell was not a
Jesuit ; but neither was the darkest craft of Machiavelli, nor is that of
" the Society," a shade worse than the everlasting spirit of Romanism
itself. Bothwell took his prey from Ormiston to the Cardinal, who
was waiting at Elphinston, but one mile distant, and so, within a few
minutes, flung his honour to the winds. To crown the perfidy, the
Cardinal instantly sent back a stronger force, who brought the Lairds
of Ormiston and Brownston, and the son of the Laird of Calder, and
confined them in the Castle of Edinburgh. There was Wishart also
immured, until returned, for form's sake, to Bothwell, who, having
been bribed by both Cardinal and Queen, sent him, bound, to the
Castle of St. Andrews.
Many days had not elapsed, when the Dean of St. Andrews entered
the prison, and, with unmeaning formality, summoned him to appear
before the Cardinal and Bishops in tbe abbey church on the next
morning. The Prelates were conducted to the abbey by the Cardi-
nal's servants, armed to the teeth, with his Eminence at their head ;
and Wishart, in custody of the Captain of the Castle, and a hundred
soldiers, was taken thither to undergo interrogation. But he dis-
played no fear. Entering the church-door, he observed a poor man,
impotent, like him who waited for alms at the Beautiful gate of the
Temple, threw him his purse, now no longer needed for himself, and
walked into the presence of the Lord Cardinal and Bishops, where he
stood while the Sub-Prior pronounced an oration on the parable of
the tares and the wheat, affirming, in contradiction to the sacred text,
that both ought not to grow together until the harvest, but that
heretics should be burned forthwith. The confessor was then caused
to ascend the pulpit, where, without betraying the least emotion, he
heard a Priest read, with excessive vehemence, a paper full of accusa-
tions, mingled with cursings. After reading that document, the
Priest, covered with perspiration, and red with rage, spat in his face,
and cried, " What answerest thou to these sayings ? thou renegade !
traitor! thief!" Remembering Him who answered not a word,
Wishart knelt dpwn in the pulpit, offered a short prayer in silence,
and then, in the strength of God, gave his answer, begging to be
allowed a hearing, and professing faith in all the fundamental truths
of Christianity. Eighteen articles, each prefaced by " thou heretic,
traitor, and thief," or some such form of vituperation, were read, and
to each of them he briefly answered ; but no heed was given to reason
or expostulation ; and the Bishops, be it observed, passing by the
secular power, and in contempt of an injunction of the Governor,
who, jealous of their interference in a question of life, had desired that
he should be reserved to the civil jurisdiction, condemned him to be
burnt. But before pronouncing the sentence, they caused the people
to leave the church ; it was then read, and the Cardinal sent him back to
the Castle until fire should be ready. The fire was prepared on the west
side of that building ; and, to guard against any attempt at rescue by
VOL. III. 2 E
210 CHAPTKR IIT.
the friendly Lairds, the Castle guns were pointed towards the spot, a
gunner standing with a lighted brand by each. A party of soldiers
then brought him out, having his hands bound, with an iron chain
passed round his body, and a rope round his neck. Some Friars
officiously wearied him, at every step, with exhortations to pray to the
Virgin ; but he answered meekly, " Tempt me not, my brethren."
Being rid of them, he first knelt down and prayed ; then addressed
the crowd, firmly, but with Christlike gentleness ; forgave the execu-
tioner, according to custom, and bade him " do his office." He was
swung on the gibbet, and his body consumed. No sooner did the
people of St. Andrews see his noble frame suspended and quivering,
than they burst into wailing, and dispersed, terror-stricken, and medi-
tating retribution (March 1st, 1546).
Not only the multitude, but persons of rank, declared that they
would avenge the death of Wishart on the Cardinal. A few weeks
afterwards a party of sixteen broke into the Castle of St. Andrews, and
murdered him, — the last Cardinal that ever was in Scotland. The
murderers fancied themselves justified in shedding his blood ; and
James Melvin, described by Knox as " a man of nature most gentle
and most modest," after bidding the others do the work and judg-
ment of God with greater gravity, exhorted the wounded Cardinal, as
he sat pale and bleeding in his chair, to repent of his wicked life ;
but especially of the blood-shedding of that notable instrument of
God, Master George Wishart, which they were sent of God to revenge.
He further told him, that he was not moved to take his life by any
personal resentment or fear, but only because he had been an obsti-
nate enemy of Christ and his holy Gospel ; and then transfixed him,
with a short sword, twice or thrice. Thus perished Cardinal Beaton,
breathing out, as he sank on the floor, only these pitiable words, " I
am a Priest — I am a Priest — Fie ! Fie ! — All is gone ! " (May 29th,
1546.) His death was not worse than his demerit; but the cool
vengeance, the impious atrocity of the murderer, preaching, as he
held a drawn sword to the breast of the Cardinal, must awaken an
emotion of horror in every well-instructed mind. The wrath of man
worketh not the righteousness of God ; and George Wishart, could he
have spoken from his ashes, would have unsparingly declared the
guilt, which no lecture on the lawfulness of tyrannicide can palliate.*
" The blood of no man," he had said, " shall be shed for the preaching
of the word of peace."
Those were dark, unhappy times. Good and evil were strangely
mingled, even in the same persons, and the historian mourns as he
pursues the current of events. While idolatry was partially discou-
raged, and Papal authority utterly set aside, in England, laws against
heresy were multiplied. The supremacy of the King over the Church
was preached up zealously, even by such bigots as Longland, Bishop
of Lincoln ; but royalists and Papists alike hated Him who is head,
in all things, over the Church. The history of John Lambert brings
a humiliating illustration of the state of our country in this reign.
* Knox, History of Reformation in Scotland, book i. ; Keith, History of Church and
State in Scotland, book i., chapters 1— 4 ; Foxe, book viii.
JOHN LAMBERT. 211
When Bilney was at Cambridge, his instructions and example were
instrumeptal, as we have seen, in conveying light to the hearts of
many, among whom was John Lambert, a native of Norfolk,
then making great proficiency in the learned languages. To avoid
persecution, he went over to Antwerp, joined Tyndale and Frith, and
officiated as Chaplain to the English merchants ; Antwerp being then
the first commercial city of Europe. Sir Thomas More, availing him-
self of the power allowed to England over English subjects there, in
the Intercursus Magnus, or " Great Treaty," had him brought over to
London, on the accusation of one Thomas Barlow, and examined,
first at Lambeth, then at Warham' s house at Otford, before Arch-
bishop Warham. Forty-five articles were collected against him, reduced
to a written document, and placed in his hands, with the intention, no
doubt, of engaging the prisoner himself to supply further materials for
condemnation. Shut up in the Archbishop's house, without books,
and entirely dependent on the resources of his memory, he produced
a copious answer to those articles, replete with learning and evangeli-
cal truth. He would probably have been burnt then, but Warham
died, and the prisoner was released. He then enjoyed liberty under
the influence of Anne Boleyn, Cranmer, and Cromwell, and, laying
aside his priestly character, obtained a livelihood by teaching Latin
and Greek. Not apprehending any danger, he took the liberty, one
day, after sermon in St. Peter's church, of soliciting conversation
with Dr. Taylor, the preacher, on some points of doctrine. Dr.
Taylor desired him to set down his arguments in writing. The
subject was the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, and
Lambert gave ten reasons to prove that they were not really present
on the altar. Dr. Taylor entered fully into the controversy, conferred
with his friends thereon, and, among others, with Dr. Barnes, a man
deeply engaged in the advancing Reformation, but no less zealous
against the Sacramentarians, as they who denied transubstantiation
were called in England. Dr. Barnes advised his friend to consult
Cranmer, who had not yet quite cast off the prevailing error, but
adopted the middle notion of Luther, and, intent on repressing what
he conceived to be erroneous, sent for the new opponent, and required
him to defend his cause in the Consistory. Impatient of the dog-
matism of the Bishops, and imagining that the King would be an
impartial judge, or would, at least, protect him from violence, he
appealed to His Majesty from the ecclesiastical Judges, and, after
returning home, wrote a treatise, addressed to Henry, whom he
regarded with entire confidence, and whom he trusted to bring over
to his more reasonable and scriptural opinion. And he might have
succeeded, if Anne Boleyn had been there to interpose her influence ;
but she was beheaded, and Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, bent on
restoring Popery, suggested that, in order to disabuse those who
thought the King to be an abettor of heresy, and to recover the confi-
dence of those of his subjects who were still zealous in favour of the
Church, Henry should punish the Sacramentarian, and, with his
blood, satisfy multitudes of disaffected. The King caught the idea,
and instantly prepared to carry it into execution. Lambert had
2 E 2
212 CHAPTER III.
appealed to him as head of the Church ; and in that character he
determined to give judgment, and to do so with all possible solemnity.
A royal commission summoned all the nobles and Bishops of the
realm to assemble at Whitehall, to assist the King against heretics and
heresies, on a day appointed (November 10th, 1538).
Thither came the hierarchy of Church, and the aristocracy of State.
Eminent above all, the King, supreme theologian, attended by a
numerous guard, all clothed in white, symbolizing the purity of the
doctrine they were that day to defend ! On his right hand sat the
Bishops, robed in full splendour ; and, behind them, a large company
of the chief lawyers in the kingdom, clad in purple. Left of the
throne, were the Peers of the realm, Justices, and other nobles in
their order ; and, behind these, the gentlemen of the King's privy
chamber. John Lambert, tainted with the infamy of a former perse-
cution, a poor schoolmaster, who had dared to tread on ground that
even Priests were scarcely authorized to occupy, was confronted with the
royal Defender of the Faith, — dread Sovereign, in whose presence the
highest orders of both estates, the secular and ecclesiastical, crouched
in mute submission. When Henry had seated himself on the throne, he
cast a contemptuous frown on the heretic, unsupported, except by the
Omnipotent, and then commanded Dr. Day, Bishop of Chichester, to
declare to the people the cause of the present assemblage. The
Bishop, in a brief oration, interpreted His Majesty's design to let all
states and degrees of men see that the sinister opinion should not be
conceived of him, that now, the authority and name of the Bishop
of Rome being utterly abolished, he would also extinguish all religion,
or give liberty to heretics to perturb and trouble the churches of
England, of which he was head, without punishment. " Neither,"
said the Bishop, " should any think that they were assembled there
to dispute, but only to refute, and openly to condemn, the heresies
of that man, and of others like him."
Next the King, standing erect, and leaning forward on a " cushion
of white cloth of tissue," turned towards Lambert with gathered
brow, and after an awful pause, all eyes being fixed upon himself, he
gruffly addressed the culprit. " Ho ! good fellow, what is thy name?"
Dropping on his knee, he gave answer : " My name is John Nichol-
son, though of many I be called Lambert." " What, have you two
names ? I would not trust you, having two names, although you
were my brother." "0 most noble Prince ! your Bishops forced me
of necessity to change my name." Henry questioned him, after
many irrelevant questions and rejoinders, as to his doctrine of the
sacrament, and heard him say explicitly, " I deny it to be the body
of Christ." He then commanded Cranmer to refute him, which the
Archbishop essayed to do, but with characteristic gentleness : " Brother
Lambert, let this matter be handled between us indifferently, that if I
do convince this your argument to be false, by the Scriptures, you
will willingly refuse the same ; but if you shall prove it true by the
manifest testimonies of the Scripture, I do promise, 1 will willingly
embrace the same." Cranmer was, no doubt, sincere. He could not
but have felt the force of- the very arguments he was commanded to
JOHN LAMBERT. 213
refute ; and perhaps was not unwilling to see the Bishops of England
drawn into a controversy that might shake their confidence in the
doctrine of real presence, as his was already shaken. Ten Bishops
were ready, each to combat one of Lambert's ten reasons ; but they
were incontinent of zeal, and could not wait their turn. They raged
and scoffed. The King sustained the credit of his headship by excel-
ling virulence ; and at the end of five hours, the persecuted man stood
weary, as a lamb marked for slaughter, and half worried by dogs.
Now and then a quotation from holy Scripture, or a brief sentence
from St. Augustine, was all that he could utter. To argue, to plead, to
remonstrate, was impossible. The farce of disputation had lasted from
mid-day until five o'clock. It fell dusk, torches were lit, and even the
King's vanity was sated after the protracted exhibition of his powers :
so he brought the matter to a close, by addressing Lambert thus :
" What sayest thou now, after all these great labours which thou hast
taken upon thee, and all the reasons and instructions of these learned
men ? Art thou not yet satisfied ? Wilt thou live or die ? What
sayest thou ? Thou hast yet free choice."
Lambert. — " I yield and submit myself wholly unto the will of your
Majesty."
King. — " Commit thyself unto the hands of God, and not unto
mine."
L. — " I commend my soul unto the hands of God, but my body I
wholly yield and submit unto your clemency."
K. — " If you do commit yourself unto my judgment, you must die ;
for I will not be a patron unto heretics. Cromwell, read the sentence
of condemnation against him." Cromwell shuddered. To disobey
the King would but have involved him in the certain death of Lam-
bert. He took the schedule of condemnation, ready written as it
was, read it, and saw him dragged away to prison.
On the day appointed for his execution, he was brought, at eight
o'clock in the morning, to Cromwell's house, taken to an inner room,
and from the same lips that had pronounced his condemnation,
received a sincere prayer for pardon. Thence he was conducted to the
hall, sat at breakfast with several gentlemen, and conversed with solemn
cheerfulness as one to whom death had no longer any sting. Thence to
the fire. There his sufferings were extreme. First, they contrived to
burn off his legs, leaving the body untouched, and then, raising him
on the points of pikes, held him over the fire, until, driven away by
the heat, they let him fall into it. His dying sentence was, " None
but Christ! None but Christ!" *
Encouraged by the King's anxiety to discountenance heresy, the
Clergy immolated other victims. Robert Packington, a mercer in
Cheapside, brother of Austin Packington, who had aided Tyndale by
selling his Testament to the Bishop of London, when he burnt the
* Foxe, book viii. Burnet differs in some particulars from Foxe, whose narrative is
full, and apparently more exact. Fuller and others show no mercy to Cranmer, because
he argued against Lambert, and used no means to save him. They forget that Cranmer
then differed from Lambert, and that his credit at that time with the King was muck
diminished. Gardiner and others had almost supplanted him.
21-1 CHAPTER III.
copies, leaving Tyndale to print an improved edition with the money he
had paid, was shot, early one morning, on his way to church. Dr.
lucent, Dean of St. Paul's, confessed, when on his death-bed, that he had
paid an Italian to commit the murder. One Collins, a madman, was
burnt in Smithfield because he had, unconscious of offence, imitated
the gesture of a Priest in elevating the host, by holding a little dog
over his head. Cowbridge, another madman, was burnt at Oxford for
some harmless eccentricities. Three others, at least, were burnt in
Suffolk on trifling accusations.*
The enemies of reformation redoubled their diligence to counteract
the labour of its friends. In the Convocation assembled nine months
before the burning of Lambert, six articles of religion, all Popish,
had been sharply discussed, and affirmed by the majority. Severe
injunctions against Lutheran books had again been published ; and
Sacramentarians, who denied transubstantiation, were also marked as
heretics. Anabaptism, an effect of extreme reaction against the
sacramentalism of the dominant Church, was included in the con-
demnation. When the Convocation next met, (April, 1539,) the Six
Articles were again discussed, finally adopted, and sent to Parliament
for acceptance into the body of English law. Cranmer opposed them
strenuously, arguing against them for three successive clays ; but his
opposition could not prevail against the pleasure of the King, whom
the Convocation and Parliament presumed not to disobey. Persuaded
of his integrity, and needing his services, Henry indulged him in
dissent, and sent him permission to withdraw from Parliament during
the vote ; but he excused himself for non-compliance with that sug-
gestion, and acquitted his conscience by remaining there, at all
hazards, to vote against them. After the close of Parliament, the
King commanded Cromwell, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and
other Lords, to go and dine with the Archbishop at Lambeth, com-
mend him for his sincerity and perseverance in maintaining what he
conceived to be the truth, and bid him not to be discouraged l;y any
thing that had passed in Parliament contrary to his allegations. The
terrible Six Articles affirmed, 1. Transubstautiation ; 2. Communion in
one kind; 3. Celibacy of Priests ; 4. Vows of "chastity" or widowhood;
5. Private masses; and, 6. Auricular confession. Offenders against the
first article were to be burnt, as heretics and traitors, without permission
to abjure, with forfeiture of goods, and other penalties of treason.
Denial of the other five was to be treated as felony. Nor did the
Papists fail to see the law enforced. Latimer and Shaxton would
have been among the first victims, but for the interest of Cromwell,
who himself soon fell. They both resigned their bishoprics, and were
both imprisoned : Latimer was afterwards released, but martyred in
the reign of Mary ; Shaxtou recanted, and, like some other renegades,
became distinguished as a persecutor of his former brethren. Many
were burnt, as we shall presently relate ; the German Reformers with-
drew in disgust from negotiation for union with England ; Melancthon,
whom the King had treated with constant marks of esteem, wrote
him a long and earnest letter of expostulation, but ineffectual to
' * Foxe, iit supra.
LORD CROMWEI.t, BEHEADED. 215
obtain any mitigation of the Act ; and had the Pope established his
throne in Westminster, more terrible persecution could scarcely have
been apprehended than that which now seemed imminent. Many
fled from England. Yet the Bible, perhaps because it had served the
King in argument against Rome, was treated with some reverence.
Lord Cromwell obtained letters patent from him, wherein he professed
to believe that " by the better knowledge of God's word the people
would better honour God, and observe and keep his commandments,
and do their duty to their Prince" He therefore allowed them to
read the Bible in English ; and appointed Cromwell to see that certain
restrictions, protective of Grafton, printer of the Large Bible, were
observed. But no one was to presume to utter his private judgment
as to the sacred text, that being reserved to the Clergy.
We shall not pursue the wearisome relation of Acts of Convocation
and Parliament, intended to coerce England into a special mode
of belief and worship, to adopt, without any freedom of judgment,
the single conception of the supreme head then upon the throne ;
nor stay to recount the sorry tale of his marriage and divorce from
his fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, and marriage of a fifth, Catharine
Howard. Lord Cromwell, his most faithful servant, and a sincere pro-
moter of the Reformation, had been a principal agent in the suppres-
sion of monasteries ; and in a multitude of acts had excited the greater
number of the Clergy to a state of exasperation that threatened to over-
turn the throne. To escape the odium of those measures as far as
possible, the King sacrificed his Vicar-General. The Duke of Norfolk,
uncle of Catharine Howard, whom he now wished to marry, challenged
Cromwell, at the Council-table, with treason ; in the King's name,
arrested him instantly, and sent him to the Tower. In the act of
attainder we find him charged with all sorts of misdemeanours ; but
the greatest prominence is given to his leniency towards heretics, and
participation in their proceedings. This was undoubtedly true, but was
not unknown to his master, whom Rome would have dethroned for the
same offence : for he was at the same time courting Lutherans abroad,
and burning them at home. Lord Cromwell was beheaded on Tower-
Hill (July 28th, 1540).
Two days after his death there was a great burning and hanging in
Smithfield. Three Papists,* for denying the King's supremacy, were
hung, drawn, and quartered. Three Protestants, Robert Barnes,.
Doctor of Divinity, Thomas Garret, and William Jerome, were burnt.
Dr. Barnes owed his conversion to Bilney, at Cambridge, where he
sustained the charge of Prior of the Augustine monastery, and
laboured hard and successfully for the revival of learning in the Uni-
versity ; and was a devoted member of the spiritual church, whose-
members, as yet undistinguished by any distinct form of discipline,
were united in secret study and prayer, under a strong bond of bro-
therly confidence. Often did one of those brethren hazard his life to
save another. Dr. Barnes had been forced to abjure several years
before, but subsequently rose into favour, and honourably served the
King on an embassy in Germany. But when Gardiner rose into
* Edward Powell, Thomas Abley, Richard Fetherston.
216 CHAPTER III.
power, he was, by his contrivance, entangled in controversy, and sent
to prison. Thomas Garret, Curate of Honey-lane, in London, had
gone down to Oxford about fourteen years before, laden with good
books, which he sold to the " Gospellers " there, and himself entered
the University. After some time he was apprehended, then broke
prison, and wandered about the country in disguise, until discovered
and taken again. The sole offence of William Jerome, Vicar of Stepney,
was that he had preached justification by faith in a sermon at Paul's-
Cross on the fourth Sunday of the Lent preceding ; not attacking
Romish errors, but passing over them in silence. Three hurdles were
drawn to the fire, a Papist traitor and a Protestant heretic on each.
The martyrs wondered at the suddenness of their execution, it being
without any previous notice or form of trial. Their fellow-sufferers
were in equal ignorance. " Know ye wherefore I die?" Dr. Barnes
asked the Priest, his mate, after they were taken from the hurdle :
" I was never examined, nor called to judgment." " No," said the
other, " I know nothing, but thus we are commanded." People were
astounded at seeing the sword of justice cut both ways ; and a
foreigner, standing in the crowd, and seeing Priests and heretics so
strangely coupled, asked what religion the King was of, supposing —
and with reason — that he was of neither, or of none.
All persons in authority, civil and ecclesiastical, were bound by
oath to enforce the Six Articles throughout the kingdom. The Bishop
of London headed a body of Commissioners for inquisition in the
metropolis. Delinquents were brought over from Calais to suffer the
intended penalty ; and through all England it was found that the
articles, the King's religion, were habitually violated. Imprisonments
were therefore shortened, and penances lightened, to avoid encounter-
ing graver inconveniences by attempting to enforce an impracticable
law. It need scarcely be said, that the proceedings of the Popish
party were excessively capricious and vexatious. The Bible had been
published under royal authority, and the printer, Graf ton, was pro-
tected, commercially, by a patent. But, spiritually, there could be no
protection for any man ; and he and his colleague, under whose eyes
the proofs had, passed, and whose understanding, at least, must have
been enlightened by the important labour, were punished for not
observing ceremonies that it pleased Henry VIII. to declare necessary
for salvation. The Bible was permitted to be read, but the readers
were forbidden to dispute, or to entertain new opinions. Six copies
of the sacred volume were chained to pillars in St. Paul's cathe-
dral, that all who chose, or were able, might read. But few of the
laity could read, fewer could read well ; and these very few were often
requested to read aloud, that the blind multitude might hear. Then
the readers were formally persecuted. Perhaps the most conspicuous
of those readers was John Porter, a fine young man, of noble bearing,
clear voice, and great intelligence. He not only read the text, but
sometimes answered questions, or interspersed brief explanatory sen-
tences with the reading. He devoted himself to studying, as well as
to the occupation of reading, the book of God ; and delivered to mul-
titudes truths gathered from the first source of truth, and gleaned
PRONUNCIATION OF GREEK. 217
from the sermons of those who were also learning at the feet of Christ.
Bonner, although the volumes were exhibited in St. Paul's, at his own
reluctant command, sent for the young man, angrily rebuked him for
presuming to expound Scripture, and raise tumult. Nothing could
be more untrue than the latter part of the accusation, but it was
then alleged hourly against good men : John Porter was sent to New-
gate, and laid in irons. By the entreaty of a relative, the gaoler
released him from the fetters that had become insufferable, removed
him from the cell, and placed him among the other prisoners, felons
and murderers. In that vile society the good Scripture-reader could
not keep silence, but exhorted them to repentance ; for which offence
Bonner had him thrown into a dungeon, and put into an iron machine
invented to get rid of incorrigible prisoners. His head and limbs
were stretched, and his body pressed ; at every throe of agony the
distention and pressure increased ; and after the torture of a night,
his body was found crushed and lifeless. This may prepare us to
read more of Bouner in the next chapter. Longland, Bishop of Lin-
coln, burnt two in one day ; Thomas Bernard, for teaching the Lord's
prayer in English, and James Morton, for having an English trans-
lation of the Epistle of St. James ; and this he did when the whole
Bible was printed, published, and set out in all the churches, by the
King's command.
Could men have refrained from speech in those days, they might
have avoided much pain ; unless a new Act of Parliament had made
gesture criminal. Mr. Cheke, Greek Lecturer in the University
of Cambridge, presumed to breathe a literary heresy. Vowels and
diphthongs, long (>]) and short (e), and consonants of different
organs, were in those days confused. The breach of orthoepy was in
effect a breach of grammar, and Mr. Cheke laudably taught his
learners how to speak. The Bishop of Winchester, being Chancellor,
forbade what he was pleased to call an innovation, and would listen
to no remonstrance. Pestilence (AOJJU.OJ) and famine (AJJU.OJ) were all
one to him ; and could he have sent forth destroying angels, Cam-
bridge and Oxford would soon have been void of Grecians as well
as Gospellers. In a barbarous parody he declared at once against
grammar and Christianity ; and likened thirsting after truth to the
accursed thirst of 'gold.*
Thus classic innovation troubled Cambridge ; and the zealous
Bishop issued an edict against distinguishing on and e, 01 and st from
j in sound, graciously suffering them to be distinguished by the pen.
And his pastoral fidelity shone with equal lustre in an admonition to
the University, through his Vice-Chancellor, concerning diet. Some
Regents of the University had " very dissolutely used themselves in
eating of flesh " in the last Lent : some courtiers had done the same ;
but " the King's Majesty, by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost," as
Gardiner profanely said, had set them in order ; and my Lord
commanded the dissolute flesh-eaters of Cambridge to be fined, and
* Virgil, too truly, says : — " Quid non mortalia pectora cogit Auri sacra fames ? "
The stubborn Chancellor wrote, " Sed quid nou mortalia pectora cogit Veri quau-eudi
fumes ? "
VOL. III. 2 F
218 CHAPTER III.
subjected to private penance for their transgression, under threat of a
public inquisition. He would " withstand fancies even in pronunci-
ation, and fight with the enemies of quiet at the first entry" (May
15th, 1543). Oxford was also visited, at his instigation, with an inqui-
sition of heresy, several Gospellers were detected and punished, and
one of them, named Quinby, was imprisoned in the tower of his college,
until he died of cold and hunger.
The law of the Six Articles having been enforced so rigidly in Lon-
don and the Universities, it was thought desirable to visit royal
Windsor also, before making inquisition throughout the king-
dom. One Dr. London, who had served Cromwell very actively in
the sequestration of property found in suppressed monasteries,
managed to ingratiate himself with Gardiner after the death of his
former master, and became no less diligent in doing the services
of an inquisitorial spy. In the college and town of Windsor there
was a society of persons who favoured " the new learning," and,
leaving the idolatries of the Church, endeavoured to serve God accord-
ing to his word. Anthony Peerson, a Priest, Robert Testwood, and
John Marbeck, Choristers, and Henry Filmer, a Churchwarden, were
marked as suspected men ; and Dr. London succeeded in collecting
information against them. Gardiner obtained a commission from the
King in Council for searching suspected houses in the town of Wind-
sor : the Castle, however, was not thrown open to them by His
Majesty. Search was made, books found, and these four persons,
with Dr. Hains, Dean of Exeter and Prebendary of Windsor, and Sir
Philip Hoby, were thrown into prison. By a recent Act of Parliament,
intended as a mitigation of the terrible Act then in force, persons
accused of heresy were allowed the privilege of jury, and were not to be
convicted on the testimony of a single witness ; but the Windsor jury
was packed with farmers, tenants of the chapel, who were sure to
bring in any verdict that would satisfy their masters, the landlords ; and
when one of the prisoners remonstrated against the court proceeding
against him without a second witness, his objection was treated with
derision. All four were condemned to die : although no more could
be proved against Marbeck * than that he had copied a writing
of Calvin's, containing Sacramentarian sentences. The ingenuity and
frankness of the man had won the good-will of some of his Judges,
while others entertained a hope that, if overcome by mercy, he would
disclose some of his brethren ; but this he constantly refused to do ; so
that, on the petition of the Bishop of Salisbury, who had assured him
during the examination that he should not die, Gardiner himself went
to the King and obtained his pardon. The pardon reached Windsor
on the morning of the day of execution, and Marbeck was released ;
but Peerson, Testwood, and Filmer went joyfully to the pyre, where
* The ingenuity of Marbeck was indeed remarkable. He was an uneducated, but
inquisitive, man ; and, as such persons are apt to do, was wasting his strength in useless
labour, by copying the newly-printed Bible. An intelligent Priest suggested that he
might more usefully employ himself in preparing an English Concordance He did so ;
and his work was printed in folio by Grafton, 1550, being the first Concordance to the
English Bible. One for the New Testament had preceded it.
GARDINER'S PLOTS. 219
they embraced the stake, and heaped the straw and brushwood upon
their own heads, rejoicing in martyrdom (July, 1543).
But Gardiner pushed his purposes too far. Several gentlemen
of the privy-chamber, and two of their wives, were included in a long
list of persons to be examined on suspicion of heresy ; and the King,
seeing that the zeal of this Bishop had outrun his prudence, sponta-
neously caused an act of pardon to be certified to them all. The same
day, after he had given this unexpected check, he met the Sheriff, and
Sir Humphrey Foster, riding in Guildford Park, and inquired how his
laws were executed at Windsor. They replied, that they had never
sat on any matter, under His Grace's authority, that went so much
against their conscience as did the death of those men ; and gave so
touching a description of the trial and burning, that he could bear it
no longer, but turned away, saying, as he rode off, "Alas, poor
innocents ! " Next came to light a conspiracy of Dr. London, with
Simons and Ockam, his accomplices, to ruin some of the first men in
the kingdom, under pretext of a prosecution for heresy. Their papers
were seized, and they convicted of perjury, and made to ride through
Windsor, Reading, and Newbury, with their faces to the horses'
tails, and then endure pelting in the pillory. The King saw that his
confidence was abused, and determined to detect, if possible, the
actors in a combination that was evidently formed to overthrow his
best supporters against the Papacy. To this end he pretended to
listen with readiness to every complaint against them, until the com-
plainants grew bold, and charged Cranmer himself with heresy.
Cranmer, undoubtedly, was almost the only visible stay that the
friends of true religion could hope to find in the counsels of the King,
and the plot would have been consummated in his death. They were
delighted in the persuasion that Henry would be pleased to receive
their charges, hastily drew up a series of written accusations, and put it
into his hands. A day or two afterwards he chose to go on the river,
and commanded the bargemen to row towards Lambeth. Cranmer,
hearing that the royal barge was coming, ran down to the water-side
to pay his respects to the King, who bade him come on board, and,
when they were alone, lamented the growth of heresy, with the dis-
sensions and confusions arising from it ; said that he intended to find
out their chief promoter, and make him an example to the rest,
and asked his opinion on the matter. The Archbishop commended
so good a resolution ; but entreated the King to consider well what
heresy was, and not condemn those who stood for the word of God
against human inventions. Producing a written paper, the King told
him that he, and no other, was, as he had understood, the chief pro-
moter of heresy, and showed him the articles alleged against him, and
his Chaplains, by some Prebendaries of Canterbury, and Justices of
the Peace in Kent. Cranmer read the articles, knelt before the King,
and begged that he might be put upon his trial. Still, he said, he
was of the same mind as when he opposed the " Six Articles," but he
had done nothing against them ; and, in reply to a question about his
marriage, frankly acknowledged that he had a wife, but said that, on
the passing of an Act against Priests having wives, he had sent her to
2 F 2
220 CHAPTER III.
Germany, her native country. The King knew Cranmer too well to sus-
pect him of dissimulation, and therefore instantly discovered the plot,
and advised him, instead of submitting himself to a trial, to prosecute
the accusers. He objected to be judge in his own cause, but the King
overruled the objection ; and Cranmer having named his Chancellor
and Registrar, he added one more, and, without delay, gave them a
commission to search for the contrivers of the defamation. They
went into Kent ; but every one disowned participation in the affair,
and Cranmer rose higher than ever in the eyes of England. But his
friends, observing that the Commissioners were not equal to the work,
proposed that Dr. Lee,* Dean of York, should be added to their
number, as one who had had much practice in unravelling monkish
intrigues. The Doctor was sent for, proceeded to the seat of inquiry,
made a thorough search, and found papers from the hands of
Gardiner, London, and some other persons, even from some on whom
Cranmer had long bestowed confidence and favour, quite sufficient to
establish their complicity in the conspiracy to ruin him. Henry was
indignant, and would have sanctioned a rigorous retribution ; but
Cranmer thanked God for his deliverance, could not be persuaded
even to administer a verbal rebuke, and freely forgave his enemies,
who were effectually disarmed by his magnanimity. Gardiner thence-
forth lost all influence in the counsels of his Sovereign, who had
made him one of his executors, but shortly after this erased his name,
and was more than once on the point of sending him to the Tower.
But the persecutions of this reign are not yet ended. Calais was
still an English town, and is honoured in the memory of martyrs.
George Bucker, alias Adam Damlip, once Chaplain to Fisher, Bishop
of Rochester, and conspicuous for Papistical bigotry, left England
after the death of his master, and travelled in France, Germany,
and Italy, conferring with learned men on matters of religion. Lastly,
at Rome, where he expected to find religion in a state of normal
perfection, the prevalent blasphemy of God, contempt of Christianity,
and profligacy in every imaginable form, filled him with disgust, and
the truth, against which he had hitherto contended, suddenly com-
mended itself to his conscience with a resistless power. Cardinal
Pole would have retained him in his household ; but he hastened
away from Rome, glad, like Luther, to escape from such a region
of impurity, and proceeded to return to England. While waiting at
the gate of Calais for permission to enter the town, two inhabit-
ants, William Stevens and Thomas Lancaster, who had previously
known the traveller as a zealous Papist, fell into conversation with
him, and, delighted to find that his mind was completely changed,
invited him to stay for a little at Calais, and give the people the
benefit of his experience at Rome, in order to disabuse them of their
superstitious veneration of that city. Under condition of obtaining
the necessary licence, he acceded to their request. As soon as the
gates were opened, Stevens accompanied him to the Lord Lisle, Deputy
for the town and marches of Calais, who instantly desired him to
remain, and officiate as an auti- Romish preacher, in order to serve the
* Or Leighton.
ADAM DAMLIP AT CALAIS. 221
cause of English loyalty against the Pope. After the delivery
of three or four sermons, his learning and earnest eloquence had
gained him general admiration. Both soldiers and commoners
crowded to hear ; and the Lord Deputy himself, with great part
of his Council, were frequent in attendance. He declined the offer
of apartments in the Viceroy's house, with splendid entertainment,
and servants at command, and requested only a private dwelling, with
necessary sustenance. For at least twenty days the stranger-convert
preached at seven o'clock every evening, enforcing " the truth of the
blessed sacrament of Christ's body and blood," and inveighing against
the idolatry of the mass, and the superstitions and abominations
of Papistry in general. The chapter-house in which he gave those
discourses becoming too small, he was requested to occupy the pul-
pit of a spacious church, that was crowded with most attentive
listeners, to whom he descanted against some idolatrous practices with
which the population of Calais had been deluded. Just then, (A.D.
1539,) Henry being warmly engaged in the suppression of the greater
monasteries in England, he sent to the Deputy, Commissary, and
royal mason and smith, a command to investigate the genuineness or
the deception of three wafers, which were declared, in a Papal Bull, to
be existent in one of the churches of Calais, constantly exuding blood.
Examination was made, and the bleeding hosts turned out to be three
painted counters. On the following Sunday, Damlip exhibited the
cheat to the people from the pulpit ; and, that being done, the coun-
terfeit hosts were sent to England for the entertainment of the King.
But this excited controversy ; the Prior of the monastery where he
preached, and his patron's Chaplain, secretly wrote to some of the
English Clergy, who had him summoned to appear before the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester and Chichester, and
others, to answer for his Sacramentarian doctrine. Cranmer could
not have forgotten the pleadings of Lambert, and seemed to give way
before the arguments of Damlip, who was remanded until the next
day ; but the good Archbishop secretly intimated to him, that if he
appeared again, nothing could save him from a cruel death ; and, being
provided with money by his friends, he fled into the west of England,
and remained there in concealment. Meanwhile Henry, hearing that his
lieges in Calais were disturbed with diversity of doctrine, sent over
Dr. Champion and Master Garrett, to instruct and quiet the people,
which they did, not by preaching what the King intended, but by
confirming the testimony of their persecuted predecessor. And that
the people might not perish for lack of knowledge, it pleased God to
raise up another witness to the truth, William Smith, a Curate, who
surpassed all former preachers in vehemence of invective against idola-
try and contempt of God's holy word. Some members of the Council
wished him to speak more gently ; but he could not temporise.
One of them, Sir Nicholas Carew, was afterwards beheaded on Tower-
Hill for treason, as it was said, and realised, while imprisoned in the
adjacent fortress, the faith which had been advocated in his hearing
with an earnestness that, at the time, seemed excessive. Smith, in
turn, was summoned to England as a heretic. So was Thomas Brook,
222 CHAPTER III.
an Alderman, and burgess of Parliament, a fearless man, who, in
Parliament, had pleaded against the " Six Articles," and who pre-
sumed to lecture Gardiner on Greek, while standing at his bar. And
so were several others ; for the very Deputy who had supported
Damlip and others, politically, now declared against the Gospel, for-
warded complaints to England, and a company of Calais Reformers
were soon on their trial before the Prelates in London, and subjected
to the usual discipline of imprisonment and penance.
Evangelical doctrine spread in Calais, and the adversaries sought to
prevent it by reporting to the King that it caused a division, and, by
disuniting the inhabitants, endangered the safety of the town and
territory. He therefore sent over a Commission, consisting of the
Earl of Sussex, Lord Great Chamberlain, and others, to examine into
the state of affairs. In order to obtain intelligence of heretics, which
seems to have been their only method for quieting the alleged dissen-
sion, they allowed tipstaves to collect about eighty men of the lowest
class, who were employed to act as common informers, and, being brought
before them for that purpose, were commanded, on their allegiance, to
present all heretics, schismatics, and seditious persons whom they knew,
with promise that they should be rewarded with the confiscated pro-
perty or offices of such persons, and with friendship that the Council
would thereafter show them. Mistrust and terror pervaded the entire
population. About a hundred persons were forthwith delated, and
thrown into prison. Thomas Brook, who had mortified Gardiner by
some freedom of speech when pleading for Ralph Hare, a poor towns-
man, and William Stevens, who had taken Damlip to the Lord
Deputy, were of the number. But Mrs. Brook sent a messenger to
Cromwell, disclosing the dishonesty of the Commissioners : Cromwell,
by the King's authority, commanded " the errant traitor and heretic,
Brook, with a dozen or twenty accomplices, and their accusers, to be
sent over," that they might receive their judgment, and suffer at
Calais, according to their demerits. By this contrivance Brook, and
twelve others, were brought to London, when the Vicar-General caused
them to be relieved of their irons and brought into his presence.
Stevens was already in the Tower ; and he committed them to the
Fleet, as if to await their doom ; but sent a message, assuring them
that they should shortly " go home with as much honesty as they
came with shame." But scarcely had Cromwell undertaken this work
of mercy, when he was attainted of treason, sent to the Tower,
and soon beheaded. The Calais Christians in the Fleet, therefore,
expected nothing but death, when Audeley, Lord Chancellor, went to
the prison, and set them all at liberty. * His language was remark-
able. " Sirs, pray for the King's Majesty : his pleasure is, that you
shall all be presently discharged. And though your livings be taken
from you, yet despair not, God will not see you lack. But, for God's
sake, Sirs, beware how you deal with Popish Priests ; for, so God save
my soul, some of them be knaves all." The King had issued a general
pardon of the Calais heretics, saving his own theology by excepting
Sacramentarians from the amnesty ; but he winked at their guilt in
this respect, and by commanding their liberation cleared himself of the
DAMLIP MARTYRED. 223
infamy that had fallen on his Commissioners. Stevens appears to
have been accused of treason, and remained two years in the Tower,
but was then dismissed also.
Adam Damlip having secreted himself in the country, at the sug-
gestion of Cromwell, the agents of Gardiner discovered him, and he
was committed to the Marshalsea, for breach of the " Six Articles."
Marbeck, of Windsor, was there at the same time ; and as it was a
custom of prisons that the inmates should all confess at Easter,
Damlip officiated, and heard the confession — a confession of Christ —
from the lips of that most honest and industrious man, and from his
martyr-brethren. When long time had passed away, and he was
not brought to trial, he resolved to break silence, whatever might be
the consequence, and wrote a letter to Gardiner, which no doubt con-
tained sufficient material for condemnation. One Saturday morning,
the keeper of the prison carried it to the Bishop, was detained until
late at night, and then returned with the sorrowful intelligence that,
without any more formality, the writer would be shipped off to Calais
on the following Monday, there to die. His friend, the keeper, with every
inmate of the prison, mourned for the good man whose benevolence
and piety had won the esteem of all ; but Damlip showed no sign
of either grief or fear. He ate his meat with gladness ; and when they
expressed surprise that one so near execution could be so cheerful, he
replied, " Ah, masters ! do you think that I have been God's prisoner
so long in the Marshalsea, and have not yet learned to die ? Yes,
yes ; and I doubt not but God will strengthen me therein." Before
day-break on the Monday morning the keeper, and three others, took
him on board, and went with him to Calais. For heresy he could not
be burnt, because the King had pardoned all the heretics of Calais ;
but, perhaps, he had unguardedly mentioned in the letter a trifling
passage of his history, that Gardiner could interpret as an overt act
of treason. When he left Rome, refusing to remain in the service
of Reginald Pole, the Cardinal gave him a French crown-piece towards
the expenses of the journey homeward. He was, therefore, convicted
of treason, on evidence of having taken money at Rome from Cardinal
Pole, and was not burnt as a heretic, but hung, drawn, and quartered
as a traitor. To hide the trick, the Knight-Marshal forbade him the
usual indulgence, of speaking to the people from under the gallows,
and said to the executioner, " Dispatch the knave ; have done." The
four quarters of this " knave " were hung up in four parts of Calais,
and his head exhibited on the Lantern-Gate ; but the praying people
understood that from that dishonoured body a spirit had ascended to
the altar of their Lord (A.D. 1543). About a year afterwards, a
Scotchman, named Dodd, who had been travelling in Germany and
France, was returning homeward by way of Calais. Some German
books were found in his possession, he was examined as to their con-
tents, confessed himself a Lutheran, stood fast in his confession, and
suffered death by fire (A.D. 1544).
Persecution, open and secret, continued in England, yet subsiding
towards a pause. At the gate of Gardiner's porter's lodge, Saxy,
a Priest, suspected of new doctrine, was found hanging dead.
224 CHAPTER III.
A gentleman and his servant were burnt in Colchester. Lord Went-
worth, and other Commissioners, were sent into Suffolk to search out
heretics. Roger Clarke, of Mendelsham, and a man named Kerby,
were tried in their presence at Ipswich, and condemned, as usual.
Kerby was burnt in the market-place ; where he boldly denied the
real presence ; then offered prayer devoutly, as the executioner stood
waiting to set fire to the faggots, and the Lord Wentworth " shrouded
himself" behind one of the posts of the gallery, and wept, and so did
many others. Roger Clarke underwent his last suffering at Bury,
crying, " Behold the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sins of the
world," tortured with pitch, and a slow fire, while his undaunted soul
rose high above the terrors and the pains of death (A.D. 1545).
The final strokes of Romish vengeance in this reign were now
levelled. Anne Askew, daughter of Sir William Askew, of Kelsey,*
in Lincolnshire, was married, against her inclination, to a Mr. Kyme,
a rich man, with whom she lived long enough to bear two children,
and was exemplary in discharging the duties of a wife and mother.
By constant reading of the Bible, she became converted to the faith
of Christ ; and her husband, enraged at her defection from Popery,
and instigated by some Priests, drove her from his house. She went
to London, and became known to the ladies of the Court, some
of whom treated her with marked kindness and respect, acknowledg-
ing her undoubted piety. She was but twenty-four years of age
when her " heresy " became publicly known, and she was thrown into
prison (March, 1545). A jury was appointed for inquisition ; and
persons were sent to elicit direct evidence of disaffection to Popery, or
to subdue her faith by arguments, threatenings, or persuasions. But
they appear to have been as deficient in intelligence as she was
abundant both in scriptural knowledge and Christian confidence : for
* Whether North or South Kelsey, is not specified. It is often impracticable to attain
to accuracy in the designation of parishes. An instance of this frequently-recurring
difficulty is the parish where Sautre underwent his first examination before the Bishop
of Norwich. (Martyrologia, vol. ii., p. 598.) Foxe says that this took place " in a cer-
tain chamber within the manor-house of the said Bishop at South Helingham, where
the register of the said Bishop is kept, &c., in the presence of John de Derliugton, Arch-
deacon of Norwich, &c." Anxious to ascertain the scene of that transaction, the author
consulted a clerical friend in Norfolk, well known in that county as an antiquarian, who,
after much inquiry, kindly communicated the result in nearly the following words : — " It
is not to be wondered at that Foxe should hare mistaken the name of the parish, con-
sidering how difficult the writing of a date nearly two centuries before his own was to
decipher. It is pretty certain that the Bishops of Norwich had never anything to do
with either of the two Ellinghams, more than as Diocesans ; but we know that at a very
early^period the present diocese of Norwich consisted of two, Dunwich and Elmham.
In 870 these sees were united, and Bishop Wilfred had his residence at North Klmham.
In the latter end of the tenth century the see was changed to Thetford, and about a
century afterwards to Norwich by Bishop Herbert. But the Bishops were long accus-
tomed to reside at their manor-house of North Elmham," (South Klmham is not now
found in the county as given by Dugdale,) " that being considered the head of their
barony. Since Henry VIII., Elmham has been in other hands, and is at present in
those of Lord Londes, whose brother-in-law is now the Vicar of the parish : and he, as
you see by his note, states that he is the successor of a long line of Bishops, and is
living upon the site of their castle. In confirmation of which Foxe states, that the exami-
nation took place in the presence of John de Derlington, archdeacon of Norwich. Now
the Ellinghams are not in this archdeaconry, and he would have been out of his juris-
diction in them." Sautre, therefore, was first examined where the parsonage-house
of Elmham now stands.
ANNE ASKEW. 225
when she was brought before the Council, or Commission, and the
Lord Mayor undertook to vanquish her firmness, hoping, perhaps, to
save the life of a lady for whom common humanity must have pleaded,
the following amusing dialogue exhibited his inability to deal with
matters so profound : —
Lord Mayor. — " Thou foolish woman, sayest thou that the Priests
cannot make the body of Christ ? "
A. Askew. — " I say so, my Lord : for I have read that God made
man ; but that man can make God, I never yet read, nor, I suppose,
ever shall read it."
L. M. — " No, thou foolish woman ! After the words of consecra-
tion, is it not the Lord's body?"
A. A. — " No, it is but consecrated bread, or sacramental bread."
L. M. — " What if a mouse eat it after the consecration ? What
shall become of the mouse? What sayest thou, thou foolish woman?"
A. A. — " What shall become of her, say you, my Lord ?"
L. M. — " I say, that that mouse is damned."
A. A. — "Alack, poor mouse !"
Their Lordships painfully suppressed a titter, and, leaVing my
Lord Mayor to meditate upon his mouse, proceeded to deal with the
" foolish woman," whom they sent back to the gaol again. The
Mayor, however, did serve her by assisting to overcome the reluct-
ance, or to counterwork the trickery, of Bonner against admitting her
to bail, on the application of a relative. The Bishop first presented
her with a paper containing a form of "confession and belief" in
transubstantiation, and bade her sign it, as a condition of release.
She did sign it, but thus : — " I, Anne Askew, do believe all manner
of things contained in the faith of the Catholic Church." Bonner
grew furious at the sight of this manifest defiance, and would have
consumed the lady forthwith, had not some gentlemen pacified him,
and effected her liberation on bail. A copy of that paper was, not-
withstanding, circulated afterwards, without this reservation, in order
that she might be thought to have recanted.
She was soon imprisoned again, in Newgate, and subjected anew to
several examinations. From prison she wrote to the Lord Chancellor,
and then to the King ; but for one so openly convicted of denying
transubstantiation, mercy would have been deemed illegal, and she was
doomed to die. Yet Bonner and his brethren were not satisfied with-
out endeavouring to extort some disclosure of other violators of the
Six Articles. From Newgate she was taken to Bonner and another,*
who, by fair words, endeavoured to elicit some intelligence, and to
induce her to recant. This failing, Shaxton, once a Bishop, zealous
with Cranmer and Latimer in the cause of reformation, came to New-
gate, and exhorted her to recant, as he had done. Unable to prevail,
they sent her instantly to the Tower. About three o'clock on the same
day, Rich and Sir John Baker came to the Tower, demanded inform-
ation of men or women of her sect, and questioned her respecting
some ladies of the court ; but she would betray none. Lord Wri-
othesley, the Lord Chancellor, was present, and commanded her to be
* Richard Rich, afterwards Lord Chancellor.
VOL. III. 2 G
226 CHAPTER IIT.
put to the question. The rack extorted no confession, nor even any
cry ; and the Lord Chancellor and Rich, impatient at her silence, laid
hold on the instrument of torture, and racked her with their own
hands until she was nearly dead.* The Lieutenant of the Tower then
caused her to be loosed : she fainted, and, when recovered, sat on the
floor, reasoning with the Chancellor for two hours, until he gave over
interrogation and departed. The Lieutenant of the Tower, whom
they had threatened to report to the King because he would not rack
her to their satisfaction, hastened away to the King before them, and
begged his Grace's pardon for deficiency of obedience, pleading com-
passion towards a woman. Henry half commended his manliness, and
dismissed him. But the zealots were not thwarted. They had her
brought to Smithfield in a chair ; for after the torture she could not
stand. From a portable pulpit, Shaxton, the apostate Bishop, preached
the sermon of ceremony. She was attached to the stake, her en-
feebled frame being supported by the chains. Three others, Nicholas
Belenian, a Priest of Shropshire, John Adams, a tailor, and John
Lacells, a gentleman of the royal household, were burnt at the same
time, not a little sustained by the triumphant faith of Anne Askew.
Before the faggots were lighted, some one put a letter from the Lord
Chancellor into her hand, containing an offer of pardon if she would
recant ; but she would not look at it. Similar letters were also given
to the others, who, fellowing her example, refused to read them. The
last martyr-fire in the reign of Henry VIII. was kindled, (A.D. 1546,)
and with this the present chapter might conclude.
Persecution, however, did not slumber. Having burnt one of the
King's household, Wriothesley, Bonner, the Duke of Norfolk, and
their friends, resolved to make another effort for the overthrow of
Cranmer. They told the King that there were ample proofs that the
Archbishop was a heretic, but that no one would venture to appear as
witness against him as long as he enjoyed the royal favour ; and sug-
gested that they should have permission to send him to the Tower,
that witnesses might be thus encouraged to produce their testimony.
The King consented ; and with great glee they prepared, under his
sanction, to have the Primate before the Council next day, and to
send him to that receptacle of state criminals. But, in the night,
the King sent privately for Cranmer, told him of their application and
his own consent, and asked what he had to answer. Cranmer acknow-
ledged the King's kindness and equity, and merely desired that he
might be allowed to state his opinions before competent judges. The
King was amazed at his coolness in such .circumstances, and plea-
santly told him that if he did not look to his own safety, nor consider
that if once in prison, false witnesses would certainly be suborned
against him, it must remain with himself to do so for him. He
therefore directed him to appear at the Council next day, on their
summons, and there to insist on his privilege, as Privy Councillor, to
* Bishop Burnet endeavours to discredit thia part of the narrative, thinking it impos-
sible that the Chancellor could have been guilty of so great brutality, and say*, that
Foxe has not given any authority for it. But this is a mistake. Foxe gives the narra-
tive from a paper in his possession, written by Anne Askew's own hand.
CRANMER AND THE QUEEN IN DANGER. 227
have his accusers face to face, before being sent to the Tower ; and
then, taking the royal signet from his finger, desired him to show
them that, if they should refuse to accede to his request. The cita-
tion came as expected. He hastened to the Council-chamber, and
was kept waiting outside the door among the footmen, until the King,
informed by his Physician of the unwonted position of the Primate
of all England, sent to require the Privy Councillors to admit him
without delay. They accused him of being, with his Chaplain, the
source of all heresy in the kingdom ; scorned his remonstrances, and
were proceeding to send him to the Tower, when he appealed to the
King, and showed the signet, on which they rose in haste, and went to
their master, who told them that he would not suffer men so dear to
him to be thus handled, and threatened to extinguish their malice or
punish it speedily. After receiving this sharp rebuke, they were
obliged to shake hands with Cranmer, and lost not a moment iu
escaping from the royal presence.
Yet their audacity was not exhausted. Having failed to overthrow
the Archbishop, they ventured to attack no less a personage than the
Queen. Catharine Parr had been three years * consort of Henry
VIII., favoured the professors of evangelical religion, and even heard
sermons from some of their preachers. All this was known to the
King, who never interfered with her religious conduct ; but, on the
contrary, frequently allowed her to dispute with him on points
of doctrine. However, as his health declined, his temper became
more impatient ; and those conversations were sometimes more than
he could well endure, pressed, as he was, both by the earnestness
of the Queen, and the force of her arguments. One evening, after
such a conversation, when the Queen had left him, he let fall some
angry words to Gardiner, who was standing by, and who craftily
caught the moment of irritation to fan the flame of his displeasure.
Wriothesley joined him in bringing tales of heretical practices of the
Queen and her ladies, of the sermons, the Lutheran books, and encou-
ragement given to Anne Askew and the Gospellers in general. From
day to day they prosecuted the intrigue, until the King's signature
was obtained to a set of articles drawn up against her; and little more
was wanting to bring the Queen of England to the stake. Wriothes-
ley, in the hurry of delight, let fall the paper. The hand that had
racked Anne Askew could not hold the death-warrant of Catharine
Parr. Some one picked up the paper, and took it to the Queen,
who, for a moment, gave herself up for lost. But, by the advice
of a friend, she immediately went to the King, disguised her trepida-
tion, and renewed conversation on religion. Women, she said, by
their first creation, were made subject to men ; and they, made after
the image of God, ought to instruct their wives, who were made in
their image, and ought to learn of them. And she, of all others,
should be taught by her husband, a Prince of such excellent learning
and wisdom. " Not so, by St. Mary," said the King : " you are
become a doctor to instruct us, and not to be instructed by us." She
* Her predecessor, Catharine Howard, a really immodest woman, was beheaded on
proof of a criminality that the law regards as treason in an Kuglish Queen.
2 G 2
22S CHAPTER IV.
disclaimed the ironical compliment, and assured His Majesty that she
had taken so great freedom only in order to engage him to conversa-
tion, and help him to beguile his pain ; as well as to receive
instruction, by which she so much profited. "And is it even so?"
said Henry : " then we are friends again" The pettish tyrant was
soothed. He tenderly embraced her ; and thus the good providence
of God plucked her from the jaws of death. On the very next day
she was to have been taken to the Tower. The King and she were
walking together in the garden when the Lord Chancellor made his
appearance, with about forty of the guard, to arrest the Queen. But
the King left her arm ; and, after a few inaudible words, she heard
him say aloud, "Knave! fool! beast!" and saw the persecutor
shrink away crest-fallen, followed by the train. The Papists were
disheartened : the King now hated them as bitterly as ever he had
hated either Pope, traitor, or heretic ; and, during the short remnant
of his life, vented his displeasure on the very party whose counsels he
had followed.*
But his reign soon ended. He died January 28th, 1547. The
Council of Trent was then assembled, and on the intelligence cf his
death, the fathers gave thanks to God for the deliverance of Rome
from its worst enemy, and went in a body to congratulate an
English Bishop, who was there, on the deliverance of England from
the power of a schismatic Sovereign. They rejoiced that the heir to
the crown was but a child, too young to have imbibed his father's
principles. \ But they saw not the hand of God, that had been so
long guiding our country into a state of perfect freedom from Papal
tyranny ; and had prepared for Edward VI. guardians and tutors,
under whose influence he was prepared, even in early youth, to employ
the sanctions of the crown for promoting a reformation, not only
of discipline, but of doctrine also.
CHAPTER IV.
ENGLAND in the Reign of Edward VI. — SCOTLAND during the Reigns of Edward VI.
and Mary. — The Persecution in England under Mary I.
OCTOBER 15th, 1537, was a high day at Hampton-Court. An
infant Prince, undoubted heir to the throne of England, received, in
baptism, the name of Edward. His father had summoned the high
officers of state, with a crowd of nobles, knights, gentlemen, and
clergy, to repair thither and do appointed service. The chapel was
fitted up magnificently, and the babe of three days was carried to the
font in state ; the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Norfolk
being sponsors. As soon as the baptismal name was given, Garter
* Foxe, Burnet, Strype, and Fuller, are the principal authorities.
t Fra Paolo Sarpi, Hist. Cone. Triil., par Courayer, livre ii., sec. 92.
nrit '
Jt X -
EDWARD VI. 229
King at Arms proclaimed : " God, of his infinite grace and goodness,
give and grant good life and long to the right high, excellent, and
noble Prince, Prince Edward, Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester,
most dear and most entirely beloved son to our most dread and gra-
cious Lord, King Henry VIII." The Lady Mary, twenty-one years
of age, daughter of the first Catharine, took part in the ceremonies ;
and the Lady Elizabeth, a child of four years, daughter of Anne
Boleyn, carried in the arms of the Viscount Beauchamp, held the
chrism for anointing. His mother, no doubt, rejoiced in having
given birth to an heir to the throne, and might reasonably hope to
witness his elevation at some future day ; but she died on the 24th
of the same month.*
The King provided all his children with the best means of educa-
tion ; and this Prince was early taken from the nursery, and placed
under the care of Sir Anthony Cook, whose exemplary parental faith-
fulness was honoured by five learned daughters, one of them married
to Peter Martyr, an eminent Protestant. Dr. Richard Cox instructed
him in Christian manners and religion, and general literature. Sir
John Cheke, whom we have marked as a reformer of Greek pronunci-
ation in Cambridge, taught him Latin and Greek. Other masters
instructed him in living languages. His Chaplains, too, were honour-
ably distinguished as favourers of evangelical doctrine ; and we might
almost say that Prince Edward's court was Protestant. The concur-
rent testimony of many witnesses describes him as an extraordinary
child, not more remarkable for a power of intellect too great for child-
hood than for genuine piety, and good common sense. When the
child was little more than nine years old, Henry died, and Edward
Seymour, Earl of Hertford, with a number of noblemen and others,
instantly proceeded to render him their acknowledgment of allegiance
(January 28th, 1547). The Earl, by consent and appointment of the
executors of Henry's will, being Edward's uncle, became his protector,
and, \initedly with Cranmer and others, encouraged him to promote
and maintain a reformation of the Church of England. The history
of this royal child abounds in incidents that equally distinguish him
from all other occupants of the British throne, and point out his
court and government as having a character exclusively their own ; but
we can only stay to glance at one or two. On the day of his pro-
clamation they took him, according to custom, to the Tower of Lon-
don, and there, surrounded by veteran courtiers and ecclesiastics, he
stood among them with man-like dignity, and, having heard them
all cry, " God save the noble King Edward," most gracefully put off
his cap, and, speaking like a King that he was, said, " We heartily
thank you, my Lords all ; and hereafter, in all that ye shall have to
do with us for any suit or causes, ye shall be heartily welcome to us."
It was then that the Earl of Hertford, henceforth to be styled Duke
of Somerset, solemnly assumed the office of Governor and Protector
* This fact of her living twelve days after the birth of Edward, sufficiently answers
the calumny of some Popish writers, who repeat that, to save the child, Henry caused
the mother to be sacrificed. — See Strype, Memorials of Edward VI., book i., chap. 1.
230 CHAPTER IV.
of the King during his minority, and, having withdrawn from the
pageantry of court, besought help of God, and composed a prayer,
afterwards found in his own hand-writing, as prepared for daily use. To
those who would estimate the character of the man to whom Divine
Providence committed the chief direction of this admirable Prince,
and, thus, a chief part of the conduct of the Reformation in Eng-
land for some years, the prayer is too important to be omitted. It is
therefore printed below ; * and although the good Duke, as he was
familiarly called, afterwards suffered death as a felon, (for the utmost
ingenuity could not make him out to be a traitor,) it must be evi-
dent to every impartial reader of the history, that he was but the vic-
tim of a conspiracy. Another incident worthy of mention here is an
act of Edward at his coronation. Three swords were brought, to be
carried before him, signifying the three kingdoms of which the King
of England was then said to be Sovereign, — England, France, and
Ireland ; but he remarked that there was yet one wanting, the Bible,
which is the sword of the Spirit, and to be preferred, as an instrument
and standard of government, before all swords ; and to be submitted
to by Governors, who, without it, can do nothing. A Bible was
brought, and carried before him with the greatest reverence.
On his accession to the throne, England was on the point of waging
war with Scotland, to enforce a union of the two kingdoms by the
marriage of the respective Sovereigns. The project and the war ended
* " Lord God of hosts, in whose only hand is life and death, victory and confusion,
rule and subjection ; receive me thy humble creature into thy mercy, and direct me in
my requests, that I offend not thy high Majesty. O my Lord and my God, I am the
work of thy hands : thy goodness cannot reject me. I am the price of thy Son's death,
Jesus Christ ; for thy Son's sake thou wiit not lese" (deceive, or disappoint) "me. I am
a vessel for thy mercy, thy justice will not condemn me. I am recorded in the book of
life, I am written with the very blood of Jesus ; thy inestimable love will not cancel then
my name. For this cause, Lord God, I am bold to speak to thy Majesty. Thou, Lord,
by thy providence, hast called me to rule ; make me, therefore, able to follow thy call-
ing. Thou, Lord, by thine order, hast committed an anointed King to my governance ;
direct me, therefore, with thy hand, that I err not from thy good pleasure. Finish in
me, Lord, thy beginning, and begin in me that thou wilt finish. By thee do Kings reign,
and from thee all power is derived. Govern me, Lord, as I shall govern ; rule me as I
shall rule. I am ready for thy governance, make thy people ready for mine. I seek thy
only honour in my vocation ; amplify it, Lord, with thy might. If it be thy will I shall
rule, make thy congregation subject to my rule. Give me power, Lord, to suppress
•whom thou wilt have obey.
" I am by appointment thy Minister for thy King, a shepherd for thy people, a sword-
bearer for thy justice : prosper the King, save thy people, direct thy justice. I am
ready, Lord, to do that thou commandest ; command that thou wilt. Remember, O God,
thine old mercies ; remember thy benefits showed heretofore. Remember, Lord, me
thy servant, and make me worthy to ask. Teach me what to ask, and then give me
that I ask. None other I seek to, Lord, but thee ; because none other can give it me.
And that I seek is thine honour and glory. I ask victory, but to show thy power upon
the wicked. I ask prosperity, but for to rule in peace thy congregation. I ask wisdom,
but by my counsel to set forth thy cause. And as I ask for myself, so, Lord, pour thy
knowledge upon all them which shall counsel me. And forgive them, that in their offence
I suffer not the reward of their evil. If I have erred, Lord, forgive me ; for so thou hast
promised me. if I shall not err, direct me ; for that only is thy property. Great
things, O my God, hast thou begun in my hand; let me then, Lord, be thy Minister to
defend them. Thus. I conclude, Lord, by the name of thy Sou Jesus Christ. Faithfully
I commit all my cause to thy high providence, and so rest to advance all human strength
under the standard of thy omiiipoteucy." — Strype, Memorials of Edward VI., book i.
Repository of Originals, B.
ADAM WALLACE. 231
together ; but this may lead us to observe the religious state of Scot-
land at the time. Cardinal Beaton had fallen a victim to the hatred
of his countrymen ; and St. Andrews Castle, occupied by insurgents,
held out for about fourteen months against the royal forces, while
English ships supplied the inmates with stores, in order to protract
the siege. The Bishops and Clergy, dreading well-deserved vengeance,
expected nothing less than a general insurrection, and sought shelter
in the government. They saw, or seemed to see, enraged multitudes
invading the monastic sanctuaries, and desecrating churches, and
indignant Lairds avenging their captive and banished brethren by tak-
ing forcible possession of abbeys and friaries. Nor were those appre-
hensions groundless. The Council afforded the help desired, and the
Governor issued a proclamation (June llth, 1546) commanding all
Sheriffs, Stewards, Bailies, or other officers of boroughs, to proceed to
their respective market-places, and there prohibit the demolition or
forcible occupation of churches and other buildings, under penalty
of forfeiting "life and goods."* Those buildings stood uninjured;
but the people readily received the doctrines of the Reformation ; and
in remote parts of Scotland, hitherto unvisited by the spreading inno-
vation, the doctrine of Luther as to justification by faith, and that
of Zuinglius respecting the eucharist, found general acceptance.
Many whom persecution had put to silence, many who had been
terrified into abjuration, cast away fear, broke secresy, and not only
maintained their first positions, but echoed the bold, nay, fierce,
denunciations that John Knox launched forth against Rome from
within the precinct of St. Andrews. Even in Edinburgh, undaunted
by the frowns of those in supreme authority, new preachers used an
alarming freedom of speech ; and a large body of Ecclesiastics, con-
sisting of Bishops, with other Prelates, and Clergy, both regular and
secular, assembled there, presented a second memorial to the Governor
and Council, (March 19th, 1547,) imploring secular help before their
cause should be ruined without remedy. His Grace and the Lords
temporal caused the memorial to be entered in the Council-book, toge-
ther with their answer, inviting the Clergy to collect and present the
names of all heretics, and promising to execute on them the laws
of the realm. f But the Clergy could not compass so vast a work as
the presentation of all heretics, neither could the Council have dared
to put any of them to death while St. Andrews was a centre of civil
war, nor again, while English troops were fortified in Haddington,
encamped at Leith, or threatening Edinburgh. But after the ratifica-
tion of a treaty of peace with their southern enemy, sprang up anew
the courage of the Clergy ; and as the soldier sheathed his sword, the
Clerk prepared his faggot. Their confidence, too, was revived by the
absence of several leading Reformers, now transferred from St. Andrews
to French galleys, and, among others, John Knox.
Adam Wallace, (or Fean,) an intelligent man, who taught the
children of the Laird of Ormiston, after the banishment of their
father, had formally separated himself from the Church of Rome,
* Register of Council, in Keith, book i., chap. 6. f Ibid.
232 CHAPTER IV.
and, if the statement of one of his historians * is correct, " in the
lack of a true Minister," baptized his own child. On a set day, (A.D.
1550,) the Lord Governor, now Duke of Chatelherault,f the Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, the Bishops of St. Andrews, Dunblane, Gal-
loway, Orkney, and Moray, the Abbots of Dunfermline and Glenluce,
the Dean of Glasgow, and several other dignitaries, took their seats on
a platform in the Black-Friars church in Edinburgh, with some Lords
and gentlemen. In a pulpit opposite stood a Priest in surplice and
hood, ready to perform the office of accusator. A crowded congrega-
tion covered the floor. First appeared a Prebendary, who had forged
a divorce, and separated a man and his wife, and for that offence was
to be banished. Then Adam Wallace, in custody of the Bishop of
St. Andrews, advanced to the front of the platform. His costume
was that of a plain layman ; but he carried a large Bible at his belt,
a triglot, of German, French, and English. That he had been perse-
cuted may be inferred from his bearing an assumed name, Fean,
which he readily acknowledged in reply to the accuser, who produced
three articles of accusation : — That he had taught, 1 . That the bread
and wine after consecration are not the very body and blood of
Christ : 2. That the mass is an abominable idolatry : 3. That the
god worshipped by the Papists is bread, sown of corn, growing of the
earth, baked of men's hands, and nothing else. Wallace opened his
Bible, argued from the sacred text, professed his resolution to abide
thereby, even unto death, and then, turning to the Duke, said, " If
you condemn me for holding by God's word, my innocent blood shall
be required at your hands, when ye shall be brought before the
judgment-seat of Christ, who is mighty to defend my innocent cause ;
before whom ye shall not deny it, nor yet be able to resist his wrath ;
to whom I refer the vengeance, as it is written, ' Vengeance is mine,
and I will reward.' '' Chatelherault answered not ; but the Priests
gave sentence, and the Provost of Edinburgh received him from the
Church, to be burned on Castle-Hill. The Governor and the other
Lords cared not to witness the execution, which was, therefore,
delayed until they had turned their backs on Edinburgh, -when, two
days after the sentence, he was taken from prison to the Castle-Hill,
under a severe injunction from the Provost to speak to no one by the
way. The streets were lined with spectators ; and as, now and then,
he heard the people say, " God have mercy on l\im," he devoutly
answered, " And on you, too." When they had reached the place,
standing by the heaped faggots, he prayed in silence, raised his eyes
toward heaven two or three times, and, unable to suffer any longer
the injunction to be silent, spoke one sentence to the people, " Let it
not offend you that I suffer for the truth's sake ; for the disciple is
not greater than his Master." The Provost grew furious, a cord was
passed round his neck to choke the voice that might recall to the
multitude the truths testified by Wishart. He could only say, look-
* Knox, Hist, of Reformation, book i. But Foxe, who cites letters and testimonies
received from Scotland, and 'gives a copious and explicit report of bis trial, mentions
nothing of tbe kind. Perbaps Knox wrote from memory, and confounded two nersons.
t Formerly Earl of Arran.
ANABAPTISM. 233
ing upwards, " They will not let me speak." But, having refused
life, and chosen death in testimony to the truth, a patient martyrdom
spoke louder than many words. This was the last life that the
Bishops of Scotland ventured to take for several years.
There were no Christian martyrdoms in England during the reign
of Edward VI. Two or three persons, who had been imprisoned in
the few months that preceded the meeting of Parliament, under law
not yet repealed, were released by command of the Protector and
Council. The history of the Reformation at this time is too import-
ant to be compendiated, and must, therefore, be read in the works
of Burnet and Strype, to whom all others are indebted ; and
imperishable evidences of the humane and liberal spirit of our religion
are recorded in the Statutes of the Realm. To these authorities,
therefore, the reader is referred for information as to the advance
of evangelical truth, and improvement in the discipline of the Church.
But Romanism gave character to those times ; and while human
power and authority were employed on the side of truth, it would
have been wonderful, indeed, if they had never been abused in the
suppression of error. Such an abuse of power, even in the reign
of Edward VI., must be confessed ; yet it should neither be exagge-
rated by the Papist, nor extenuated by the Protestant. People
generally believed it lawful to imprison, spoil, and burn heretics : it
needed the discipline and experience of ages to remove the delusion ;
and now that it is removed, our business is not to carp or to recrimi-
nate, but calmly to note the facts of history, not fearing that the
religion of Jesus Christ — not the latitudinarianism of infidels — will
ever be defrauded of its honour for teaching good men to pity and to
spare the lives and fortunes of the erring, until the day when God
shall separate the precious from the vile.* Let us give the facts.
Under the name " Anabaptist," errors the most revolting were
propagated, first in Germany, and then in England. From the
rejection of infant baptism, under the persuasion that it is not justi-
fied by the authority of Scripture, — a persuasion which, however
erroneous, may consist with perfect orthodoxy on other points of
Christian doctrine and practice, — even to a rejection of the divinity
of Christ, every degree of heterodoxy existed, and the common desig-
nation was applied, without distinction, to the most fanatical and
licentious of mankind. And it cannot be denied that even the less
erring of that medley sect were more remarkable for zeal in the
destruction of ancient superstitions, than for simplicity in confessing
such truths as they really believed. The Protector and Council,
governing during the minority of the King, received a formal informa-
tion (April 12th, 1549) that German Anabaptism was again spreading
in this country ; and forthwith, not doubting the right of the Church
to give sentence, and of the secular power to condemn a heretic to
* It remains with the legal historian to decide how far the violation of an existing
law by the Sovereign, or by the nation, — if represented, — in a time of revolution, may
he justified. Such illegalities occur in all these reigns, sometimes for good, and some-
times for evil. We cannot, therefore, charge them against our adversaries, any more
than they against us. Acts must often be estimated as morally right, or wrong, on
their own merits, apart from law.
VOL. III. 2 H
234 CHAPTER IV.
death, they thought themselves bound to act on the common law
of England, under which heretics had been put to death at a much
earlier period * than is generally understood, and actually appointed
a Commission to make inquisition of heresy, \vith authority to endea-
vour to reclaim the heretics, to impose penance, give absolution, or
excommunicate, imprison, and deliver over the incorrigible to the
secular arm.f The Commission proceeded to their work, and a
numerous body of those Anabaptists recanted, submitted to penance,
and were released. But among them was a woman called Joan
Bocher, or Joan of Kent, who maintained that " the Word was made
flesh in the Virgin's womb, but that Christ took not flesh of the
Virgin, because the flesh of the Virgin, being the outward man, was
sinfully begotten and born in sin ; but the Word, by consent of the
inward man, or soul, of the Virgin, was made flesh." The Mani-
chsean speculation concerning a sinfulness of material flesh was at the
bottom of all that asceticism that yet had the admiration of the most
devout Reformers ; but this application of it seemed to them
" horrible." For more than twelve months the woman was kept in
prison, and the most eminent Divines, Cranmer, Ridley, Goodrich,
Latimer, Lever, Whitehead, and Hutchinson, as we know, and proba-
bly others whose visits are not recorded, went to talk with her. But
she argued with great acuteness, and could not be brought to acknow-
ledge herself in error. The Lord Chancellor, Rich, who had racked
Anne Askew, now unable to employ torture, had her for a week in
his house, to try persuasion. Cranmer, it is said, and Ridley, did
the same ; but all in vain ; and the Council, hearing that her obsti-
nacy was insuperable, condemned her to be burnt. Foxe, and Burnet
after him, say that the good King Edward was exceedingly reluctant
to sign the warrant for her burning, that he wept bitterly, that Cran-
mer reasoned with him on the necessity and obligation he was under
* In narrating the persecution and burning of Sautre, whom we called " Protomartyr
of England," we said, (Martyrologia, vol. ii., p. 599,) that he was "the first person
judicially put to death for Christ's sake in this country." Foxe and Burnet gay that he
was the first martyr ; hut other deaths, if not executions hy burning, are recorded, and
therefore we distinguished that of Sautre as judicial. Perhaps this assertion might be
qualified. On account of religion some had been put to death, as was "a false prophet,"
A.D. 1212, and a Deacon, for apostatizing to Judaism, A.D. 1222. (Foxe, book iv.,
John ; Select works of Ball, by the Parker Society. Advertisement.) But " a Chronicle
of London" mentions one of the Albigenses, burnt A.D. 1210. And Camden, probably,
alludes to this when he says, " Ex quo, reguante Joanne, Christiani in Christianos apud
nos flammis saevire coeperunt." (Parker Society, ut supra.) To -which add that the
word " began " of CamJen agrees with the words of the first warrant for burning a
heretic, given by us in the place above cited, where Henry IV. affirms that heretics
convicted and condemned, &c., " ought, according to divine and human law, canonical
institutes, and, in this part, customarily, to be burned with fire." But how far buru-
ings before Sautre were judicial, as we have said, yet remains to be ascertained. There
evidently were such burnings during two centuries before Sautre, not by law, not by
wnt, but by custom. This custom, perhaps, exercised in a tumultuary manner, gave
the precedent to which Henry IV. appealed ; and the repeated burnings allowed, —nay,
promoted, — during two centuries, constituted the ground of the common law, which was
appealed to in the reign of Edward VI. for the burning of Anabaptists, after the statutes
for burning heretics had been repealed. These facts being duly considered, we may take
1210, or thereabouts, — Innocent III. and John of England being contemporaries, — as
the date of customary burning for heresy in this country,
f Rymeri Foedera, torn, xv., p. 181.
JOAN OF KENT. 235
to destroy such heretics, and that, at last, when the young King took
the pen to give his signature, he told Cranmer, that " if he did
wrong, since it was in submission to his authority, he (Cranmer)
should answer for it to God." And they add that this struck the
Archbishop with horror, so that he was unwilling to have the sentence
executed.
But this tale of Cranmer and the King appears to be without foun-
dation. The Papists make much of it, and gladly throw the odium
of burning Joan of Kent on the father of the English Reformation ;
and we therefore owe it to the memory of that great and good man
to point out the incredibility of the story. 1. The King kept a
private journal, and an entry made with his own hand bears no mark
of disapprobation. It reads thus : " Joan Bocher, otherways called
Joan of Kent, was burnt for holding that Christ was not incarnate
of the Virgin Mary, being condemned the year before, but kept in
hope of conversion ; and the 30th of April, the Bishop of London
and the Bishop of Ely were to persuade her, but she withstood them,
and reviled the preacher that preached at her death." * 2. The King
did not sign the warrant for her burning. Those warrants were not
ordinarily, if ever, signed by the Sovereign ; and, in this instance, the
Council, who, by the will of Henry VIII., were governors of the king-
dom, issued the warrant to the Lord Chancellor. This is proved by
their own minute, dated April 27th, 1550 : "A warrant to the L.
Chauncellor to make out a writt to the Shireff of London for the
execu£on of Johan of Kent, condempned to be burned for certein,
detestable opinions of heresie." This alone makes the weeping of the
King on signing a warrant impossible ; for such an act could not take
place. f And, 3. It does not appear that the Reformed were at all
divided on the principle, but that all persons agreed that some heretics
deserved death. Thus Philpot, five years afterwards, when on the
point of being himself taken to the stake, replied to Lord Chancellor
Rich, who referred to this woman, " As for Joan of Kent, she was a
vain woman, (I knew her well,) and a heretic indeed, well worthy to
be burnt, because she stood against one of the manifest articles of our
faith, contrary to the Scripture." Therefore, the blame of burning
Joan Bocher, or the Arian, George Van Pare, who suffered a year
afterwards, is not ,to be laid on Cranmer alone, nor on the Reformers,
as if they had been equally blood-thirsty with their antagonists. The
ill-instructed conscience of men in those days demanded death for
heresy ; but the influence of Christianity was undeniably apparent in
the small number of two persons put to death for the sake of religion
in this reign of political revulsion, — a reign when the Papists broke
out into open insurrection, when the Lady Mary openly resisted the
laws, and when even the Emperor of Germany presumed to meddle
on her behalf. And this influence is also apparent in the reluctance
with which the Council proceeded to this extremity. The Papist
Commissioners and Judges were always ready, and generally in haste,
* Burnet, vol. ii., part ii. ; King Edward's Journal, May 2, 1550.
t For these two most important observations the public are indebted to John Bruce>
Esq., F.S.A., editor of the Parker Society's volume of the works of Roger Hutchinson.
2 H 2
236 CHAPTER IV.
to burn their victims ; but, borrowing again a record of King Edward,
we find that Van Pare was not hurried to his end. He writes thus :
"A certain Arrian of the strangers, a Dutch man, being excommuni-
cated by the congregation of his countrymen, was, after long disputa-
tion, condemned to the fire." * If the Council could have saved him,
consistently with the universally admitted principle, they would have
gladly done so. And, humiliating as it is to find commissions for the
inquisition of heresy in this reign, or in any other, we are glad to
observe that the first Commissioners soon laid down their charge, and
that when there were complaints of foreign heresy again, a new
Commission had to be formed,f the other not considering themselves
permanent. And, after all, each of these two temporary bodies only
burnt one person, — the first, after more than twelve months' labour to
convert by argument ; the second, rather adopting an excommunica-
tion pronounced by others, and the Council itself reluctantly sanc-
tioning their sentence, only after long disputation. A third com-
mission was issued against Anabaptists, but none suffered. And it is
certain, that although Popery was overpowered by force of legislation,
no Papist suffered death, and that those who were imprisoned were
not persecuted on account of doctrinal dissent, but for breach of
Parliamentary statutes, or resistance to the secular authority.
On the other hand, the Papists employed their accustomed weapon,
brute force, not wielded by governors over governed, but raised
by the people against constituted authority, and even took part
in the very acts since made the subject of so much declamatory
censure. For example : under the third commission, given to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and some others,
(A.D. 1552,) against Anabaptists in Kent, Popish informers displayed
great zeal in presenting Protestants under charge of Anabaptism or
Arianism ; and a man and woman of Ashford, whose only crime was
earnest piety, narrowly escaped imprisonment, if not death, in conse-
quence of the deposition of false witnesses. Cranmer himself tested
these statements by close investigation, and demonstrated their inno-
cence.J But insurrection was a favourite resort of the Romish
Clergy.
Nothing could be easier than to stir up rebellion in England at
that time. The distribution of church lands and houses among the
nobles of England had given them an increased preponderance of
wealth and power, quickening their cupidity, and diminishing those
charitable supplies, — if so they may be called, — those contributions
to the indigent that had flowed from the convents, and often blinded
the humbler classes to the moral evils of those receptacles of indolence
and lewdness. Proprietors of land, instead of conciliating the good-
will of their tenants, gradually raised the rents, until a farmer would
be paying three, or even four, times as much as his father had paid,
even within his own memory. Agricultural produce rose in price,
and, without relieving the poverty of the grower, the consumer spent
his last farthing, and was hungry still. The middle and lower classes
* King Edward's Journal, April 7th, 1551. t Rymeri Feeders, torn, xv., p. 250
t Strype, Edward VI., chap. 15.
ENGLAND UNDER EDWARD VI. 237
of the population were utterly alienated from the aristocracy, among
whom were the administrators of the law, not less corrupt. Deci-
sions were sold to the highest purchaser ; and as poor men could not
buy redress, they were at the mercy of the rich. Ejected Monks
were scattered over the land, and, mingling with the people, simulta-
neously excited them to break off the insufferable yoke, either so
guiding popular discontent that the multitude should complain of real
evils, or so exalting it that the cry should be for a religious war.
The Clergy were ungodly, ignorant, immoral, and profane. Even
many of the Bishops could only be so described ; and their com-
pliance with measures of reform had rather arisen from apathy, or
fear of removal from their livings, than from acquiescence in the change.
And seeing that the sequestered property had either gone to the crown,
and served to enrich the court, or was bestowed on noblemen in com-
pensation for services, or in consideration of claims upon the Sovereign
in the preceding reign, they grew jealous of the aristocracy, and could
justify their enmity to the satisfaction of the people. Nor was there
any prospect of an early remedy. The King was at war with Scot-
land for the attainment, as many would consider, of a merely dynastic
object. The British territory in France was assailed. France was
hostile, and the Emperor of Germany not so openly, only because his
hands were full on the Continent : his communication with England
was characterised by profound dissatisfaction, and the Lady Mary,
afterwards Queen, appealed to him for support, in order to the open
exercise of her own religion, in contradiction to the existing laws. A
burden of new taxation added to the weight of agrarian oppression,
and the commercial interest of England was, as yet, too feeble to
afford a stay to the tottering fabric of a divided, wronged, and half-
barbarous society. Latimer preached, at court, against the sins of
courtiers, Judges, Priests, and gentry, and poor petitioners flocked to
him from morning until night soliciting his intercession with men in
power. Cranmer laboured to moderate excesses that could not be
remedied ; Ridley pleaded for the Clergy, whom he desired to reform,
yet could not consent to spoil. Now and then a fraudulent Lord
made some trifling retribution ; now and then slumbering justice
awoke to a brief deed of equity ; but the disease of the whole body
politic was constitutional, inveterate, and incurable by any effort of
theirs. The Council made inquiry, and endeavoured to redress
grievances ; but almost every endeavour failed.
Any history of this reign, either ecclesiastical or secular, will afford
details of the rebellion in Yorkshire, Norfolk, and Devonshire, and
the attempted revolt in Wiltshire, Sussex, Hampshire, Kent, Glouces-
tershire, Suffolk, Warwickshire, Essex, Hertfordshire, Leicestershire,
Worcestershire, and Rutlandshire. Our present object is only to
mark the part which Popery took in drawing forth the latent elements
of civil warfare, and seeking to regain, by bloodshed, the territory
lost. Bloodshed, be it observed, was inevitable. The rebels waged
war, two thousand of them were killed at once in Norfolk, and six-
teen hundred in Devonshire, to say nothing of deadly skirmishes
whenever hostile parties encountered each other. But, in Devonshire,
238 CHAPTER IV.
the host was carried with the insurgent army in a cart, and invocated
as god of the battle, while Latin prayers and sacramental celebrations
were the appointed signals of insurrection. One document, contain-
ing a summary of their demands, quite supersedes the necessity of
narrative, and proves that the Church of Rome, beaten on the fair
fields of dispute and legislation, borrowed this tumultuary violence as
if it were a lawful instrument. Abbreviating the language, we pre-
serve the substance. On Whit-Monday, (June 10th,) 1549, Humphrey
Arundell, Governor of St. Michael's Mount, Cornwall, and leader
of the rebels, with the Mayor of Bodmin, met Lord Russell, and pro-
posed, as conditions of peace, — " 1. Restoration of canon law ; 2.
Enforcement of the Act of ' Six Articles ' for the death of Protestants ;
3. The Latin mass ; 4. Elevation of the host ; 5. Eucharist in one
kind ; 6. Baptism at all times (which had never been forbidden) ;
7. Holy bread, holy water, palms, and images ; 8. Abolition of the
English service ; 9. Prayer by all officiating Priests and Preachers for
souls in purgatory; 10. Suppression of the English Bible; 11. A
change of Bishops ; 12. Recall of Cardinal Pole, then under attainder
for treason ; 13. That no gentleman should have more than one
servant for every hundred marks of income ; 14. Immediate restora-
tion of half the abbey and church lands ; 15. And a safe-conduct to
the King, and back again, for Arundell and the Mayor, in order to
further negotiations." These conditions could not be accepted : the
number was reduced in the next overture, but the terms remained
virtually the same, and force only could decide. The rebels besieged
Exeter ; but the loyal inhabitants defended their city. The assailants
set fire to the gates : the citizens threw fuel on the fire, and, while a
barrier of flame kept out the enemy, reared a battlement on the
inside, from which to repel them still. The besiegers mined, and the
train was ready, to force an entrance by explosion ; but the men.
of Exeter, under the direction of John Newcombe, a tinner of Teign-
mouth, had counter-mined, and spoiled the powder by directing on it
the drainage from neighbouring houses. And God sent a drenching
shower, at that very moment, that swelled the stream, and drowned
the explosive preparation. Provisions were failing ; but they ate
horseflesh, and divided their scanty stores. Rich and poor ate
together, subsisting on equal rations ; and one man expressed the
prevailing spirit of that heroic population, when he said that he would
eat his left arm, and fight with the right, rather than capitulate.
Papistry had its faction within the walls, but honest men were not
dismayed ; and when they were, indeed, brought to the last point
of endurance, Lord Russell, aided by the subsidies of " three princely
merchants," * raised the siege, left a thousand of the rebels dead on
the ground, and returned thanks to the city for its loyalty. Miles
Coverdale was in the camp, and conducted the solemnities of a
thanksgiving to the Lord of hosts, and Exeter sacredly kept the anni-
versary of that deliverance (August 6th). f
Of Ireland, it is enough to say that the English Liturgy, the first
* Thomas Prestwood, Thomas Bodly, and John Periam.
t Burnet, part ii., book i. ; -Fuller, book vii., sect. 1.
THE REFORMERS NOT INTOLERANT. 239
book printed in Dublin, (A.D. 1551,) was accepted in submission to
royal authority ; that the Archbishop of Armagh, Primate, at that
time, of all Ireland, refused to sanction it, and either left his charge,
or was separated from it ; that a nominal reformation was begun, but
the Irish Priests would not exchange concubinage for marriage ; that
two Englishmen, Goodacre and Bale, were appointed to the sees
of Armagh and Ossory, and that the former soon died, not without
suspicion of poison. At the death of Edward VI. the evangelical
Reformation of Ireland had to be begun.*
Notwithstanding the extreme severity of the leaders of the English
Reformation against Anabaptism and Arianism, they were not intole-
rant towards other reformed churches. John Knox, whose views
of discipline were utterly opposed to theirs, found favour, and, but
for conscientious adherence to his own views, might have had pre-
ferment in the Church of England. Hooper was excessively scrupu-
lous as to vestments, and insisted on the scruple with a pertinacity
which, at such a period, might have diverted his brethren from their
proper work, and exposed their cause to contempt ; but they bore
with him, and allowed him to lay aside his robes, except on a few
specified occasions. Learned foreigners were admitted to professorial
chairs and benefices, although entertaining tenets at variance with
those of Cranmer on some non-essential points. Persecuted Protest-
ants were welcomed to England, provided with churches for the
celebration of worship in their respective languages, and their Minis-
ters assisted with grants of public money, without any compromise
of ecclesiastical independence. And while the enemies of the Gospel
clamoured for a general delivery of Bibles, and a suppression of
Common Prayer in the English language, and the same party were
everywhere warring against the press, and discouraging literary
studies, Edward VI. licensed and protected the first English printer,
from whose press proceeded books in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. f
To borrow the language of the University of Rostock, we may still
render thanks to God, that while in all other kingdoms the ministry
of the Gospel and study of letters were either abolished, or fiercely
opposed by the cruelty of Papists, the tumults of war, or by violent
controversies, churches and schools could rise and be conducted in
peace within the, sure asylum of this kingdom. J And the many
thousands of Englishmen who now enjoy the benefit of an efficient
education received in " King Edward's Schools," — institutions, as far
as the author has seen or heard, conducted with faithful adherence to
the Christian and liberal principles of their founder, — cannot but be
grateful for the Reformation that multitudes fancy it liberal to despise,
and generous to contrast, unfavourably, with the " Catholicity " that
prevailed in the reign following, and labours to prevail again. We
join the learned body just mentioned in giving " His royal Majesty
the deserved title of nursing-father of the church of God."
Actuated by the single motive that had governed all his conduct,
* Mant, History of the Church in Ireland, chap, iii., sect. 1, 2.
t Rymeri Foedera, torn, xv., p. 160.
j Strype, Edward VI., Repository, book ii., H.
240 CHAPTER IV.
Edward determined, when he found himself near death, to change
the succession to the throne from his eldest sister, Mary, to the Lady
Jane Gray. He, doubtless, thought himself above the law, and hoped
by excluding Mary to save England from Popery ; but the majority
of the Council believed that such an act would be as dangerous as
illegal, unless done by the Parliament, and only consented when over-
come by his importunity. The Lord Chancellor would not put the
seal to the King's letters patent until supported by the signature
of all the other Judges ; and the Chief Justice had not prepared them
until commanded by a written commission, with a pardon ready under
the Great Seal for the treason of which he believed himself guilty.
Cranmer opposed the proceeding strenuously ; but Edward commanded
them all on their allegiance, and so endeavoured to assume the respon-
sibility. Lady Jane Gray dreaded the proffered crown, and could
not be ignorant that her father-in-law, the Duke of Northumberland,
had first used persuasion with the young dying King, who already
trembled at the thought of Mary being his successor, and then dis-
played violence towards the Council, over whom, after the fall
of Somerset, he had exercised control. The purity of Edward's
intention, however, could not cover the illegality of the deed ; and
after two days of royalty the Lady Jane found herself deserted by the
Council, and, having reluctantly gone into the Tower as Queen, was
kept there as prisoner, and soon afterwards beheaded for treason,
together with her husband, Lord Guilford, rejoicing to be delivered
from this world of misery, and confidently expecting to be exalted to
an everlasting throne.
Queen Mary I., distinguished by the epithet " bloody," thus suc-
ceeded to that admirable Prince whose only error was committed in
the last hours of his life. As for Mary, her pre-eminence in perse-
cution requires that we should mark her earlier career. When the
injured Queen Catharine was separated from Henry VIII., she very
properly declared herself on her mother's side. The King was so
enraged at the boldness of his daughter, that he intended to put her
to death, and, probably, would have done so, but for the dissuasion
of Cranmer, who pleaded that she was young and indiscreet, — that it
was to be expected she would adhere to what her mother and those
around her had been teaching her from infancy, — that it would appear
strange, and would excite the horror of Europe, if he were to proceed
to extremity against his own child, who might be brought to another
mind, if separated from her mother. So Cranmer saved Mary's life.
But after her mother's death she thought well to act differently. With
some reluctance, certainly, yet preferring reconciliation to her father,
to the death that her mother had exhorted her to prepare for, she
rendered a full submission under her own hand. " Plainly, with all
mine heart," wrote she, " I do now confess and declare my inward
sentence, belief, and judgment, with a due conformity of obedience to
the laws of the realm," &c. Then, after acknowledging the King's
Majesty (whom the Pope had excommunicated) to be the Sovereign
Lord of the realm of England, she continued : " I do recognise, take,
repute, and knowledge the King's Highness to be supreme head in
DISSIMULATION OF MARY. 241
earth under Christ of the Church of England ; and do utterly refuse
the Bishop of Rome's pretended authority, power, and jurisdiction
within this realm heretofore usurped, according to the laws and
statutes made in that behalf, and of all the King's true subjects
humbly received, admitted, obeyed, kept, and observed ; and also do
utterly renounce and forsake all manner of remedy, interest, and
advantage, which I may by any means claim by the Bishop of Rome's
laws, process, jurisdiction, or sentence, at this present time, or in any
wise hereafter, by any manner of title, colour, mean, or case, that is,
shall, or can be devised for that purpose. — MARY." And lest this
should not be deemed sufficiently explicit on the chief point of quarrel
with her father, she wrote again : " Item, I do freely, frankly, and for
the discharge of my duty towards God, the King's Highness, and his
laws, without other respect, recognise and knowledge, that the
marriage heretofore had between His Majesty and my mother, the late
Princess Dowager, was, by God's law, and man's law, incestuous and
unlawful. — MARY." * It might be said that this " confession " was
extorted from her by fear, and probably it was ; but she seems to have
thenceforth courted favour with consummate dissimulation.
The above-cited " confession " was accompanied by a letter to her
father, written in language of the most abject submission, not only
yielding every point that she had previously maintained, but putting
her soul under his direction ; and, professing herself willing in all
things to direct her conscience according to his learning, virtue,
wisdom, and knowledge, she called her former disobedience, " iniquity
towards God." Again and again, as her letters testify, she made the
same profession of unreserved consent to her father's laws, not except-
ing those which related to the Church ; and in writing to Secretary
Cromwell, she went further than any honest Protestant could go in
submission to the supremacy of the King. " For mine opinion,"
said she, " touching pilgrimages, purgatory, relics, and such like, I
assure you I have none at all but such as I shall receive from him that
hath mine whole heart in his keeping, that is, the King's most graci-
ous Highness, my most benign father, who shall imprint in the same,
touching these matters and all other, what his inestimable virtue, high
wisdom, and excellent learning shall think convenient, and limit unto
me." But after her father's death she grew bold, refused obedience
to the Council of Regency whom he had appointed, and said that she
would not acknowledge any changes in religion made during the
minority of her brother. Yet when Lady Jane Gray was proclaimed
Queen, contrary to her expectation, and she had to turn back into
Suffolk and endeavour there to raise a party, she went further than
ever she had done before in renouncing Popery. For she not only
professed willingness to abide by the ecclesiastical Reformation of
Henry VIII., but assured a large company of gentlemen and others
who came to her at Framlingham, that she would never alter the form
of religion that had been established under Edward, but, without
making any innovation or change, would be contented with the pri-
vate exercise of her own. Persuaded of her sincerity, they resolved
* Burnet, part i., book iii. A.D. 1536.
VOL. III. 2 I
242 CHAPTER IV.
to hazard their lives and fortunes in her quarrel, as did the Protestants
of Norfolk, to whom she gave the same promise. At Norwich she
was first proclaimed Queen, and then all over England ; the Papists
reasonably expecting that she would restore their superstition and
reinstate the Clergy in power, the Reformed trusting that she would
still allow them liberty, and her superior title to the crown being
generally acknowledged. But when some of the Suffolk and Norfolk
men appeared before her in London, a short time after her coronation,
when she had already silenced the Reformed preachers and exercised
so much severity that a sanguinary persecution began to be feared,
and reminded her of her promise, they no longer found a pliant can-
didate for popular support, but an imperious bigot. She called them
insolent ; said that she marvelled that they, being members, should
pretend to rule her, their head ; bade them learn that members should
obey, not govern ; and because one of them, named Dobbe, had
spoken out more boldly than the rest, he was sent to the pillory for
having said what tended to the defamation of the Queen.
The burial of Edward VI. * was the signal for a mournful change.
During the days preceding, Gardiner and other Popish recusants were
released from prison ; and several friends and promoters of the
Reformation committed to the Tower and other places of confinement.
Not only the Duke of Northumberland, and others of the nobility and
gentry who had supported Lady Jane Gray, but the Bishop of Lon-
don, Dr. Cox, and other eminent Ministers of Christ, were incarce-
rated. Dr. Day, formerly Bishop of Chichester, having been released
from the Marshalsea by Mary, a few days before, preached at the
funeral in Westminster Abbey, the Queen so preventing any mention
of her predecessor that would have been disagreeable to herself.
Cranmer then performed his last public act, by administering — and
for the last time in that place — the sacrament of the Lord's supper.
Gardiner officiated before Mary in the Tower, at a Popish requiem,
mitred again as a Bishop, and next day used his liberty by quitting
the Tower. On the following Sunday began an open attack on the
Reformation by one Bourn, Parson of High-Ongar, in Essex, one of a
company of preachers made ready for that service. He delivered a
violent oration at Paul's-Cross, in presence of the Lord Mayor and
an immense concourse, censuring the proceedings of the late King
and his Council, and pouring contempt on all that was dear to the
people. After the rude fashion of the time, when congregations gave
signs of approbation and dissent, the people signified their displeasure
by shouts, and tossing of caps. Women, children, and Priests joined
in the uproar, and some one threw a dagger at the preacher, who
was immediately conveyed to a place of safety by Bradford and
Rogers, who were forthwith imprisoned. On the following Sunday,
Dr. Watson, Gardiner's Chaplain, occupied the same pulpit, guarded
by two hundred soldiers, and was heard by several noble Lords, with
the crafts of the city in order and costume, the ordinary crowd being
excluded or overawed. An order had been given that no apprentices
should come to that sermon, nor any person bearing arms, the guard
* He died July 6th, aud was buried August 8th, 1553,
MARY'S FIRST PROCLAMATION. 243
exceptcd ; and each day in the intervening week had been marked by
some act of severe and re-actionary justice. Next day ten thousand
people were assembled on Tower-Hill to witness the execution of the
Duke of Northumberland and other state-prisoners. Block, sand,
and straw were ready on the scaffold ; and armed men and hangman
all waiting to do their duty, when they were commanded to depart.
The criminals had been induced to renounce their religion, little as it
was, and, in order to be paraded at a mass within the Tower, were
respited for a day. One more sun rose on them, and then the execu-
tioner did his office.
While this first abjuration of the present reign was taking place
within the state-prison of England, a proclamation, probably drawn
up by Gardiner, and signed by Mary at Richmond three days before,
(August 18th,) was published in London, and despatched to all parts
of the kingdom. The Queen's Highness, well remembering what
dangers and inconveniences had grown to Her Highness's realm in
times past from diversities of religion, and affirming that now, in the
beginning of her most prosperous reign, the same contentions were
much revived, and certain false and untrue reports spread by light-
minded and evil-disposed persons, made her mind known to her loving
subjects, and signified her most gracious pleasure. For herself, her
pleasure would be to follow the same religion which God and the
world knew she had professed from childhood. For her subjects, her
desire was that they should profess the same. Yet, of her most gra-
cious disposition and clemency, she minded not to compel any there-
unto, until such time as further order might by common consent be
taken therein. Meanwhile she strictly commanded all her subjects
not to presume to interpret the laws of England, not to use the
" new-found devilish terms of Papist and heretic," not to gather
assemblies, not to preach in public or in private without authority,
nor to interpret the word of God " after their own brain," nor to
make any allusion to religious matters in plays, books, ballads, rhymes,
or lewd treatises. She also forbade all prosecutions for religious and poli-
tical offences, except those instituted by her own authority ; but invited
her loving subjects to be diligent as informers, and straitly charged
the Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices, and so on, to commit all transgressors
of this proclamation to the nearest prisons, without bail or main-
prise.* If Edward violated the law of succession by superseding the
will of his father without an Act of Parliament, what shall be said
of Mary, who, in this proclamation, not only suspended the execution
of all existing laws, but violated the liberty of her subjects by order-
ing imprisonment for obeying those laws, contrary to her pleasure ?
The mass returned. First at St. Nicholas, Cole Abbey, one Parson
Chicken, the Incumbent, signalised his Catholicity by selling his wife
to a butcher, and, not waiting for orders, by setting up tapers and a
crucifix on the altar of his church, and singing mass in Latin. Parson
Chicken, however, was carted through London a few weeks afterwards.
The next day, (August 24th,) a Latin mass was also performed in
Bread-street. These illegal masses rapidly multiplied ; and the
* Foxe, book x., gives the proclamation.
2 i 2
244 CHAPTER IV.
Priests, who put themselves in advance of law, were sure of royal
favour; but the parishioners often interposed to check their zeal, and
in a few instances preferred charges of unlawful conduct against
them. Such indictments were laid before Judge Hales at the Kent
assizes, and he pronounced sentence according to law, fearless of con-
sequences. He had braved the displeasure of the Duke of Northum-
berland by refusing to consent to the exclusion of Mary from the
succession, and, under her government, might have expected some
acknowledgment ; but he was called before Gardiner, now Lord Chan-
cellor, thrown into prison, and so tormented by exposure to incessant
annoyances, taken from prison to prison, to undergo new vexations by
day and night, that from want of sleep and quiet he lost all power of self-
command, renounced the religious profession that he had so long adorned
both in public and in private, and then attempted to commit suicide.
In reward for his recantation, he was released from prison, but never
recovered his reason, and after a few months drowned himself in a
river.
Most preachers obeyed the Queen's proclamation by keeping
silence, or they met their flocks in small companies from house to
house, awaiting the assemblage of Parliament, and feebly hoping that
she would not utterly neglect the promise given before her proclama-
tion, not to persecute any for conscience' sake. But each day's event
weakened that hope, until the silence of the pulpits was broken by
herself; and, while yet the law was for the Reformed religion, public
worship was made Popish by an act of unconstitutional compulsion.
Using her ecclesiastical supremacy, she gave a warrant to Gardiner,
as Chancellor, authorizing him to give licence, under the Great Seal,
to such grave, learned, and discreet persons as should seem unto him
meet and able men, to preach God's word in any church or chapel in
England (August 29th).* Some good men determined to preach
without licence, since it behoved them to bear testimony to the Gos-
pel with so much the greater earnestness, as its enemies endeavoured
to propagate idolatry ; and on the very day of the above warrant,
Coverdale, Bishop of Exeter, and Hooper of Gloucester, were sum-
moned to appear before the Council. Hooper was committed to the
Fleet, (September 1 st,) and Coverdale appointed to wait their pleasure.
Cranmer would have been dealt with in the same manner, had not the
Queen determined to leave him, as long as possible, in possession
of the see of Canterbury, that it might be reserved for Cardinal Pole,
on his return from Rome. The foreigners who had found refuge from
persecution in England now fled. Peter Martyr, who held a pro-
fessorship at Cambridge, left the University, and took refuge with
Cranmer at Lambeth, until it was evident that Cranmer could no
longer afford protection to any one ; when he returned to Germany.
John a Lascof and his flock were commanded to leave, their
* Rymeri Fosdera, torn, xv., p. 337.
t John Laski — Latinised into a Lasco — was a noble Pole, who had been previously
in England, and was invited hither again, in the reign of Edward VI., to assist in pro-
moting a reformed ecclesiastical discipline. He was acknowledged as " Superintendent"
of the foreign Protestants in- London, to whom a church was granted for the celebration
of worship in their language, and according to their own form.
MARY S FIRST PARLIAMENT. 245
church was taken from them, and their congregation dissolved.
Many English fled at the same time, disguised as servants to French-
men and Germans. Some Clergymen also went, of whom the most
eminent were Dr. Cox, after his release from the Marshalsea, Dr.
Sands, Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, Grindal, Bishop of London, and
Master Home, Dean of Durham. From this time the emigration
continued, as far as the persecuted could evade pursuit ; and English
congregations were formed, or the native congregations considerably
enlarged, at Strasburg, Zurich, Geneva, Basil, Berne, Louvain, Frank-
fort, Wesel, and other places.
At the suggestion of Peter Martyr, Cranmer published a denial of a
report that he had offered to say mass, and had actually caused it to
be said at Canterbury ; and offered to defend the scriptural service
recently appointed, in consistence with the practice of primitive Chris-
tian antiquity. Within a week after the publication of this letter, he
was committed to the Tower, together with Latimer (September 14th
and 15th).
Shortly after her coronation (Sunday, October 1st, 1553) at the hand
of Gardiner, Mary saw her obedient Parliament assembled. There could
be no effectual opposition there ; for the chief leaders of political dis-
affection had been beheaded, and most of the Reformed Bishops were
in prison. The Bishops of Lincoln and Hereford took their places,
but either retired at once, or were expelled, for not adoring the host
in a mass that was said before the House at opening (October 5th).
Her first act (for all acts there were of the Queen, not of the Parlia-
ment) was to remit the subsidies that had been granted to Edward,
in order to produce a favourable impression on her subjects. She
also gave a general pardon, having the same intention, but with many
exceptions. But the chief business of the session was to repeal the
Acts of the two reigns preceding, so far as religion was concerned,
and to enact the contrary. To recount the new Acts is unnecessary.
They are to be found among the statutes of the realm ; but their
summary may be given by saying, that they were the abrogation of all
that upheld religious liberty and evangelical reform. The Lady Jane
Gray, with her husband, and two other sons of the Duke of North-
umberland, who had been kept in durance, were here attainted as
traitors. So waa Cranmer. Their lives were forfeited, excepting
Cranmer, who, being an Archbishop, was spared for the time, that so
high a dignitary might not be put to death until canonically degraded ;
and, the Queen's object being to reserve the archbishopric for a
favourite, this deference to the Church served her purpose well. He
was declared a traitor, kept in the Tower, and allowed to retain the
archbishopric nominally, but deprived of its revenue. The Primate
had had many premonitions of this event. The very day before
the opening of Parliament, his brother of York was incarcerated,
with several other men of high rank, who had not shown sufficient
alacrity in attending at the coronation. Commissioners held their
sessions at the Dean of St. Paul's house, and dealt out summary dis-
cipline to as many as were delated. Persons of high title stood there
as delinquents, received arbitrary sentences, and suddenly found them-
246 CHAPTER IV.
selves in custody as state-criminals, and hurried away to the Tower,
as was Archbishop Heath, or to the common gaols of London. Others
bought their peace by submitting to heavy fines, and others by relin-
quishing fees and offices granted to them under King Edward.
All this time the Queen retained the title, " Supreme Head of the
Church," and acted as such. And she had not ventured to open a
correspondence with Rome. The Papal Nuncio at the Imperial court,
therefore, endeavoured to ascertain what position this zealous Lady
intended to take, and, as there was no channel of official communica-
tion, did towards England, what England, in our day, has done
towards Rome, — he sent a secret emissary.* One Commendone, an
Italian, made his way to London, early in August, wandered about
the city, not daring to make himself, or his errand, known, until he
met one of the Queen's servants, whom he had known abroad, and
obtained, through his means, a secret audience of Her Majesty. She
told him freely that she desired to restore things to the state they
had been in before her father's defection from Rome, and sent him
thither with two letters, — one addressed to Cardinal Pole, and the
other to the Pope. The Cardinal had sent a letter for her to the
Nuncio at Brussels, and it was, probably, by Commendone that she
received it. She desired Cardinal Pole's presence in quality of
Nuncio, or, if the Holy Father would so dispense, (for, although Car-
dinal, he was only a Deacon,) as husband. And she craved a public
and solemn pardon on behalf of England for having separated from
the See of Rome.f The former indulgence could not be granted
without disappointing the Emperor, who had set his heart on placing
his son Philip on the throne of England ; but of the latter there
could be no question. Commendone related the execution of the
Duke of Northumberland, and every other incident that would delight
the Cardinals ; but to the Pope alone he communicated every parti-
cular. To him alone he said that he had seen the Queen, and bare
her message and epistles. The Parliament of England had not met
when he was in London in August, unknown to all but Mary and her
servant : therefore it would have been palpably imprudent for her to
have then attempted an open negotiation. But the state of England,
and the evident disposition of the Queen, were sufficiently known to
permit the Consistory to indulge in great joy. For three days Rome
was made gay with high festivity ; the Pope himself condescended to
say mass ; he distributed indulgences to the populace, and the Roman
Prelates and Priests congratulated one another on the sudden recovery
of England.
Long before the meeting of Parliament those preliminaries had
gone forward stealthily between London and Rome, and according to
them are the ostensible proceedings in Parliament and Convocation.
Over the Convocation (October 16th) Bonner presided ; and his Chap-
lain, John Harpsfield, preached the sermon, neither stinting panegyric
* A person, having no formal appointment, but receiving a salary from Great Britain,
d onl known as an attache of the British embass
»iijH uv, a appumi mem, out receiving a salary from (.treat BIT
and only known as an attache of the British embassy at Florence, has long been
covert, yet active, representative of this country at the Court of Rome.
T Phillips, Life of Cardinal Pole, vol. ii., pp. 6, 8. 28.
the
MARY'S FIRST CONVOCATION. 247
on the Queen and her Bishops, nor sparing invective against the
Reformed. Weston, Dean of Westminster, was presented by the
Lower House as Prolocutor, and approved hy Bonner. The Upper
House appears to have been well sifted ; but some evangelical Clergy
took their seats in the Lower, and when Weston told them Her
Majesty's pleasure that King Edward's pestiferous Catechism and
abominable Common-Prayer Book should be suppressed, and "that
they should prepare such laws about religion as she would ratify with
her Parliament," there were dissentients. He, therefore, proposed
some questions, and, saying that he was assured that the majority
would decide as Mary required, adjourned the sitting. On re-assem-
bling, all the members, except six, subscribed a set of Popish articles.
The six non-contents, Philpot, Archdeacon of Winchester, Philips,
Dean of Rochester, Haddon, Dean of Exeter, Cheyney, Archdeacon
of Hereford, Ailmer, Archdeacon of Stow, and Young, Chanter of St.
David's, withheld their signatures, and defended the Catechism and
Prayer-Book, as printed by consent and approval of the Convocation,
who had appointed persons to prepare them, and fully authorized
their publication and use ; whereas Weston presumed to say that they
were introduced without their consent. Philpot, on behalf of his
brethren, asked the House to allow a discussion of the articles, com-
plaining that it was unfair to demand signatures to what had not
been submitted to discussion in order to acceptance. The demand
could scarcely be refused ; and, on the day appointed, many of the
Lords came to listen, as did a great congregation of people. But the
six dissentients, maintaining their belief during so many days, were
browbeaten, and Popish doctrine was restored. Such a compulsory
proceeding had certainly not been witnessed in the reign of Edward,
nor even in that of Henry.
During the Convocation select preachers delivered sermons at
Paul's-Cross, protected by barriers, and guarded by armed men.
Processions were made round the cathedral, with the old accom-
paniments of saints, crosses, and torches, and, after a few such
exhibitions had been suffered by the Londoners, orders were given to
every church to have the furniture necessary for the same purpose.
Sentences of Scripture that had been painted on the church-walls
were erased, and images replaced ; and, before the year closed, citizens
were apprehended and imprisoned for heresy, and their property
sequestered, just as in the dark days of Wolsey and Sir Thomas
More.
The year 1554 opened amidst universal terror. The dungeons
were full, and scaffolds had reeked with blood. Of Queen Mary's
thirst for blood there could be no doubt, nor any of her ingratitude
and bad faith, even to her friends. Cranmer, who had once preserved
her life, and Judge Hales, who had hazarded his own life in the cause
of her succession to the crown, were in bonds. Those who had dared
to remind her of her solemn pledge to allow religious liberty were
insulted and even pilloried. To add, as people thought, an incalculable
amount of evil to what already existed, a marriage was intended be-
tween the Queen and a Spaniard, Philip of Austria, son of Charles V.
248 CHAPTER IV.
The despotism of Spanish government in the Netherlands and in
Italy might be extended to England when the young Spaniard should
be seated on our throne with the power, as well as the title, of King.
The zeal of Mary for Popery would scarcely refuse the Spanish
method of overcoming heresy, nor would her taste be likely to repugn
against an Inquisition, having had a Spanish mother, and received a
Spanish consort. Spain, at that time, was exceedingly rich, and the
dowry would be large : yet the expected gold had been gathered from
America ; it was the price of blood ; to get it, Spain had perpetrated
atrocities on that continent unparalleled in the history of the civilised
world. Would not that gold be made an instrument of corruption and
oppression 1 These were not unreasonable fears, and Papists, as well as
Reformed, entertained them. A silent, domestic discontent pervaded
England. The Spanish marriage became the topic of universal conversa-
tion, the object of universal horror ; and the court were alarmed with
rumours of a general insurrection. As yet a word of conciliation had not
been spoken ; and the woman who, in time of danger, had given up her
conscience to be guided by her father, and declared her mother to have
lived in incest, — the woman who, in hour of need, had courted popular-
ityand offered liberty, — now again descends to expostulate with citizens.
She desired, or allowed, Gardiner, about the middle of January, to send
for the Lord Mayor of London, the court of Aldermen, and about forty
of the Commons, and talk sweetly to them about her intended marriage
with the Prince of Spain. They heard with courteous reserve, but could
not rein the indignation, nor dispel the apprehensions, of the Lon-
doners, who were in correspondence with armed insurgents in the
country. Intelligence soon reached St. James's that Sir Thomas
Wyat, a gentleman who had enjoyed the confidence of Henry VIII.,
and was intrusted by him with a mission to Charles V., headed a
revolt in Kent, had that day (January 25th) entered Maidstone with
armed force, and was receiving adherents from all directions. After
a night of sleepless preparation, the militia were called out, the gates
of London doubly guarded, and the Duke of Norfolk sent into Kent
against Sir Thomas Wyat. The Duke met Sir Thomas marching
towards London, and, at Rochester-bridge, his men, instead of dis-
puting the passage, or forcing their way into the city, joined the
rebels, and left his Grace to carry back the report. While Norfolk
marched out of London, a messenger hastened towards Ashridge,* to
make sure of the Lady Elizabeth. Mary, at the advice of Gardiner and
the Privy Council, wrote a kind letter to her " right dear and entirely
beloved sister," praying her to come to London with all convenient
speed, to avoid any danger that might arise in case of disturbance in
that neighbourhood. But the messenger carried private orders to her
governors to bring her up, willing or not. She was very ill in bed,
and the governors could not then remove her ; but, after waiting a
few days, Mary sent another sort of message by three of her Privy
Councillors, whom the Princess saw enter her chamber at ten o'clock
at night, and from them received an unceremonious command to obey
* Elizabeth resided there in a magnificent monastery, formerly occupied by the
Augustinians.
MARY REFUSES THE SUPREMACY. 249
her sister's pleasure, that would be enforced, if she showed reluct-
ance, by a strong body of soldiery that were waiting to attend her to
London in custody, if not under guard. She was hurried out of bed
early the next morning, carried on a litter, not suffered to see the
Queen, but, after a fortnight's arrest, committed to the Tower. Not
without suffering indignities, and being in peril of assassination, she
was confined successively in that place, at Woodstock, in her own
house at Ashridge, and at Hampton Court. The rebellion extended
to the midland counties and Cornwall ; but Protestants are not skilful
in rebellion, and that effort, being premature and ill concerted, failed.
The Papists gloried : Gardiner preached before the Queen, advising her
to show no mercy ; she needed not his incitement ; and in a few days
the streets of London were planted with gibbets, and the dungeons
again glutted with captives. For this, however, there may be some
excuse, and a less severe punishment could not have been expected.
Lady Jane Gray, who had been, until then, kept prisoner, was
beheaded, the circumstance of rebellion affording a sufficient pretext
(February 12th).
After having mastered those manifestations of political disquiet, the
Queen and her Council returned to their favourite work of persecu-
tion. A royal letter to all the Bishops commanded them to make a
visitation of their dioceses for the discovery and punishment of here-
tics ; and, among its numerous instructions, the most remarkable is
that they should refrain from employing, in their official acts, a usual
phrase, *' supported by royal authority," and no longer exact or
demand, in conferring ordination, the oaths of supremacy and suc-
cession. Commissions were also issued for the removal of the remain-
ing Bishops who had succeeded to Papists, with marks of special
disapprobation of those who had defiled themselves by marriage.
Under a distinct Commission, the Bishops of Lincoln, Worcester and
Gloucester, and Hereford, were to be not only deprived, but
punished ; * and we shall soon find them suffering for Christ's sake.
The historian of the Reformation thus describes the effect of these
visitations and Commissions : — " The most eminent preachers in
London were either put. into prison, or under confinement. Parker
estimates it that there were now about sixteen thousand Clergymen in
England ; and, of these, twelve thousand were turned out upon this
account;" (for being married ;) "some, he says, were deprived without
conviction, upon common fame; some were never cited to appear,
and yet turned out ; many that were in prison were cited, and turned
out for not appearing, though it was not in their power ; some were
induced to submit, and quit their wives for their livings : they were
all summarily deprived. Nor was this all : but, after they were
deprived, they were also forced to leave their wives ; which piece of
severity was grounded on the vow that, as was pretended, they had
made, though the falsehood of this charge was formally demon-
strated." -f
* Burnet, part ii., book ii., collections JO, 11; Hymen Foedera, torn, xv., pp. 370, 371.
t Monks make a vow of " chastity." Priests only vow canonical obedience. Now,
as the priesthood of England hud been released from the obligation to be unmarried, by
VOL. III. 2 K
250 CHAPTER IV.
It will be remembered that when the Convocation first met after
the expulsion of the more eminent evangelical Clergymen, six mem-
bers of the Lower House refused to sign a set of Popish articles ; that
a mock disputation was held for six days, amidst much uproar, and
that they were overborne by clamour. This injustice was flagrant ;
and the Papists, unable to palliate, thought that by allowing another
debate, some part of the discredit might be wiped away. An order
was, therefore, sent (March 10th) to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to
deliver the bodies of " Master Doctor Cranmer, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Master Doctor Ridley, and Master Latimer," to Sir John
Williams, to be conveyed to Oxford. They were thus conveyed, as
prisoners, first to Windsor, and thence to Oxford, to dispute with a
selected company of learned men of both Oxford and Cambridge on
the grand article of Romanism, transubstantiation. The heads of
colleges in Cambridge, being assembled, heard a letter from Gardiner,
with articles to be believed, and in due form gave them their sub-
scription, and, under their common seal, commissioned five of their
number to go to Oxford, to maintain the dogma against Canterbury,
London, and Latimer. In due time the representatives of Cambridge
took up their abode at the Cross Inn, Oxford, were welcomed with
ceremony, and began their communication with learned brethren with
much joviality, masses, and procession. The three prisoners were
confined apart ; the Cambridge and Oxford Doctors held frequent
conferences.
After more than a month had elapsed since their removal from the
Tower, they were severally conducted (April 14th) to the choir of St.
Mary's church, where no fewer than thirty-three University men were
seated before the altar to receive them. First, Archbishop Craumer,
in custody of the Mayor of Oxford and a party of armed men, was
brought into their presence. He was more than sixty years of age,
of low stature, mild countenance, his head shorn of locks that the
tonsure had not stolen, and his beard unshaven, and of silvery white-
ness. He leant on his staff; but, when offered a stool, refused,
choosing to stand in their presence, perhaps that the reality of his
condition, being in bonds, might appear in the humiliation of his
posture. Prolocutor Weston, seated in the midst, and robed in scar-
let, began by pronouncing an oration in praise of unity, and invited
Cranmer, who had been once, as he said, in the unity of the Church,
but was now separated from it, to return. Cranmer answered with
admirable self-possession, learning, and meekness, in a Latin address,
remarkable for classical propriety and Christian truth. He acknow-
ledged the excellence of unity, " conservatrix of all republics," and
said that he would be glad to come to a unity, " so that it were in
Christ, and agreeable to his holy word." The Prolocutor then caused
the articles to be read to him, and allowed him to take the parch-
ment and peruse them in silence three or four times ; which having
done, he asked for explanation of the words " true and natural,"
the authority of Parliament,— an authority that Mary herself made use of,— it was wan-
tonly false to charge those' twelve thousand married Priests with marrying "post
expressam professiunem castitatis, expresse, rite, et legitirne emissam."
CRANMER, RIDLEY, AND LATJMER AT OXFORD. 251
(verum et naturale,) as applied to the bread of the eucharist, which
was explained as meaning that it was " the same body as was born
of the Virgin." This he utterly denied ; and passing to the other
two, being of like import, he pronounced them all false, and against
God's holy word, " and therefore," said he, " I will not agree in this
unity with you." Some of his antagonists, doubtless remembering
to have often seen that reverend man of God, and heard his firm,
sweet voice, when surrounded with all the dignity of the Church, and
with civil power, were observed to shed tears. But Cranmer wept not.
It was agreed that he should receive a copy of the articles, and send
his answer in writing ; and he was conducted back to his solitary
lodgings in the Bocardo.
Then Ridley was brought. He heard the articles read once, and
answered, without reserve or hesitation, that they were all false.
They then endeavoured to ensnare him into some admissions that he
had once preached transubstantiation ; but he denied, and challenged
them to produce evidence. Evidence there was none ; and, in answer
to the question whether he was willing to dispute, he said, Yes, as
long as God gave him life, he would defend the truth with mouth
and pen ; but required time and books. But he was neither allowed
time, nor the use of his own books ; and they commanded the Mayor
to take him back to his place.
Lastly came in Master Latimer, tottering under the burden of four-
score years, " with a kerchief and two or three caps on his head, his
spectacles hanging by a string at his breast, and a staff in his hand."
The Prolocutor allowed him to be seated. He heard the articles,
and, like his brethren, denied them. They appointed the following
Wednesday for him to dispute ; but he said that he was as fit to be
Captain of Calais as to dispute. They would not allow him books,
nor pen and ink. He was old, sick, and had been for some time
unused even to preach. His only book was the New Testament there
in his hand. He could not promise to dispute ; but he would declare
all his faith, and bear whatever they would lay upon him. As for
the real presence, he had read that book seven times over, but found
not there the mass, " neither the marrow, bones, nor sinews of the
same." The Doctors were irritated. Weston told him that he would
malte him grant that it had both marrow, bones, and sinews in the
New Testament. To whom Latimer, " That you will never do,
Master Doctor." They put him to silence. The concourse of people,
which was so great that one of the beadles swooned under the
pressure, was dismissed, and the venerable confessor reconducted to
his place in the Bocardo.
Next day, being Sunday, there was much preaching, massing, and
carousal of Priests and Doctors.
On Monday morning, early, two Notaries went round the colleges,
and collected subscriptions to the articles, in order to show that the
disputation was merely to refute the dissentients, not to establish the
truth. This done, Weston and his assessors repaired to the Divinity
School, each one installed according to his rank. Cranmer was
placed before them, the Mayor and Aldermen flanked him on either
2 K 2
252 CHAPTER IV.
side, and " a rout of rusty bills " kept guard between them and the
people. Weston opened the business of the day thus : " Convenistis,
hodie, fratres, profliyaturi detestandam illam hceresin de veritate
corporis Christi in sacramento" The grave theologians burst into a
roar of laughter. What had he said ? He had said, " Ye have
assembled this day, brethren, to dispel that detestable heresy of the
verity of the body of Christ in the sacrament" Weston looked
foolish. He paused. With magisterial severity he prosecuted the
oration, fitting it to the case on hand ; and, for that day, there was to
be no more laughter. " It was not lawful," he went on to say, " to
call those questions into controversy, since to dispute them was to
dispute God's word." To this Cranmer replied in such words as
these, — " We are assembled to discuss these doubtful controversies,
and to lay them open before the eyes of the world, whereof ye think it
unlawful to dispute. It is, indeed, no reason that we should dispute
of that which is determined upon, before the truth be tried. But
if these questions be not called into controversy, surely mine answer,
then, is looked for in vain." It would be tedious to rehearse the
disputation that followed ; neither is it practicable to transcribe here
the written statements which Cranmer handed to Weston, and
requested to be read openly to the people, which Weston promised to
read, but read them not. Until two o'clock the disorderly disputa-
tion continued. When the Doctors needed a pause to recover from
some deadly thrust of their antagonist, more learned than they all,
the Prolocutor would wave his hand, and, at the signal, the audience
would hiss, shout, the University men crying, " Indoctus I imperitns .'
impudens ! — Unlearned ! unskilful ! impudent ! " But Cranmer sat
unmoved during those breathy tempests, and, with meek and patient
dignity, resumed his argument, until the Mayor was commanded to
take him to his room again, and the Doctors went to dinner at the
University College.
Tuesday was the day allotted to Ridley. The court was constituted,
and the prisoner brought in, as before. Again the articles were
read, and Ridley endeavoured to argue, but was interrupted by Weston
almost at every sentence, and bidden not to waste time by wandering
from the point, and speaking blasphemy. By perseverance, however,
he did obtain a partial hearing, yet had to suffer much insolence,
until the Prolocutor declared the debate to be ended, shouted, " Vicit
veritas!" the audience responded, "Truth has conquered, truth
has conquered!" and, amidst senseless acclamation, the company
dispersed.
On Wednesday, Latimer was brought to undergo a similar trial
of faith and patience. He begged permission to speak in English,
being unused to Latin, and to be spared from disputation, as he only
desired to confess his faith, and then to suffer their pleasure on him.
And he handed a written defence to Weston. The defence was not
read ; and they endeavoured to harass and confuse him with captious
questions and quibbles, intermingled with taunts and derision, until
the boisterous Prolocutor told him that his stubbornness would do
him no good when a faggot should be at his beard, but that the
CRANMER, RIDLEY, AND LATIMER CONDEMNED. 253
Queen's grace was merciful, and advised him to turn. He answered,
" You shall have no hope in me to turn. I pray for the Queen daily,
even from the bottom of my heart, that she may turn from this
religion." Thus closed those mockeries.
On the following Friday, (April 20th,) the Commissioners again sat
in St. Mary's church, and had the prisoners once more brought
before them. Weston alone spoke to them, employing his utmost
power of dissuasion with each, but not suffering any further reply
than a plain consent or refusal to subscribe the articles. This failing,
the sentence was read : " That they were no members of the Church ;
and that therefore they, their fautors and patrons, were condemned
as heretics." The reading of the sentence was intermitted, to ask
them if they would yet repent ; but they bade the reader proceed in
the name of God, for they were not minded to turn. Each then
answered to his sentence.
Cranmer. — " From this your judgment and sentence, I appeal to
the just judgment of God Almighty, trusting to be present with him
in heaven, for whose presence in the altar I am thus condemned."
Ridley. — " Although I be not of your company, yet doubt I
not but my name is written in another place, whither this sentence
will send us sooner than we should by the course of nature have
come."
Latimer. — " I thank God most heartily that he hath prolonged
my life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kind
of death."
These are memorable sentences ; but the half-drunken Weston
could not be moved by their sublimity. A man that had always a
filled cup ready before him, and could so far forget himself during
those discussions as to raise it to his lips, while saying, " Urge hoc,
urge hoc, nam hoc facit pro nobis, — Urge this, urge this, for this
makes for us," was too deeply stupefied to perceive any loveliness in
faith that triumphs over death. He testily answered them, " If you
go to heaven in this faith, then will I never come thither, as I am
thus persuaded." The brethren were then separated ; Cranmer to
Bocardo, — the prison so called, where he had been kept from the
first, — Ridley to the Sheriff's house, and Latimer to the Bailiff's.
The inquisition 'having been thus completed, and letters certifica-
tory from the University to the Queen prepared, the Prolocutor set
out for London. Cranmer had written him a letter of remonstrance ;
and both Cranmer and Ridley addressed letters to the Council and to
some Bishops, confiding them to him, who treated the remonstrance
with contempt, and would not deliver the letters. As for Latimer,
he wrote nothing, but calmly waited to die ; and the day after their
sentence, being brought out, as well as the others, to witness a procession
with the host, he thought they were going to burn him, and asked a
sergeant to make him a quick fire. Under that impression he walked
willingly to the market-place ; but, when he there saw the pro-
cession approaching, ran away as fast as his old limbs would carry
him.
Elated with their imaginary victory at Oxford, the persecutors pur-
254 CHAPTER IV.
posed to have a similar disputation at Cambridge. A Commission
was appointed to send thither another company of prisoners from
London, and the jolly Weston was again to preside. Bishop Hooper,
then in the Fleet, heard of it, and sent to his brethren in the King's
Bench, Newgate, and the Marshalsea, advising them not to submit to
such an exhibition. They therefore drew up a Declaration, to the
effect, that they were not imprisoned for any crime, but only for con-
science' sake. They had heard that it was determined to send them
to one of the Universities to dispute with persons appointed in that
behalf; but they purposed not to dispute otherwise than by writing,
except it were before the Queen and Council, or before Parliament ;
but, lest their refusal to enter into disputation should be misunder-
stood, they gave reasons for it. 1. Because the Universities had
determined against God's word, and even against their own determi-
nations in the time of King Edward, and, as their open enemies,
had, without disputation, condemned them already. 2. Because the
Prelates and Clergy sought not the truth, but their destruction.
3. Because the Censors and Judges were known enemies of the truth
and of them, as their doings in the Convocation and at Oxford had
also shown. 4. Because they had been imprisoned for many months,
without books, writing materials, or any means of study. 5. Because
they would, probably, be interrupted and assailed with hisses, scoff-
ings, and taunts, as their brethren had been at Oxford. 6. Because
they could not appoint their own Notaries, nor have a sight of the
papers ; but the Notaries and Judges together were likely, as at
Oxford, to falsify the reports, and misrepresent them to the world.
They were willing to enter into a written controversy, they were will-
ing to suffer by halter or by fire, but they would not dispute ; and
they counselled all their brethren to stand firm in submission to the
will of God, and in peaceful obedience and loyalty to the Queen.
Then followed a confession of faith, which they offered to maintain
before the Queen and Council, or before Parliament ; and reiterated an
exhortation not to countenance rebellion against Her Majesty, but,
if obedience to her were found incompatible with obedience to God,
to submit, unresistingly, to death. The signatures to this important
document (May 8th, 1544) were Robert St. David's, (alias Robert
Ferrar,) Rowland Taylor, John Philpot, John Bradford, John, Wigorn.
et Glouc. Episcopus, (alias John Hooper,) Edward Crome, John
Rogers, Laurence Sanders, Edmund Laurence, J. P., and T. M. ; and
after these, " To these things ahovesaid do I, Miles Coverdale, late
of Exon, consent and agree with these mine afflicted brethren, being
prisoners, (with mine own hand.) "
After the suppression of rebellion, and the silencing of the Re-
formed, the peerage was recruited by some new creations ; public
festivities were got up to amuse the populace ; and, amidst universal
discontent, preparations went on at court for the reception of the
Prince of Spain, who was, according to treaty, to be King of England.
Every one dreaded his coming ; but it soon appeared that the Spaniard
was gentle, in comparison with the virago who had chosen him to be
her spouse. On St. James's day this patron saint of Spain was
MARY PACKS A PAR.MAMKNT. 255
honoured by the marriage of Philip and Mary in Winchester
cathedral.
Carvers and statuaries had now brisk trade. Spaniards of all sorts
crowded into England. The resuscitation of a defunct idolatry pro-
voked contempt, and the Priests were teased by ballad-singing, cari-
catures, and practical jokes expressive of popular dislike. Among the
mischances that befell the new gods on elevation to their niches, was
the mutilation of an image of Thomas a Becket, that had been set up
over the gate of St. Thomas of Acres, or Mercers' chapel, by order of
the Lord Chancellor. His fingers, head, crosier, arms, dropped away
under strokes from unseen hands ; and although some were bound in
recognizances to protect him from assault, and others imprisoned on
suspicion of battery, the visible representative of St. Thomas could
never retain all his members and dimensions, but stood there muti-
lated, as a type of the system that it was vainly endeavoured to
restore. Popular abhorrence, mingled with contempt, found expres-
sion in ballads, caricatures, and jests. Men of no religion pitied the
persecuted Christians ; and the priesthood would probably have been
overwhelmed as by a flood, had not secular authority promptly arrayed
its forces on their side.
The Queen and those in power spent all their energies on one
object, — the restoration of Popery. Bonner had anticipated the course
of law, by enforcing attendance at mass in Easter ; and the same con-
tempt of unrepealed statutes had been displayed by Papists from the
beginning. It is almost superfluous to say that the partial liberty
of the press, by licences given to enterprising printers, was abolished.
Day, lute printer to King Edward, was brought up from Norfolk, and
lodged in the Tower, for having printed books unsuitable to the pre-
sent reign. His servant, a Priest, and another printer, were imprisoned
with him (October 16th) ; while Cawood, as royal typographer, emitted
torrents of literary mischief. Incontinently, a formal and parliament-
ary reconciliation to Rome was undertaken by the courtiers, as neces-
sary to complete their triumph. And as the Commons of England
were not to be trusted in such a business, either as electors or repre-
sentatives, it was resolved that a Parliament should be made up
according to the pleasure of the party dominant. The Queen, there-
fore, sent a letter to the Sheriffs, wherein she willed and commanded
them, for withstanding such malice as the devil worketh by his minis-
ters, who maintained heresies and seditions, to admonish such of her
good loving subjects as should elect representatives in Parliament, to
choose men " of the wise, grave, and Catholic sort." She further barred
all freedom of election, by requiring the Sheriffs and Justices of the
counties to apprehend and punish any who should speak evil of her
intentions in respect of measures expected to be taken in the
approaching Parliament. People were compelled by threats, and
even by force, to vote for those whom the Sheriffs or the Priests
approved. Obnoxious candidates were, in some places, forcibly hin-
dered from presenting themselves ; and some that had been elected,
where an enforcement of the Queen's command was impracticable,
were unceremoniously turned out of the House of Commons on their
256 CHAPTER IV.
first appearance. And in disputed elections the returns were falsi-
fied.* The assemblage of persons thus made was, therefore, no
Parliament. Yet it acted as such, and that was sufficient for its
creators. The Queen had called herself Supreme Head of the
Church in summoning her first Parliament ; but the title was omitted
from her writ for a second ; and active preparations were at the same
time in progress for the reception of Cardinal Pole. Furnished with
a brief from Julius III., as Legate ct latere, the Cardinal awaited his
recall at Brussels, while provision was made, in London, for himself
and his household. A family of one hundred and thirty hirelings,
besides thirty dependents living abroad, were all to be housed luxuri-
ously and clothed richly, at the cost of England. His own apparel,
the livery worn by servants, furniture, and decorations for his chapel,
wine and beer for his cellar, coals, candles, butchers' meat, fish, eggs,
with all other necessaries for the dignity and ease of so great a per-
sonage, were included in an estimate, and granted without Par-
liamentary authority. Letters patent were issued (November 10th)
authorizing him to exercise his functions as Legate, and commanding
all to acknowledge his authority : this, too, without consulting Par-
liament. Then this factitious Parliament met, (November 12th,) and
hastened to repeal the Acts of the reign of Henry VIII. against the
Papal supremacy, and to renew those of Richard II., Henry IV., and
Henry V., against Lollards. The clerical Parliament, (for such was
the Convocation,) in order to prevent contention about church-lands
that were in possession of the laity, who certainly would not have
given them back again, were instructed to petition the King and
Queen to apply to the Legate, beseeching him to grant the detainers
of those lands permission to occupy them still. Philip and Mary did
so apply, the Legate referred the matter to his master, an embassy
went to Rome to complete the bargain with Julius, who allowed the
lands to remain with the detainers, (not proprietors,) in compensa-
tion for spiritual and political supremacy, — a supremacy that, he
calculated, would soon reduce our country to as abject a condition as
before. While this negotiation was in prospect, the pretended Par-
liament passed an Act to authorize a Papal Legate, Pole being now
released from his attainder, to appear in England ; Philip and Mary
went in state to St. Stephen's to give royal sanction (November 22d).
The Cardinal was by that time in Dover, and two days afterwards
entered his well-garnished palace in Lambeth, and thence proceeded
to Whitehall, where he found the Queen, who, feeling, or pretending
to feel, indisposition, summoned both Lords and Commons to wait
upon him, rendering the representative of Rome an honour which the
King and Queen had not required for themselves.
Both Houses duly appeared before his Eminence, whom they found
seated on the right hand of their Majesties, and heard him deliver an
* This is affirmed by Burnet, on the evidence of Beal, Clerk of the Council in the
flays of Queen .Elizabeth. Collier and others treat the statement as doubtful. Mr.
Tytler (Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary) agrees with the doubters, and adds, " I have
found no letters to show that the court were now more active in the elections than was
then the practice of the time." But these last words concede the whole. The practice
of the time was bad enough, and Mary's letter to the Sheriffs must have made it woree.
CARDINAL POLK ABSOLVES THE PARLIAMENT. 257
ovation for the Pope. Mary, full of joy, as she witnessed the long-
desired spectacle, suddenly fancied herself justified in foretelling another
event, — an event which never came to pass; and on the morrow, (Novem-
ber 28th,) in consequence of a letter from her Council to Bonner, Bishop
of London, a grand procession of ten Bishops, all the Prebendaries
of St. Paul's, the Lord Mayor of London, the Aldermen, and a long
train of Londoners, attired in their best, perambulated the precincts
of the cathedral to show their exultation in that an heir to the crown
might be expected. A Latin form of prayer was penned, quick as
Prolocutor Weston could conceive the sentences, asking that Queen
Mary might happily, and in due time, present the nation with an off-
spring, " elegant in body and noble in mind." In another and much
longer prayer, the petition ran that it might be a boy, a fine and witty
one. Happily for England, the only issue to Queen Mary was disap-
pointment. God reserved the throne for another occupant. After
the procession at St. Paul's, a woful pageant was enacted at Whitehall.
Philip, Mary, and Reginald Pole, appeared again in royal and pontifical
array. The whole Parliament of England was in attendance, (November
30th,) every Lord and every Commoner fell on his knees, downcast in
shame ; and while they knelt thus abject, a petition was presented to
the King and Queen, and by them to the Cardinal, bearing a confes-
sion, in the name of the whole realm, of sorrow and repentance for
the late schism from the See of Rome, a promise of unreserved sub-
mission, and a prayer for absolution and release. Pole pronounced a
few gracious words, gave the absolution, and, with dusty knees and
heavy hearts, the supplicants walked back again to the place of legis-
lation, having obediently heard a Te Deum chanted in the chapel.
King Philip, the Legate, and Mary indulged awhile in congratula-
tion, and then caught the golden moment to concert further measures.
Philip wrote a Spanish letter to the Pope, and Pole composed one in
Latin, both of equal date, narrating the event. It had taken place
on St. Andrew's day ; St. Andrew had brought Peter to Christ ; there
was a coincidence imagined, and St. Andrew's day was commanded to
be thenceforward kept with great rejoicing in England, as the Feast
of the Reconciliation. When the courier reached Rome, that city
resounded with songs of gladness, and there, too, the Clergy made a
great procession. -
Pole sent a summons to both Houses of Convocation, who went
to him at Lambeth, (December 6th,) knelt down in his presence,
received absolution from the sins of perjury, schism, and heresy ; and
after hearing his gratulation for their conversion to " the Catholic
Church," departed. It is said that he advised them to deal gently
with heretics ; that he much displeased Gardiner by frequently speak-
ing against extreme measures ; and that the Queen advised him,
therefore, to give his chief care to the reformation of the Clergy, and
Gardiner his to the punishment of heretics. But whatever may have
been his gentleness at first, it would seem that it soon vanished away ;
for, if he did not accelerate, neither did he check, the fury of perse-
cution.
As yet, no one had been put to death on account of religion ; but
VOL. III. 2 L
258 CHAPTER IV.
the Marian martyrdoms began immediately after the formal restoration
of Papal supremacy, following as a natural consequence. Julius III.
issued a Bull offering plenary indulgence to all who would give thanks
to God for the restoration of England, and pray for the recovery of
such as were still in error. Pope and Legate were equally careful to
speak gently. They left it to Philip and Mary to offer the bloody
sacrifices, reserving to the Church the ministration of the unbloody
sacrifice on the altars. So each party proceeded to its appropriate
work.
It is remarkable that the first recorded act of persecution, after the
crisis above described, took place on the first day of the following
year, (A.D. 1555,) a date sadly distinguished in the annals of England.
In the evening of that day, a congregation of thirty persons, with
Master Rose, their Minister, were found, by two of Gardiner's men,
in a house in Bow-church-yard, celebrating the communion of the
Lord's supper. They were all taken into custody, fifteen of them laid
in the Compter in Bread-street, and fifteen in another prison. Their
Minister was committed to the Tower.
Here begins the long series of witnesses to the grace of Christ and
the infamy of Queen Mary.* How to abbreviate, and yet not obscure,
the recital of their sufferings, is not easy to determine ; but perhaps
perspicuity may be best attained by following the order of days dis-
tinguished by their martyrdom, as far as dates are ascertained, pre-
mising, however, that the slaughter was not hastened by any sudden
provocation, but began, to borrow an apt figure of good old Fuller,
after the butchers had been sharpening their knives for nearly two
years. The system of Popish government was now consolidated, and
nothing remained but to slay the victims. Accordingly, several
Reformed preachers then in prison were brought together (January
22d, 1555) before Gardiner, assisted by some others, as Queen's Com-
missioners, in his house at St. Mary Overey's, and asked whether
they would " convert " and enjoy the Queen's pardon, or abide by
their confession. They chose the better alternative, one alone excepted,
and were committed to straiter prison, with a charge to the keeper
that none should speak with them. Cardinal Pole, on the day after
the Chancellor (January 23d) had made that general inquisition
of the prisoners, called together the whole body of Bishops and Clergy
in Convocation, and, after addressing them, as it must be presumed,
on the state of religion, exhorted them " to entreat the people and
their flock with all gentleness ; and to endeavour themselves to win
the people rather by gentleness than by extremity and rigour." But
these two assemblages must be taken together. Pole, representing
the spiritual estate, spoke gently. Gardiner, albeit a Bishop, as Lord
Chancellor, represented the temporal power, and executed the law.
The soft words were but a formulary, and were so to be understood.
The policy was to shield the Clergy 'from the disgrace of bloodshed ;
* Some easy, heartless dilettanti, ladies and gentlemen, whose first care is to seem
liberal, though it be in the teeth of history, undertake to wash " the bloody Queen
Mary" white. So does Mr. Tytler; and the last words of his " Conclusion," adopted
from Bishop Godwin, are amusingly insignificant. « She was a lady very godly, MKRCI-
FUL, chaste, and every way praiseworthy, if you regard not the errors of her religion."
JOHN ROGERS, FIRST MARIAN MARTYR. 259
and Protestants, blinded by this policy, have accorded to Cardinal
Pole a credit for humanity which he might possibly have deserved,
had he not been pillar of a Church on whose altars humanity must
be sacrificed. On the Friday following, (January 25th,) the Clergy,
in a general and solemn procession through London, celebrated the
union of England with Rome. The Cardinal and the King took part
in the festivities. Bonfires for rejoicing were made by royal order ;
but the people knew not with what reason. On Monday (January
28th) and two following days, the Cardinal having empowered them
by a commission, issued after the first summons of the prisoners, the
Chancellor and others resumed their sittings, and examined and
condemned several of the persecuted brethren.
Master John Rogers * was the first martyr of this dreadful reign.
Well educated in the University of Cambridge, he accepted an invita-
tion of the merchant adventurers at Antwerp, and became their Chap-
lain. During his residence there, which was for many years, he asso-
ciated much with William Tyndale and Miles Coverdale, by whose
means he attained to a better knowledge of Christian doctrine, and
assisted them in preparing the English Bible known as " the Transla-
tion of Matthewe." Having learned from the word of God that
priestly celibacy was contrary to the divine law, he married, and
proceeded to Wittemberg, where he soon attained to so much proficiency
in German, as to be called to take charge of a Lutheran congregation.
Under Edward VI. he returned to England, and received from Ridley
a prebend in St. Paul's, with an appointment to read the divinity
lesson there. On Sunday, August 6th, 1553, while Queen Mary was
yet in the Tower, he preached at Paul's-Cross, earnestly exhorting the
people to beware of "pestilent Popery, idolatry, and superstition."
The Council summoned him to answer for the sermon, and confined
him prisoner in his own house, whence Bonner sent him to Newgate,
where he remained for more than a year, together with murderers
and thieves, until his appearance before the Commissioners (January
22d, 1555). Gardiner offered him the choice of mercy or justice;
mercy if he would be again united to the Church of Rome, or justice
if he persisted in schism. The conversations, as recorded by him-
self, were little becoming the dignity of a judicial court, the interlo-
cutors desiring nothing more than to put him to death, as a person
already marked for execution. When it was evidently impossible to
induce him to recant, the Chancellor read the sentence condemnatory,
of which the most remarkable part is a profession of " sorrow of
mind and bitterness of heart," borrowed, no doubt, from the certifi-
cate of conviction of Joan Bocher, addressed by Cranmer to the King,
where the very same words occur, as we believe, for the first time in
such a document, and, no doubt, express the feeling excited in the
bosom of the Archbishop when his humanity and conscience revolted
against an inveterate conviction that such heretics ought to die.
* " John Rogers appears to have been the son of a father of the same name, and
born, not in Lancashire, as it has sometimes been stated, but in Warwickshire, at
Deritend, in the immediate vicinity of Birmingham." — Anderson, Annals of the English
Bible, vol. ii., p. 286.
2 L 2
260 CHAPTER IV.
Rogers would not yield the least point, but asked Gardiner a single
favour, — permission to speak with his wife, a foreigner, and soon to be
a widow with ten fatherless children : for he would fain " counsel her
what were best for her to do." " No," quoth he, " she is not thy
wife." Entreaty and remonstrance were unavailing : the request was
brutally denied. Bishop Hooper, who was condemned the same day,
and he, were taken from the Chancellor's presence to the Clink in
Southwark, and thence, after dark, each in the custody of a Sheriff,
led through Southwark and the city into Newgate. Early on the fol-
lowing Monday morning, the keeper's wife came into his cell, aroused
him from a sound sleep, and bade him make haste and prepare for
the fire. "Then," said he, "if it be so, I need not tie my points,"
and so was taken to Bonner to be degraded. That ceremony being
finished, he asked of Bonner what Gardiner had refused, — permission
to speak with his wife. It was again denied, and the Sheriffs hurried
him away to Smithfield. One of them asked him to revoke his
abominable doctrine, reviled him as a heretic, and said he would not
pray for him. "But," answered Rogers, " I will pray for you" He
proceeded on the way, reciting a penitential psalm ; and the people
cheered him as he went. A pardon awaited him at the stake, on
condition that he would revoke. His wife stood there, with the ten
children, one hanging on her breast ; but, unconquered by pleadings
of natural affection, and by love of life, he endured the fire, even
seemed to be above pain, and, in the hottest of the burning, raised
his arms as if to receive the ascending flames (February 4th).
While the leaven of Gospel truth was penetrating the mass of Eng-
lish society, notwithstanding the hostility of men in power, Laurence
Saunders, a youth of honourable parentage, successfully prosecuted
his studies at Eton, and afterwards in King's College, Cambridge.
Together with secular learning he acquired a knowledge of that pure
religion which had many witnesses in Cambridge ; and, being so pre-
pared for the service of his heavenly Master, returned to the place of
his birth. That he might learn to make good use of a handsome
patrimony, he was bound apprentice, by his widowed mother, with
Sir William Chester, a wealthy merchant of London. But God
appointed otherwise ; and the merchant, a man of high integrity, per-
ceiving his distaste of commercial occupations, and devotion to study
and prayer, gave him back his indenture, and, with the approbation
of his friends, he returned to college, made considerable proficiency
in Greek and Hebrew, and then gave himself entirely to the study
of the holy Scriptures, hoping to become a preacher of the truth that
had wrought in him, by the energy of its divine Author, an entire
change of heart. Early in the reign of Edward, he obtained a licence
to preach, then a lectureship at Fotheringay, in a college soon after-
wards dissolved, and, after its dissolution, lectured in Lichfield
minster. Fervent piety, attested by holy conversation, gave weight
to his theological teaching ; and he soon obtained the benefice of
Church-Langton, in Leicestershire, where he laboured with fidelity,
until removed to the All-Hallows, in Bread-street, London. The
death of King Edward determined him to retain both benefices, ;u
LAURENCE SAUNDERS. 261
order to prevent, if possible, the occupation of either pulpit by a
Popish preacher ; and he preached, with redoubled earnestness, against
the reviving superstition. At Northampton he gave so great offence,
by a faithful sermon, to the adherents of the Queen, that his friends
advised him to flee from England ; but, unwilling to lay down the
charge at a time when the truth of Christ alone could save this
country, although it was no longer safe to be at Langton, he deter-
mined to use the last opportunity, and set out for London, hoping to
minister to his parishioners in Bread-street. Within a short distance
from London, Sir John Mordant, a Councillor of the Queen, overtook
him, joined in company, ascertained that he intended to preach next day
(Sunday), and significantly admonished him to refrain from doing so ;
but no sooner had they separated than Mordant went to Bonner, and
informed him that Saunders, whom he had heard preach heretically in
All-Hallows, intended to preach there again the next day. For his
part, he went to his lodgings, expecting to suffer persecution, and
only anxious to preach Christ, if it were but once more, at whatever
cost. " I am in prison," said he, " till I be in prison," — unquiet
until his soul could be disburdened by once more offering salvation to
dying sinners.
The Lord's day came, and no official forbade him to proceed. He
therefore ascended the pulpit, and preached to his flock from these
words of St. Paul : " ' I have coupled you to one man, that ye should
make yourselves a chaste virgin unto Christ. But I fear, lest it come
to pass, that as the serpent beguiled Eve, even so your wits should be
corrupt from the singleness which ye had towards Christ.' He recited
a sum of that true Christian doctrine, through which they were
coupled to Christ, to receive of him free justification through faith in
his blood. The Papistical doctrine he compared to the serpent's
deceiving ; and, lest they should be deceived by it, he made a com-
parison between the voice of God and the voice of the Popish serpent ;
descending to more particular declaration thereof, as it were, to let
them plainly see the difference that is between the order of the Church
service set forth by King Edward in the English tongue, and com-
paring it with the Popish service then used in the Latin tongue." *
Here was an overt act of disobedience to the ruling power ; Bonner
was informed of it, no doubt ; and when the preacher returned in the
afternoon, one of the Bishop's officers was there, and summoned him,
on pain of disobedience and contumacy, to appear forthwith before
his master. In a few minutes Laurence Saunders found himself in
Bonner's palace, in company, again, with Sir John Mordant and some
Chaplains, having Bonner at their head. The Bishop pronounced him
guilty of treason for breaking the Queen's proclamation, and of heresy
and sedition in the sermon. It was heresy, he insisted, to teach that
that administration is the most pure which comes nearest to the order
of the primitive church, whereas the church was rude and imperfect
in the times of Christ and the Apostles ; but perfection came later,
and the Church of Eome is therefore greater and better than the
church of the New Testament. His Lordship, after long debate, bade
* Foxe.
262 CHAPTER IV.
Saunders write what he believed as to transubstantiation. He did so,
saying, " My Lord, ye do seek my blood, and ye shall have it. I pray
God that ye may be so baptized in it, that ye may thereafter loathe
blood-sucking, and become a better man." The spiritual Judge then
sent him to the temporal. In an ante-chamber of the Lord Chancel-
lor's mansion, the condemned preacher found gentlemen of the house-
hold gambling, with one of his Chaplains, it being then Sunday
evening. After some time, Gardiner came home from court, des-
patched several suitors in about half an hour, and then came into the
room where Saunders stood waiting, took his seat at the table, and
having perused a paper presented by the person who had brought
him, asked, "Where is the man?" Saunders approached, and,
in the usual manner of a Clergyman towards an ecclesiastical superior,
knelt down. The Chancellor questioned him harshly as to his preach-
ing, notwithstanding the Queen's proclamation. He replied, that
" forsomuch as he saw the perilous times now at hand, he did but
according as he was admonished and warned by Ezekiel the Prophet,
— exhort his flock and parishioners to persevere and stand steadfastly
in the doctrine which they had learned ; saying, also, that he was
moved and pricked forward thereunto by the place of the Apostle,
wherein he was commanded rather to obey God than man ; and, more-
over, that nothing more moved or stirred him thereunto than his own
conscience." Gardiner derided the plea of conscience : Saunders
ventured to remind him, that, as to the supremacy, he had written a
book, to get the favour of Henry VIII., wherein he had plainly
declared Mary to be a bastard. This was unanswerable : therefore
Gardiner closed the conversation with, " Carry away this phrensy fool
to prison." " I thank God," said Saunders, " which hath given me
at last a place of rest and quietness, where I may pray for your
conversion."
Fifteen months passed away before it was deemed expedient to put
any more of the Gospellers to death. It was not yet decided what mea-
sure of blood should be spilt, nor how the amount of terror should be
adapted to the degree of weakness, or of resistance in the public.
This was frequently debated in Council ; and the following answer
of Mary to the Minute of Council is an example of the coolness
of that woman in contemplation of the sanguinary work : — " Touch-
ing the punishment of heretics, we thinketh it ought to be done with-
out rashness, not leaving, in the meantime, to do justice to such as,
by learning, would seem to deceive the simple : and the rest so to be
used that the people might well perceive them not to be condemned
without just occasion : by which they shall both understand the
truth, and beware not to do the like. And, especially within London,
I would wish none to be burnt without some of the Council's pre-
sence ; and both there and everywhere, good sermons at the same
time." * Here is the prudent suspension of the stroke, the selection
of the most learned and eminent as first victims, and the wholesale
slaughter of the rest, over a great part of England, that should follow.
* Collier, Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii., p. 371 ,
LAURENCE SAUNDERS BURNT. 263
The entire plan was thus concerted, and thus carried into execution.
Saunders was one of the first class : his learning and influence were
considerable. From the Marshalsea he had written letters of argu-
ment and remonstrance to his persecutors, and of encouragement to
his "companions in tribulation, and in the kingdom and patience
of Jesus Christ." His conduct, meanwhile, was most exemplary ;
and his firmness rose in proportion to the nearness of the final proof.
It is related, that one day his wife came to the prison-gate, wishing
to visit her husband, with their youngest child in her arms. The
keeper durst not admit her, but, taking the babe, carried him to his
father. Laurence Saunders never more felt himself to be a father.
He " rejoiced more to have such a boy than if two thousand pounds
were given him ;" and to a company of prisoners who gathered round
him, he appealed whether a man ought not rather to lose his life than
prolong it by adjudging such a child to be a bastard, and his
mother a dishonest woman. "Yea, if there were no other cause for
which a man of my estate should lose his life, yet who would not
give it, to avow this child to be legitimate, and his marriage to be
lawful and holy ?" His interviews with the Commissioners resembled
those of his companions. They were not examined, or tried, but
interrogated whether they would or would not come back to the
Church of Rome. While waiting in the street for his fellow-prison-
ers, that they might all be taken away together, he exhorted the peo-
ple to forsake Antichrist, and turn to Christ. The Sheriff of London
then took him to the Compter in Bread-street, where, as he had
preached to his parishioners from the pulpit, so his imprisonment
among them testified more powerfully than ever ; and in the short
remaining interval he wrote them a letter in language of extraordinary
earnestness and piety. It was addressed to his wife, " and all his
fellow-heirs of the everlasting kingdom," and concluded thus : " Be
most careful, good wife ; cast your care upon the Lord, and commend
me unto him in repentant prayer, as I do you and our Samuel ; whom,
even at the stake, I will offer as myself unto God. Fare ye well, all
in Christ, in hope to be joined with you in joy everlasting : this hope
is put up in my bosom. Amen, Amen, Amen ! Praised be the Lord.
Pray, pray!" During those last few days he wrote many shorter
letters, which were widely distributed. At last Bonner, perhaps to save
the trouble of a public ceremony, or to avoid too much publicity,
came to the Compter, and there degraded him from the priesthood.
Yet he was not of their priesthood, having been ordained under
Edward VI. ; and when the Bishop had finished, he said, " I thank
God, I am none of your Church." The Sheriff then delivered him to
a party of the Queen's guard, to be taken to Coventry, there to be
burnt. Clad in an old gown and shirt only, and bare-footed, they led
him out of that town towards the place of execution. Several times,
on the way, he fell prostrate on the ground and prayed ; and after
enduring much offensive language from the officer appointed to oversee
the burning, who offered him the Queen's pardon if he would revoke
his heresies, he quickened his pace, embraced the stake, kissed it, and
said, "Welcome, the cross of Christ! Welcome, everlasting life!"
264 CHAPTER IV.
They burned him with green wood ; but, standing erect, and without
audible complaint of pain, he fell asleep in the Lord (February 8th).
Another martyr, and of higher station in the Church, followed
Saunders into the world of life. John Hooper, graduate in the
University of Oxford, was there brought to knowledge of the truth.
On the enactment of the law of the " Six Articles," in the reign
of Henry VIII., finding himself marked for persecution, he left the
place, and became house-steward to Sir Thomas Arundel,* who dis-
covered his doctrine to be that of the Reformation, and sent him to
Gardiner, with a letter, of the contents of which he knew nothing,
" to be taught better." Hooper was retained for four or five days in
Gardiner's house, with whom he had long conferences, but returned
to Sir Thomas as true a Gospeller as ever ; and, having an intimation
that force would be employed after the failure of argument, he made
his way to the sea-side, and embarked for France. After a short stay
in Paris, he returned to England, and found a situation similar to that
which lie had occupied in the household of Sir Thomas Arundel ; but
soon heard that persons were watching opportunity to apprehend him
for heresy, and, disguising himself as Captain of an Irish vessel, got
out to sea, altered his course for the Continent, and escaped, by way
of France, into Switzerland and Germany. At Zurich he married ;
and also departed from the customs of Romish Priests in another
way, by diligently studying Hebrew. On the accession of Edward
VI., he prepared to return to England, to the regret of his friends at
Zurich. They honoured him with a solemn valediction, when Bullin-
ger, in the name of the rest, entreated him not to forget them in
happy England, when, as they predicted, he should rise to honour,
and perhaps become a Bishop. He promised that they should often
hear from him ; but, probably considering that so great a Reforma-
tion could not be effected in England until after many struggles,
added, as he grasped the hand of Bullinger, " The last news of all I
shall not be able to write ; for there, where I take the most pains,
there shall you hear of me to be burned to ashes. And that shall be
the last news which I shall not be able to write unto you ; but you
shall hear it of me." When he really became Bishop of Worcester and
Gloucester, and received his arms from the herald, they were, proba-
bly by his own choice, a lamb in a burning bush, with sunbeams
falling on it. This represented the same idea. As a preacher he
was exceedingly popular. His benevolence was only bounded by his
means ; and, in diligence, as well as hospitality and every other
virtue, he was a model worthy of imitation by every Bishop. But his
manners were grave, almost to austerity ; and his long persistence in
refusing to wear episcopal vestments, at a time when the greater
questions of doctrine and discipline ought to have engaged the undi-
vided care of all parties, can scarcely be commended. Ridley and he
led the controversy on opposite sides ; but, under persecution and in
martyrdom, became fully reconciled. At Frankfort and at Gloucester,
while intervals of rest from external persecution were wasted in con-
* Afterwards beheaded as accessory to the alleged crimes of the Duke of Somerset.
BISHOP HOOPER. 265
tantions about forms and vestments, lessons were prepared for
extreme parties in every age, that should rebuke the bigotry of
licence, as well as the bigotry of ceremonial and of system. But
Hooper, when Bishop, proved his sincerity by a course of self-denying
faithfulness that, even if his name had not been enrolled in our
Martyrologies, would have placed him high above censure as a man
of God.
No sooner was Mary crowned, than Dr. Heath, who had been
deprived on account of Papistry, was reappointed to the see of
Worcester and Gloucester, and Hooper was summoned to answer to a
charge of having injured Bonner, when convicted of disobedience in
the preceding reign, Hooper being one of his accusers. He disdained
to flee, immediately went up to London, was seized on his first
appearance, and taken before the Queen and Council. Under pre-
tence that he owed some sums of money to the crown, he was thrown
into the Fleet (September 1st, 1553). On entering that prison, he
paid, according to custom, a Baron's fee for " the liberty ; " but, after
three months, found himself restricted to his chamber, persecuted by the
warden at the instigation of Gardiner, who owed him a grudge, and
locked up in a filthy chamber, with a ditch stagnant on one side, and
a sewer on the other. There he sickened, and often moaned and
cried for help ; but the warden would not suffer any of his men to
afford him the attendance for which exorbitant fees had been exacted.
His next trial was from the insolence of Gardiner and his fellow Com-
missioners, before whom he appeared (March 19th, 1554) to answer
on charges of heresy. Gardiner first asked if he was married ; to
whom he answered, " Yea, my Lord ; and will not be unmarried till
death unmarry me." A person present endeavoured to take notes
of their proceedings; but every attempt to justify his belief was
clamoured down with so much uproar, that it was impossible for him
to be heard. Again, on January 22d, (1555,) and two other days, he was
brought from prison to the Bishop of Winchester, together with his
brethren Rogers and Saunders, and offered the usual choice of life or
death ; but he refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Pope,
and the Bishops told him that the Queen would show no mercy to
the Pope's enemies. He was, therefore, condemned, and, with Rogers,
taken to the Clink until after dark, when they might be secretly taken
to Newgate. One of the Sheriffs then took Hooper in charge,
attended by a strong party with " bills and weapons," and preceded
by Sergeants, who put out the costermongers' candles, at that time
the only luminaries that broke the pitchy darkness of a London
street, lest people should recognise him, and rescue him by force.
But a report of their procedure had gone before the Sergeants, people
listened for their approach, came out into the streets with candles,
respectfully saluted the good Bishop, praised God for his constancy in
the true doctrine that he had taught them, and prayed that he might
have grace to persevere therein unto the end. He bade them perse-
vere in that prayer ; and so passed through Cheapside to the place
appointed, and was delivered as close prisoner to the keeper of
Newgate, where he remained six days. Bonner, Fecknam, Chedsey,
266 CHAPTER IV.
Harpsfield, and others, troubled him with many visits, almost every
person but themselves being excluded, and, assuming the language
of friendship, laboured to bring him to recantation. They even raised
a report that he had recanted, and the tale began to be believed ;
until, hearing of it, he wrote a letter, addressed to "his dear brethren
and sisters in the Lord, and fellow-prisoners for the cause of God's
Gospel," to assure them of his unwavering readiness to suffer death,
thereby to confirm the truth he had taught with his tongue and with
his pen. The last visit of Bonner to Newgate, on his account, was to
degrade him and Rogers in the chapel ; and, in the evening of the
same day, his keeper told him that he would be sent to Gloucester to
suffer death. He received the intelligence with joy that he should
be permitted to confirm, by his death, the people of Gloucester whom
he had instructed in the truth, and, thanking God for this, doubted
not but He would give him strength to perform the same to His glory.
That no time might be lost, he sent for his boots, spurs, and cloak,
and held himself in readiness to ride when required. Still dreading
daylight, the keeper and his men awoke him at four o'clock next morn-
ing, when they searched his person and his bed for writings, but found
none : the Sheriffs of London and their officers led him out of New-
gate to a place near St. Dunstan's church in Fleet-street, where six
of the Queen's guards were waiting to receive him, and take him to
Gloucester. At Gloucester the Sheriffs, Lord Chandos, Master Wicks,
and others, were appointed to see execution done. The guards took
him to the "Angel," where horses were waiting, and there he break-
fasted heartily, and, having a hood on his head, that he might not be
known, mounted a horse about day-break, and rode away cheerfully
towards Gloucester (Tuesday, February 5th). About five o'clock in
the evening of the Thursday following, he approached Gloucester. A
mile out of town a multitude of people met him, wept aloud, and
filled the air with lamentations. One of the guards, in alarm,
galloped into Gloucester, and required aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs,
who mustered all force available, marched out at the gate, and drove
the people to their houses. But no one had attempted violence.
They took him to the house of one Ingram, where he ate supper in
silence, slept soundly the first sleep, and then rose, and spent the
remainder of the night in prayer ; when, to be delivered from the
presence of the guard, who were all in the same room with him, he
obtained permission to occupy an adjoining chamber, and passed the
day alone in meditation and prayer, except when taking a hasty meal,
or exchanging a few words with such as the guards would allow to
see him.
One of these visiters was Sir Anthony Kingston, formerly an inti-
mate friend, now one of the Commissioners appointed by the Queen
to burn him. After the first salutation, Sir Anthony began, as usual,
to solicit him to consider that life is sweet, and death bitter. He thanked
his old friend, and proceeded to show his estimate of life. — " True it
is, Master Kingston, that death is bitter, and life is sweet : but, alas !
consider that the death to come \» more bitter, and the life to come is
more sweet. Therefore, for the desire and love I have to the one,
BISHOP HOOPER'S MARTYRDOM. 267
and the terror and fear of the other, I do not so much regard this
death, nor esteem this life; but have settled myself, through the
strength of God's Holy Spirit, patiently to pass through the torments
and extremities of the fire now prepared for me, rather than to deny
the truth of his word ; desiring you, and others, in the mean time,
to commend me to God's mercy in your prayers." Sir Anthony
attempted no more persuasion ; but professed that, by means of the
Bishop's teaching, he had forsaken and detected his former sins.
" If you have had the grace so to do," said his spiritual father, " I do
highly praise God for it ; and if you have not, I pray God ye may
have, and that you may continually live in his fear." Hooper wept
abundantly, telling Sir Anthony that all the troubles of his hard
imprisonment had not caused him to give such an expression of
sorrow.
From the Queen's guards he was now to be delivered over to the
Sheriffs of Gloucester, Jenkins and Bond, who, with the Mayor and
Aldermen, repaired to his lodging. The Mayor gave him his hand.
The Sheriffs made somewhat more of their office. The guards treated
him with reverence. With unaffected dignity he reminded the Mayor
of his former station in Gloucester, as a Bishop appointed by the
godly King Edward. " And now, Master Sheriffs, I understand by
these good men, and my very friends," (the guard,) " at whose hands
I have found so much favour and gentleness, by the way hitherward,
as a prisoner could reasonably require, — for the which also I most
heartily thank them, — that I am committed to your custody, as unto
them that must see me brought, to-morrow, to the place of execution.
My request, therefore, to you shall be only, that there may be a
quick fire, shortly to make an end ; and, in the mean time, I will be
as obedient unto you as yourselves would wish. If you think I do
amiss in anything, hold up your finger, and I have done." He then
descanted on the cause for which he was about to die, most of them
weeping as they heard ; but the two Sheriffs, more intent on courting
royal favour than on discharging the obligations of humanity, went
aside to consult, and determined to lodge him in Northgate, the
common jail. Here the guard interposed, declared that " any child
might keep him well enough," and that they would rather stay and
watch with him, than that he should be sent to the common prison.
For very shame the Sheriffs could not but yield ; and he was suffered
to lodge in the same house for one more night, and allowed undis-
turbed retirement, that he might pour out his soul to God in prayer.
At eight o'clock next morning came the Commissioners, but waited
an hour, as if dreading the moment wherein they should have to
discharge their office ; and it was not until the Sheriffs were near at
hand that they gave him the signal to prepare. The Sheriffs, sparing
not, hastened to his chamber, and brought him out. Finding himself
surrounded by a large body of armed men, he rebuked the vain
parade : " Master Sheriffs," said he, " I am no traitor ; neither
needed you to have made such a business to bring me to the place
where I must suffer. For if ye had willed me, I would have gone
alone to the stake, and troubled none of you all." Seven thousand
2 M 2
268 CHAPTER IV.
people, as it was estimated, were waiting to see their beloved Bishop
for the last time, — not to hear him, for he had been forbidden to
speak. So he went forward, led between the two Sheriffs, wearing a
gown of his host's, his hat on his head, and helping himself onward
with a staff, being disabled by sciatica, caught in the Fleet prison.
The multitude only broke silence by sobs, a sound that rose with
heart-rending solemnity, — a dirge of lamentation. He said nothing ;
but, on recognising familiar countenances, gave them cheerful smiles,
for he could not be sad : the divine gift of constancy, the power over
death, bestowed on him that day, raised him above sadness. " Near
unto the great elm-tree, over against the College of Priests, where he
was wont to preach," the stake was most appropriately planted.
Every surrounding space was full of spectators. Even the elm-tree
bent its boughs under the living load. In the chamber over the
college-gate stood the Priests of the college.
A death-like silence brooded over the throng. The martyr gazed
upon the stake, and smiled a welcome. Speech was forbidden ; yet
he would fain pray. Six or seven times he beckoned to one whom
he well knew, and who at length ventured to approach. Hooper
rested his head on his shoulder, and, in a very low voice, so that this
friend alone could hear, put words of confession into the form of
prayer, trusting that, after his departure, that testimony might be
related. In a few moments a small box was brought and laid before
him, containing the Queen's pardon, if he would recant ; but, shud-
dering at the sight, he cried, " If you love my soul, away with it !
If you love my soul, away with it ! " The box was removed, and the
Lord Chandos, irritated, gave orders to the executioners, " Seeing
there is no remedy, despatch him quickly." " Good, my Lord,"
Hooper ventured to reply, " I trust your Lordship will give me leave
to make an end of my prayers." Chandos gruffly bade the young
man* who was listening to his prayer take heed that he did nothing
but pray, or he would quickly despatch him. One or two drew near
to listen, and heard a few sentences of profound humiliation, and
most child-like trust. But they were driven away. Prayer being
ended, he undressed himself, partially, for the stake, wishing to avoid
unseemly exposure. But the greedy Sheriffs would leave him nothing
but his shirt, counting, no doubt, on the price that relics of such a
man might bring them. They stripped him of their perquisite.
Then he was fastened to the stake with iron hoops, and being tall,
and made to stand on an elevation, could survey the dense crowd that
stood around. Lifting up his hands and eyes towards heaven, again
he prayed, but silently, until interrupted by the man appointed to
make the fire, who came to ask him forgiveness for the deed.
" Therein," said he, " thou dost not offend me. God forgive thee
thy sins ; and do thine office, I pray thee." The reeds were then
brought : he received two bundles of them in his own hands,
embraced them, drew one under each arm, and directed the execu-
tioner how to pile the rest. He had asked but one favour,— dry wood.
But the Sheriffs had sent two heavy horse-loads of green faggots, and
* Edmuiid, son of Sir Edmund Bridges.
DR. ROWLAND TAYLOR. 269
did the pleasure of their royal mistress by protracting his bodily
torment. He lived in the fire three quarters of an hour ; but, to
borrow the language of his own prayer, God strengthened him of his
goodness, that he broke not the rules of patience ; or, He assuaged
the terror of the pains. To Him be the glory! (February 9th, 1555.)
But this first company of martyrs is not yet complete. The
market-town of Hadleigh, in Suffolk, was one of the first that received
the Gospel in those times. The venerable Bilney preached there, and
taught the inhabitants to apply to the holy Scriptures as the rule
of faith and guide of life. They did as he advised ; and many of
them had often read the sacred volume through. Their memory was
enriched with its sentences ; and so skilled were they, both old and
young, servants as well as masters, that " the whole town seemed
rather a university of the learned, than a town of cloth-making or
labouring people ;" and the conduct of the inhabitants was, generally,
in correspondence to their religious knowledge. The Parson of
Hadleigh was Dr. Rowland Taylor, Doctor of Canon and Civil Law,
and a good theologian. Preferring the duties of a country cure, he
quitted the household of Archbishop Cranmer, and, in that quiet
town, presented a lovely example of pastoral diligence. He was one
of those happy men in whom piety shines the more as it is adorned
by an amiable natural disposition. His parishioners were his family,
and they loved him as if he had been their father. During all the
reign of Edward VI. he prosecuted his ministerial labours without
interruption, and under manifest tokens of the divine blessing ; but
shortly after the death of Edward, some Popish zealots conspired to
invade the parish, and restore the mass. First of all they managed
to fit up an altar ; but others demolished the erection, and, to their
mortification, it had to be set up again. This time it was done by
force. One morning, as Dr. Taylor was seated in his study, he heard
the bells ring, and, supposing that his presence was required, went to
the church, but found the doors barred, the chancel-door excepted,
which he opened, and, to his amazement, saw " a Popish sacrificer in
his robes, with a broad, new-shaven crown," just proceeding to say
mass, and guarded by a company of armed men. Startled and indig-
nant at the forcible intrusion of those men into his church, he
exclaimed, " Thou- devil !* who made thee so bold to enter into this
church of Christ to profane and defile it with this abominable
idolatry ? " One Foster, a sort of petty gentleman, an empiric law-
yer, a mere litigious peddler, who had undertaken to introduce the
Priest with his mass, started up, and retorted, " Thou traitor ! what
dost thou here, to let and disturb the Queen's proceedings ? " The
intruders had power on their side, and Dr. Taylor was forcibly ejected
from his own church. His wife, who had followed him, was thrust
out into the churchyard ; the chancel-door was fastened, to keep out
the people, who began to collect, and were not again suffered to enjoy
the Reformed worship until after the death of Mary ; and the inci-
# Besides the force of sudden provocation, the rude style of those times may
extenuate this impropriety of language. Let him who censures put himself in Dr.
Taylor's place.
270 CHAPTER IV.
dent stands as an example of the violence used by Papists for the
repairing of their system.
Foster and one of his accomplices forthwith complained of Dr.
Taylor in a letter to the Lord Chancellor, who sent a missive to the
Doctor, commanding him, on his allegiance, to appear before him in
London. Gardiner was too well known for Dr. Taylor's friends not
to dread his appearing there ; and they entreated him to go out of
England : but he told them that he was already old, and had lived
too long, since such evil days were come upon them ; that they might
flee, and would be justified in escaping certain persecution, but that
his duty was to beard the Bishop, and tell him he did naught, than
which, he believed, he could not do a better service. A good old
Priest, Richard Yeoman, took charge of his flock, and was afterward
burnt at Norwich. A townsman of Hadleigh, named Alcock, used to
go daily to the church after Yeoman was driven away, and read a
chapter in the English Bible, and the Litany in English. He, too,
was apprehended, and died in Newgate.
Dr. Taylor went to London without loss of time, attended by an
old and faithful servant, John Hull, and presented himself before the
Lord Chancellor. Gardiner received him with characteristic brutality.
" Knave ! traitor ! villain ! Art thou come, thou villain ? Knowest
thou who I am?" — "Yes ; I know who you are : ye are Dr. Stephen
Gardiner, the Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor ; and yet
but a mortal man, I trow. But, if I should be afraid of your lordly
looks, why fear not you God, the Lord of us all ? How dare ye, for
shame, look any Christian man in the face, seeing ye have forsaken
the truth, denied our Saviour Christ and his word, and done contrary
to your own oath and writing? With what countenance will ye
appear before the judgment-seat of Christ, and answer to your oath,
made first unto that blessed King, Henry VIII., of famous memory,
and afterward unto blessed King Edward VI., his son?" Gardiner
must have been stunned for a moment by the force of those just
interrogations ; but, on recovery, having an unconquerable propensity
to talk, fell into disputation with his prisoner, and endeavoured to
exculpate himself. From this he proceeded to accuse him of resisting
the Parson of Aldham, in Hadleigh church, when saying mass ;
taunted him on his marriage, which the godly Priest defended like a
man, a husband, a father, and a Christian ; and wrangled with him
about the real presence. His ire or his patience being exhausted, he
ended by calling to his men, " Have this fellow hence, and carry him
to the King's Bench, and charge the keeper he be straitly kept."
Dr. Taylor then knelt down and prayed : " Good Lord, I thank thee ;
and from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable
errors, idolatries, and abominations, good Lord, deliver us ; and God
be praised for good King Edward." To the King's Bench they took
him; and there he lay for about two years. With the others, as
already described, he was brought before Gardiner and the Commis-
sioners, rejected their offer of life, was sentenced to be delivered over
to the secular arm as a heretic, taken to the Clink until dark, and
thence removed to the Compter in the Poultry. Thither came Bon-
DR. ROWLAND TAYLOR. 271
ner, on the 4th of February (1555), the day on which he made a round
for the degradation of Hooper, Rogers, and Saunders, and proceeded
to degrade Taylor also. After asking him, as usual, to repent, and
receiving a prompt refusal, " Well," quoth the Bishop, " I am come
to degrade you : wherefore, put on these vestures," — a suit of priestly
robes. " No," said Taylor ; " I will not." — " Wilt thou not ? I
shall make thee, ere I go." — "You shall not, by the grace of God."
However, they were put on perforce ; and, when fully arrayed, he
set his hands on his sides, and, walking up and down, said, " How
say you, my Lord ? Am I not a goodly fool ? How say you, my
masters? If I were in Cheap, should I not have boys enough to
laugh at these apish toys, and toying trumpery?" Bonner tore off
the vestments canonically, scraped his fingers and thumbs, obliterated
the tonsure, and so unmade the Priest. By this time Bonner was
hot for an assault, and was raising his crosier to strike the excommu-
nicate, when his Chaplain, rightly estimating the comparative powers
of the two, stayed his courage by exclaiming, " My Lord, strike him
not; for he will sure strike again." — "Yea, by St. Peter, will I,"
said Dr. Taylor ; and Bonner slunk back. Then, assuming another
tone, satisfied that, if he was degraded ceremonially, the choleric
Bishop was degraded in reality, and sufficiently humbled, he closed
the colloquy with such words as these : " Though you do curse me,
yet God doth bless me. I have the witness of my conscience that ye
have done me wrong and violence ; and yet I pray God, if it be his
will, to forgive you. But from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome,
and his detestable enormities, good Lord, deliver us!" The bearing
of Dr. Taylor was certainly not so lovely as that of Bishop Hooper,
Bilney, and many other holy martyrs ; but it displayed the frankness
of an honest indignation that commands respect, with an admirable,
self-collected boldness. But, to know Dr. Taylor, we must see him in
the bosom of his family.*
He thanked God that he was married, and had nine children, all in
lawful matrimony ; an honour which thousands of vassaled Priests
would, at this moment, rejoice to own. He was a good father, and a
noble husband. Bonner had scarcely turned his back, when the
keeper of the prison — for the keepers of the Queen's prisoners were
generally as kind as they durst be, not so the jailers of the Bishops —
* The blessing of God rested on that family. " Samuel Taylor, Vicar of Quinton,"
in Staffordshire, one of those four Ministers who met with the Rev. John Wesley in his
first Conference (A. P. 1744), a devout and zealous preacher in highways and hedges,
shared with the first Methodists in labours and reproach, in Quinton, Wednesbury,
Darlaston, and other parts of the county. When surrounded with danger in the prose-
cution of his mission, he derived strength from the example of his martyred ancestor,
and is said once to have exclaimed, " Were 1 but called to the honour of martyrdom, as
my great-grandfather was, I trust that I should be able to stand in the day of trial,
and, like him, go through the flames to glory," As long as Mr. Taylor was alive, his
pulpit was open to Mr. Wesley, and for some time afterwards. A " house" was then
erected, which yet stands in nearly its original condition ; and thus the Vicar of Quin-
ton is recalled to memory as a living link between the religions revivals of the sixteenth
and eighteenth centuries, between the Reformation under Edward VI. and early
Methodism. How far is the latter to be attributed to the prayer and faith that made
the former so glorious ? For a notice of this descendant of our martyr, see the Wesleyan-
Methodist Magazine for April, 1850
272 CHAPTER IV.
admitted his wife, one of his children, and the trusty servant, John
Hull, to sup with him. As soon as they had entered they all knelt
down together and prayed, saying the English Litany. After supper they
walked up and down in the prison-house, talking together for the last
time, almost, on earth. The good man thanked God for his grace,
that had so strengthened him, and, turning to his son Thomas, said,
"My dear son, Almighty God bless thee, and give thee his Holy
Spirit to be a true servant of Christ, to learn his word, and constantly
to stand by his truth, all thy life long. And, my son, see that thou
fear God always. Flee from all sin and wicked living : be virtuous,
serve God with daily prayer, and apply thy book. In any wise, see
that thou be obedient to thy mother, love her and serve her : be
ruled by her now in thy youth, and follow her good counsels in all
things." After some further exhortation, he addressed his wife :
" My dear wife, continue steadfast in the fear and love of God : keep
yourself undefiled from their Popish idolatries and superstitions. I
have been unto you a faithful yokefellow, and so have you been unto
me ; for the which I pray God to reward you, and doubt not, dear
wife, but God will reward it." A few more sentences of counsel were
all that he could give. They surrendered each other to God, knelt
down again, and prayed. He gave her a copy of King Edward's
Prayer-Book, that he had used during two years in prison ; and to his
son a Latin book, containing sentences of the old martyrs, extracted
from the Ecclesiastica Historia ; and, after one more embrace, they
parted, not expecting other converse until the resurrection of the just.
About two o'clock in the morning the Sheriff of London and his
officers came to the prison, and, careful to show no light, brought out
Dr. Taylor, and led him, without noise, to the " Woolsack," an inn,
without Aldgate. But there were watchful ears, that the Sheriff's art
could not elude. Just as they were passing by St. Botolph's porch,
a child's voice startled them : " 0, my dear father ! Mother ! mother !
here is my father led away." It was little Elisabeth. The mother,
and two daughters, expecting that he would be taken by that way,
were grouped within the porch, trusting to catch a sound of him, if
not a sight. Then cried his wife, " Rowland ! Rowland ! where art
thou?" for it was extremely dark. "Dear wife, I am here," said
he. The Sheriff had not the heart to drag him away, but bade his
men stop. She came to him ; so did Elisabeth and Mary. They
knelt down together, Mary being locked in her father's arras, and,
with united voices, as when they had each day approached God
around their hearth at Hadleigh, recited the Lord's prayer aloud.
Emotions that could not create utterance in any other language,
breathed in that divine sentence, — "OuR FATHER !" Even the Sheriff
burst into tears ; nor could the sturdy guards refrain from weeping.
After they had prayed, he kissed his wife, and, clasping her hand,
said, " Farewell, my dear wife. Be of good comfort ; for I am quiet
in my conscience. God shall stir up a father for my children. —
God bless thee, Mary, and make thee his servant. — God bless thee,
Elisabeth. I pray you all stand strong and steadfast unto Christ and
his word, and keep you from idolatry." The father imprinted, with
DR. TAYLOR MARTYRED. 273
his blessing, a kiss on the moistened cheek of each fatherless girl, —
for he was to be no longer theirs in this world, — heard his wife say,
" God be with thee, Rowland ; I will, with God's grace, meet thee at
Hadleigh." They led him to the Woolsack ; his wife and daughters
lingered after them ; but there could be no further interview, except
that, next morning, on leaving the inn, he saw his son Thomas in the
crowd, called him, had him lifted on his horse, gave him his blessing,
showed him to the bystanders as his lawful son, and, as a married
Priest, blessed God for lawful matrimony.
The Sheriff of Essex conducted him to Chelmsford. At that place
the Sheriff of Suffolk received his charge, — a venerable Minister of
Christ, long known and honoured in the country, now a prisoner, set
on horseback, with a close hood over his head, with slits for the eyes
and mouth, that he might not be recognised and rescued. That pre-
caution was taken by the Sheriff at Brentwood, and betrayed a con-
sciousness of danger from the men of Essex ; for people there began
to recognise the Doctor, and show him honour. Both at Chelmsford
and at Lavenham — where a numerous company of Justices and other
gentlemen, well mounted and armed, came by appointment to aid the
Sheriff — much persuasion was tried to divert him from his constancy ;
life, honour, even a bishopric, was offered him, if he would submit to
the Romish Church ; but, resting on Christ, as on a rock immovable,
he abode unshaken. After two days' delay at Lavenham, the caval-
cade set out for Aldham, beyond Hadleigh, where he was to suffer.
When within two miles of his own town, he obtained permission to
dismount, and, to the amazement of the armed magistracy, who were
waiting on their horses, leaped and danced with joy. " Why, Master
Doctor," quoth the Sheriff, "how do you now?" — "Well, God be
praised, good Master Sheriff, never better ; for now I know I am
almost at home. I lack not two stiles to go over, and I am even at
my father's house." His heart never failed. Throughout the journey
he had been right merry, singing hymns and psalms, and now rejoiced
that he should once more pass through Hadleigh, and exchange salu-
tations with his beloved parishioners. The streets were crowded with
people, through whom the horsemen made their way ; and loud were
the cries of sorrow and sentences of blessing poured on him by peo-
ple, from town and country ; but loudest far the recognitions of the
poor. He had ever been the rich men's almoner for them ; and,
although he might have bestowed on his own family, now homeless,
the remainder of moneys in his possession, — for they were poor, — he
had carefully reserved it, and, on approaching the town, put it in a
glove, which he threw in at a window of the almshouses in passing.
They were soon on Aldham Common, which, amidst the close-
pressed retinue of horse, and under the dark hood, he scarcely knew.
The people were keeping pace, and collecting from all the country
round ; and, as the guards halted thus amidst the crowd, he asked
where they were, and what meant that concourse. " This is Aldham
Common," said one, " the place where you must suffer ; and people
are come to look upon you." — " Thanked be God," said he, " I am
even at home," and, alighting, with both hands rent off the hood, and
VOL. III. 2 N
274 CHAPTER IV.
disclosed his ancient face, with silvery beard, and hair jagged by the
scissors of Bishop Bonner, pitiful to look upon. The sight so wrought
upon the multitude, that they burst into a loud and continuous wailing ;
and, as the cry subsided, well-familiar voices from the flock greeted
their smitten shepherd : " God save thee, good Dr. Taylor ! — Jesus
Christ strengthen thee and help thee! — the Holy Ghost comfort
thee." He would have answered. He began to speak ; but the yeo-
men brandished their tipstaves, and the Sheriff reminded him that he
had promised the Council not to speak to the people ; for the Coun-
cil, if report be true, had extorted that promise from all the martyrs,
under a threat of cutting out their tongues. "Well," he answered,
" promise must be kept." So he sat down and undressed himself,
all except his shirt, and gave the clothes away ; when, forgetting the
promise, he rose, looked on the people, and said, with a loud voice,
" Good people, I have taught you nothing but God's holy word, and
those lessons that I have taken out of God's blessed book, the Holy
Bible ; and I am come hither this day to seal it with my blood."
And this was all he could say ; for a heavy stroke of a cudgel from
the hand of one Homes, a yeoman, who had already dealt brutally
with him, put him to silence. Yet he was permitted to pray.
Kneeling on the ground, he committed himself to the God of all conso-
lation ; and a poor woman of the crowd, passing between the horses,
knelt down, and prayed with him. The yeomen raged ; but she
prayed on. They spurred their horses, and threatened to trample her
under the hoofs ; but she still prayed on, and, restrained by Him
who bowed down his ear to listen, they could not do more than
threaten. She mingled her supplications with those of the martyr,
who, when he had finished, went readily to the stake, kissed it, got
into a pitch-barrel, which they had set for him to stand in, folded his
hands, looked up towards his Father's house, and prayed in silence
while the Sheriff chained him. The man commanded to bring faggots
refused. Two vagabond fellows were employed for that service, of
whom the more zealous flung a faggot at his head. As the blood
streamed down his face he meekly asked the man, " 0, friend, I have
harm enough! what needed that?" One of the impatient ruffians
shortened his suffering ; for, as the fire began to burn, and he was
singing, " In God have I put my trust, I will not fear what man can
do unto me," he clave his skull with a halbert ; and the body fell
dead into the fire (February 9th, 1555). His successor in the incum-
bency of Hadleigh, formerly a Protestant, now a Papist, and after-
wards a Protestant again, had made haste to drive Mrs. Taylor and
her children out of the parsonage, and was preaching against heresy to
the mourning and disgusted population of that town.
Rogers, Hooper, Saunders, and Taylor were thus martyred within
six days, in London, Gloucester, Coventry, and Hadleigh, by appoint-
ment of the Commissioners, and express desire of the Queen. And
on the last of those days, six others received, from the same Com-
missioners, sentence to be burnt. Yet, on the very day following
that sentence, King Philip's Chaplain, Alfonso de Castro, in a sermon
preached before His Majesty, inveighed against the Bishops for putting
THOMAS TOMKINS, 275
heretics to death, which he affirmed to he contrary to Scripture. If
nothing more were known of the preacher, we might fancy him to be
somewhat more enlightened than his brethren, benevolent, and exceed-
ing bold. For punishment of heresy by death was then required by
the law of England ; the Council had determined that the time was
come to execute the law ; the Queen had approved of that determina-
tion, and signified her approbation in writing, as cited above. And it
is certain that Philip and Mary were then desiring the death of Cran-
mer. But Alfonso was well known as a valiant warrior against here-
tics. He had written a book " against all heresies," and another
book to prove that " all the punishments appointed for heretics in the
civil and canon laws were just." In that book, as Bradford expressed
it, he had written that it was " not meet nor convenient that heretics
should live." The book, in several editions, had then extensive cir-
culation ; it was read and quoted all over Europe.* To appoint such
a man to preach against burning heretics, was a trickery too gross to
blind the public ; but it produced a momentary impression, and was
intended to provide a loop-hole of retreat, that, if the zeal of Mary
should be found to have endangered the throne by its excess, the
mercy of Philip might serve to placate England, and enable the Clergy
to change their course, under a decent cover of royal interposition.
Accordingly, the execution of the last sentence was deferred for about
five weeks, until it should be known whether the country would
quietly submit to such proceedings. At any rate, the sermon of De
Castro contradicted the doctrine of his Church ; and, therefore, when
a book, printed on the Continent by the refugees, was circulated in
England to prove the wickedness of putting people to death on
account of religion, some one was employed to write another book to
prove the contrary.
As barbarian huntsmen beat the field to rouse game from their
coverts, so Bonner set all the Priests of his diocese on the look-out
for heretics. The hunt was to be in Lent. Every layman was
required to come to confession, or, if troubled with doubts, to apply
to a Priest ; some more clever Ecclesiastics were appointed to allay
scruples, and the " Pastors and Curates of every parish " commanded
by their Archdeacons to certify to Bonner, " in writing, of every man
and woman's name that had not been so reconciled."
Having waited to observe how far it might be safe to carry his
design, he began again by burning Thomas Tomkins, a weaver. This
was an uneducated, but deeply pious, man, who might have been
sheltered by obscurity of station, had not piety made him conspicuous
among his neighbours in Shoreditch. For about six months the
Bishop had kept him in prison at Fulham ; but, as it was the custom
of Ecclesiastics to make the most of their prisoners in busy times,
Tomkins was turned out into the hay-field in the summer of 1554,
* The Rev. George Townsend, in his invaluable edition of Foxe's Acts and Monu-
ments, vol. vii., pp. 44, 179, 191, 763, provides full evidence, in the absence of Castro's
book, which is become exceeding rare, of the character of the Monk and his productions.
Dr. Lingard, vol. v., p. 86, affects to partake of the general surprise, and attributes the
five weeks' intermission to the effect of De Castro's sermon. But he must have known
who the preacher was.
2 N 2
2/G CHAPTER IV.
and there worked so much to the satisfaction of his Lordship, that lie
almost obtained forgiveness of his heresy. Conner, walking over a
hay-field, saw the Gospeller labouring as heartily as if he had been a
hired servant, and, throwing himself on a heap of mown grass, beck-
oned him to come near, and entered into conversation. " Well,"
began the Bishop, " I like thee well, for thou labourest well : I trust
thou wilt be a good Catholic." — " My Lord, St. Pan! saith, ' He that
doth not labour is not worthy to eat.' " Poor Tomkins could not
have appealed to a less welcome authority : Bonner's countenance
fell, and he gruffly muttered, " Ah ! St. Paul is a great man with
thee." The poor prisoner had a beard of six months' growth, which
Bonner then made subject of remark, wishing his beard off', that he
might look like a Catholic. " My Lord," said the weaver, " before
my beard grew I was, I trust, a good Christian ; and so I trust to be,
my beard being on." The Prelate flew into a rage, seized him by the
beard, pulled out a handful, sent him back to his dungeon, and had
him shaven there. When his face was healed, solicitations to be a
good Catholic were renewed, but without effect ; and at last Bonner
bethought himself of a stronger argument. One evening, having
Harpsfield, his Archdeacon, and other Priests sitting with him in the
hall at Fulham, he commanded Tomkins to be brought, and, taking
his hand, held it over the flame of a wax candle fed by three or four
wicks, that he might understand the pain of burning, and turn good
Catholic, to save the whole body. But Tomkins stood firm while
Bonner with one hand held his, and with the other applied the flame,
until the skin blistered, sinews shrank, veins burst, and the blood
spirted into Harpsfield's face, who begged the tormentor to desist.
Unsubdued by those savage methods of persuasion, the good man
signed a confession of his faith, stood by it in a public examination
before Bonner, (February 8th, 1555,) underwent further imprisonment
in Newgate, and was burnt in Smithfield (March 16th).
William Hunter, apprentice to a silk-weaver in London, was com-
manded by the parish Priest to attend mass at Coleman-street, in
Easter, 1554, but refused, and was severely threatened. His master,
fearing trouble, desired him to quit his house, which he did, and
returned to his father at Brentwood. Five or six weeks afterwards,
in the chapel of Brentwood, this youth found a Bible laid on a desk,
and gladly sat him down to read. He had not long been so
employed, when an old man, a Sumner, called Atwell, came in, and
abruptly entered into conversation. After giving some angry threats
and very hard names, Father Atwell flung out of the chapel, saying
that he was not able to reason with him ; " but," said he, " I will
fetch one straightway which shall talk with thee, I warrant thee, thou
heretic." He crossed the way, well knowing where to find a Priest ;
and, from an alehouse opposite, brought the Vicar of South Weald,
Thomas Wood, who found the youth still reading the Bible, picked a
quarrelsome controversy with him, and then went away to Sir
Anthony Brown, a Justice of the peace, and reported him as a heretic.
The Justice sent a Constable to bring up Hunter's father ; for the sou
had not lost a moment in leaving Brentwood. Moved by the threat-
MARTYRS IN WALES. 277
enings of Brown, the father took horse, and rode over the country,
for two or three days, in search of the fugitive, whom he found
wandering on the highway, brought home, and soon saw taken into
custody by the Justice. Thence to Bonner's prison, thence again to
Newgate ; and, finally, this faithful youth was brought back to Brent-
wood, and burnt, under the direction of the Sheriff and Sir Anthony
Brown (March 2(5th).
The Consistory, assembled in St. Paul's, (February 9th,) that con-
demned William Hunter, also consigned to the fire two gentlemen
of Essex, Thomas Causton and Thomas Higbed. With much diffi-
culty they obtained permission to read a confession of their faith, in
the hearing of the Mayor and Sheriffs, who attended officially. They
attempted to appeal against the sentence to Cardinal Pole, but with-
out success, and were burnt, the one at Horndon-on-the-Hill, and the
ether at Rayleigh (March 26th). Sir Anthony Brown was present at
Rayleigh, with a company of yeomen, by command, probably fearing
that people would prevent the execution.
The county of Essex was highly honoured. At Braintree William
Pygott, at Maldon Stephen Knight, received their crowns in martyr-
dom, (March 28th,) and, at Colchester, John Laurence, a Priest,
(March 29th,) all condemned by the same Consistory. The Priest
suffered the severest treatment : worn with hunger, and bruised with
fetters, he could not walk, but was carried to the stake in a chair,
and there consumed. As he sat in the fire, a number of young
children gathered around him, and cried aloud, " Lord, strengthen
thy servant, and keep thy promise."
The Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, had promoted Dr. Robert
Ferrar to the see of St. David's, in Wales. When the Protector fell,
Dr. Ferrar shared in his misfortune, was prosecuted by discontented
Priests on frivolous and false charges, and subjected to arrest, under
sureties, and heavy fines. On the change of religion in this reign, an
accusation of heresy succeeded to former complaints of superstition,
covetousness, and folly, and the persecuted Bishop found himself
deprived of the bishopric, and again a prisoner in London, whence
they sent him into Wales to undergo final examination, and be con-
demned. Griffith Leyson, Sheriff of the county, presented him in
the church of Caermarthen, (February 26th,) before his successor,
Henry Morgan, Constantine, one of his old accusers, being public
Notary ; and left him, as an Ecclesiastic, in charge of the intruded
Prelate, who, having transferred him to another keeper, offered him
mercy from the King and Queen, if he would submit himself to the
laws of the realm, and conform to the unity of the Church. He
received the offer in silence, and also refused to answer questions as
to marriage of Priests, and transubstantiation, denying the legality
of that Commission, he being himself the real Bishop of St. David's.
Morgan answered his demurrer by imprisonment ; but, although he
compelled him to external submission, could not extort subscription
to Popish articles,* and, after a succession of tedious formalities, and
* During his imprisonment in the King's Bench he so far gave way as to consent to
receive the host next day. But Bradford, his fellow-prisoner, interposed such powerful
278 CHAPTER IV.
in spite of an appeal to the Cardinal Legate, be pronounced him a
heretic excommunicate, degraded him, and gave him back to Sheriff
Leyson to suffer death. Dr. Ferrar stood unmoved in the fire, until,
when life was nearly extinct, the stroke of a cudgel laid him at the
foot of the stake. The scene of this martyrdom was in the town
of Caermarthen, on the south side of the market-cross (March 30th).
Romanism, like death, levels all ranks. Caermartben received the
ashes of a Bishop, and Cardiff those of a fisherman. When the
Welsh began to hear the rumour of emancipation from religious
bondage, and confessions of doubt, mingled with avowals of convic-
tion, were uttered in all companies, Rawlins White, long a zealot after
the established fashion, conceived a desire to search the Scriptures for
himself. His only science lay in hooks and nets. He knew not a
letter. But he deputed his little son to acquire the elements of all
knowledge, and the child soon became an English reader. Every
night, after supper, through summer and winter, the boy read from
the Bible, or from some book of wholesome doctrine. Rawlins
digested as he heard ; and, as his knowledge of holy Scripture
increased, his diligence in fishing languished. He had gained the
pearl of great price ; and, burning with zeal to teach others where to
find the heavenly treasure, he went from place to place, an itinerant
evangelist, a lay-preacher, opening the way for established ministra-
tions in better times. As to books he was blind ; but God compen-
sated for that defect by the gift of a singularly retentive memory, and
he could " vouch and rehearse " the text with admirable accuracy.
Five years had been spent in this way when King Edward died, and
Rawlius gradually refrained from addressing public congregations ;
but went from house to house, like the Lollards of England in the
preceding century, and, with prayer, exhortation, and the evidence
of a spotless life, brought many to knowledge of the truth. Persecu-
tion approached, and dangers multiplied ; but he would not consent
to flee ; the officers of the town took him, and carried him away to
the Bishop of Llandaff, at Chepstow, who lodged him in his own
prison for a time, and then, finding that he would neither accept
opportunities of escape, nor be divested of the character of a Gos-
peller, placed him in the Castle of Cardiff. But he was very happy
there. Leaving the care of his family with Providence, he preached
incessantly to companies of friends who came thither to visit him,
ever admonishing them to beware of wolves in sheep's clothing. One
year having elapsed, the Bishop had him back again to Chepstow,
tried promises and threats to bring him to recantation, and failed in
all. However, the Bishop was constrained to persevere, or yield
himself as an abettor of heresy. On an appointed day, therefore, he
went, with his Chaplains, to the episcopal chapel, and, in the
presence of the congregation, offered Rawlins the last alternative.
The unhappy Bishop could not rise above his bonds, and knew not
how to break them. The fisherman would not wreck his conscience ;
dissuasion, that he not only disappointed the Priests of their conquest, but recovered
more ground than he had lost, and displayed an undeviating firmness to the last moment
of his life.
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE JUSTICES. 279
but desired him to proceed in law in God's name. " But, for a
heretic," added he, "you never shall condemn me while the world
standeth." The Bishop suddenly bethought himself of a refuge from
perplexity, and, contrary to the universal usage of his Church in such
matters, bade his Chaplains join him in prayer, that God " would
send some spark of grace upon him," trusting that he then might
turn. Rawlins thanked the Bishop for his great charity and gentle-
ness, reminded him and the Clergy of Christ's promise to be present
with two or three gathered together in his name, — " and there be more
than two or three of you," — and Bishop, Chaplains, and congregation
all fell on their knees, these words of the confessor resting on them :
" If so be that your request be godly and lawful, and that ye pray as
ye should pray, without doubt God will hear you. And therefore,
my Lord, go to : do you pray to your God, and I will pray to my
God. I know that God will both hear my prayer and perform my
desire." For his part, he turned away from the crowd, knelt down
alone, covered his face with his bauds, and prayed. After a while
the Bishop rose, and all the rest stood up in silence, until he broke it
by asking, " Now, Rawlins, how is it with thee ? Wilt thou revoke
thy opinions, or no ? " " Surely, my Lord," said Rawlins, " Rawlins
you left me, and Rawlins you find me ; and, by God's grace, Rawlins
I will continue. Certainly, if your petitions had been just and law-
ful, God would have heard them : but you honour a false god," (the
host,) " and pray not as ye should pray ; and therefore hath not
God granted your desire. But I am only one poor simple man, as
you see, and God hath heard my complaint ; and I trust he will
strengthen me in his own cause." Clearly, their prayer had failed.
The Bishop and his Chaplains consulted, and thought a mass might
be more effectual : so a Priest began to celebrate. Rawlins left the
choir, and betook himself to prayer during the ceremony, until the
bell rang for adoration, when he came to the choir-door, and, there
standing, called on any brethren who might be present to bear wit-
ness at the day of judgment that he bowed not to the idol then
elevated. To pervert him was hopeless, although the Bishop again
laboured to do so ; sentence was read, they took him back to Cardiff,
and threw him into the common jail, a dark, loathsome place. Some
officious authorities of the town appointed a day for burning him ;
but the Recorder informed them that, in such cases, a writ De
comburendo was necessary, or their doing would be illegal. A writ,
however, soon arrived. With indomitable patience he endured the
pangs of separation from his wife and children, whom he passed on
the way, the terrible preparations for death, a vexatious sermon, that
was preached while he stood chained to the stake, and surrounded by
faggots, and the fierceness of the fire. The day of his death is not
recorded ; but it took place in March, hastened, no doubt, by the
diligence of Gardiner.
Our notices must henceforth be very brief, giving only the more
remarkable incidents. The martyrdoms now recorded were but as
drops before the shower ; yet sufficient to assure the Queen and her
Council that they might venture to shed blood, that England might
280 CHAPTER IV.
be subdued by terror. Lent, as usual, was deemed the most appro-
priate season for the display of ecclesiastical power ; and there can be
no doubt but that it was intended to begin the carnage in earnest as
soon as Easter should be past. Easter-day, be it observed, in 1555,
was on April 7th. On March 25th, after the Lent preachers had
prepared the way, and when the ceremonies of Passion-week were
near, instructions, signed by Philip and Mary, were sent to all the
Justices of England, to the following effect : — " ] . The Justices of
each county were to meet, and divide their county into districts, with
eight or ten Magistrates to each. 2. The Magistrates were to attend
at sermons, use the preachers reverently, persuade the reluctant to
attend also, and imprison all that would not. 3. Preachers and
teachers of heresy, and procurers of secret religious meetings, were to
be dealt with most severely of all. 4. Justices and their families
were to be exemplary in zeal. 5. Freedom of speech was to be pre-
vented. 6. There should be one, or more, ' honest men ' employed
in every parish, to give secret information of the behaviour of parish-
ioners in private. 7. A special court in every place to try vagabonds,
that is to say, travelling preachers, like Rawlins White. 8. The
statute of Hue-and-cry * should be faithfully executed, for the
tumultuary seizure of heretics ; and, from April 20th following,
watches were to be kept.f 9. Justice was to be done summarily on
all offenders. 10. Sessions were to be held monthly, at least." J A
commission, to hear and punish, (Oyer and Terminer,) was issued on
the 27th, in which Philip and Mary told the magistracy that, of late,
the common sort of people had grown into liberty and insolence, and
remembering that the time of the year was at hand when disorders
were wont to be most dangerous, they confided to them the mainte-
nance of peace. § Thus were the instruments prepared for such a
* Hucr, " to shout, and cry." By the old common law of England, and then by
statutes, 3 Edw. I., c. 10 ; 4 Edw. I., De officio coronatorif, and 13 E.dw. I., c. 1 and
4, Winchester, it was required of every one who heard the cry to pursue and take felous
fugitive.
t This instruction demands a note. Besides the hue-and-cry, already explained,
there was to be a watch kept from April 20th ensuing. Not only were heretics to be
chased from place to place, from town to town, from county to county, by day, but so
hemmed in at night, that it should be impossible, even under darkness, to hide them-
selves. The statute last quoted (13 Edw. I., c. 4, Winchester) required the gates of
all walled towns to be shut from sunset to sunrise ; forbade persons to lodge iu the
suburbs, or anywhere out of town, except under surety of a host ; obliged Bailiffs to
inquire, once every week or fifteen days, whether any persons had lodged in the suburbs
or foreign places of towns ; bound them to punish all who lodged strangers or suspected
persons ; placed a guard at each gate, of four, six, or twelve meu, according to the >ize
of the town ; authorized those armed guards to take whomsoever they might suspect,
and commit him to the Sheriff, neither watchmen nor Sheriffs being liable to punishment
for false imprisonment ; and required that all who fled should be pursued with hue-and-
cry by night, as well as by day. And, by the same law, (c. 2,) all householders were to
be armed, in order to act effectively on such occasions. Nothing could be more severe
and oppressive than the law of Edward, revived by Mary after the lapse of two hundred
and seventy years, as if to resume the despotic power exercised by that Prince, and to
replunge the nation into the deeper barbarism of his time. Not only does the revival
of that extraordinary law show the intensity of persecution at this period, but exhibits
Alary herself acting in the character of a consummate tyrant, whose measures indicate
haste, suspicion, and excess, a hardened heart, and a guilty conscience.
t Burnet, part ii., book ii. ;' Collections, No. 19.
§ Strype, Queen Mary I., chap. 27.
FLOWER ASSAULTS A PRIEST. 281
general and sanguinary persecution as this country never knew before,
nor since.
And here it may be noted, that Pope Julius III. having died,
diriffies* were commanded to be sung in all churches for the repose
of his soul. A woman, who spoke lightly of the ceremony in St.
Magnus's church, was put into the cage at London-bridge, and bidden
to cool herself there. He had excommunicated all who retained
church-lands ; and, although those in power in this country could not
venture to acknowledge that Bull, the Queen determined to promote
a gradual restitution, or the obtaining of an equivalent for the Clergy,
and therefore surrendered (March 28th) all that were in possession
of the crown. She fancied herself pregnant, expected to be confined
about Easter-day ; and, by way of preparation, sent for her sister
Elizabeth, to offer her good words, made this gift to the Church,
prepared death for all dissentients, and retired to Hampton Court to
keep her chamber there. But, after making new calculations, and
waiting four months beyond the time first set, expectation died ; and
Priests who had sung Te Deum in London for the birth of a Prince
— one of whom even preached a flowery sermon, wherein he described
minutely every feature of the new-born boy — desired that the prema-
ture rejoicings might be forgotten. Her Grace then (August 2d) left
Hampton Court ; and Philip, weary of her and of England, soon left
the country, only to visit it once again.
George Marsh, native of Dean, in Lancashire, sometime Curate in
Langton, Leicestershire, to Laurence Saunders, was imprisoned suc-
cessively at Latham, Lancaster Castle, in the house of the Bishop, at
Chester, and in a dungeon in the north gate of that city, where he
was burnt (April 24th). A small barrel full of tar was hung over
him, that its dripping might feed the flames, and aggravate his
suffering.
William Flower, once a Monk in the abbey of Ely, then a Priest,
sometimes acting as a surgeon also, sometimes as a schoolmaster,
apparently a sincere but unsettled person, sacrificed his life by an
act of extreme temerity. Haunted by an inclination to assault a
Priest in the act of saying mass, and persuaded that such an act
would be agreeable to God, as a testimony against that idolatry, he
went into St. Paul's church, having a knife ready ; but conscience, it
would seem, restrained him, and he walked away. The propensity,
however, returned with greater force ; while the prospect of a shame-
ful death, as the inevitable consequence of the meditated crime, rose
before him ; but he believed that even the murder of a Priest
in such a situation would be no crime. The insane purpose
gained strength, as he dwelt upon presumed examples, in the
histories of Moses, Aaron, Phinehas, Joshua, Zimri, Jehu, Judith,
Mattathias, and others ; and he imagined himself impelled by the
Holy Spirit to lay down his life for the sake of bearing one prac-
tical testimony against the idolatry of the mass. Passing by the
Gate-house in Westminster, he turned in, and gave two groats to the
# As they were then called ; now, more commonly, dirges ; dirige being the first
word of the antiphone.
VOL. III. 2 O
282 CHAPTER IV.
prisoners, as if to introduce himself favourably to their acquaintance,
thence proceeded to St. Margaret's church, and waited there until the
officiating Priest began to give the wafers to the people. Then, draw-
ing his knife, he rushed on him furiously, wounded him in the head,
arm, and hand, and would, indeed, have killed him, if he had not
been seized by the bystanders. The consecrated hosts were sprinkled
•with blood, which flowed profusely, the wounded Priest was carried
into a vestry, the congregation quitted the church with horror ; the
building, defiled with blood, was shut up until it could be " recon-
ciled " with the appointed ceremonies, and Flower was thrown into
the Oate-house, laden with heavy irons. At his first examination
before Bonner, he would not acknowledge the deed to be criminal ;
but his view changed on calm reflection. He saw that death was
near indeed ; as a married Priest, and one who entertained and
taught doctrines prohibited, he was sure to die ; his thoughts rose to
higher objects, and, in prospect of the tribunal of Christ, he became
penitent for the mad outrage, and confessed his guilt ; but would not
concede a single point of Christian faith, although offered pardon.
His right hand was cut off at the stake, because with it he had
assaulted a Priest ; and he was then slowly burnt, calling upon God,
through Christ, for mercy, (April 24th,) in the sanctuary, by St.
Margaret's church-yard. The Reformed were grieved at his outrage,
because it was calculated to give their enemies an unreasonable
advantage, and to bring dishonour on the cause of Christ.
Gardiner and Bonner figure, above all others, as leaders of the
Marian persecution ; but, in justice to the English Prelates in general,
it must be said that they were far from being united in the san-
guinary enterprise. We have just seen the Bishop of Llandaff strug-
gling with his own sense of humanity before the condemnation of
Rawlins White, and have observed the magistracy of England
employed as a check upon the clergy in prosecuting the Gospellers
for sedition, and the populace, in districts where ignorance and super-
stition were dominant, required to be ready to pursue Christian
" brethren " with hue-and-cry, as if they were felons. Hence it is
evident that before a humane or enlightened Bishop or Priest could
refuse to proceed against a reported heretic, he must have been willing
to incur peril of death, as an abettor of heresy. If neighbouring
Magistrates did not court the Government by officious inquisition, or
if the populace were not set on to hunt the victims, if all were agreed
to be quiet, then, and only then, could the royal mandate be evaded.
And even if evaded for a time, a fresh proclamation or letter would
urge some one to make inquisition. This state of things was well
understood at Court ; and a letter from Philip and Mary (May 24th)
affords evidence honourable to a part of the English Bishops, even
after the more conspicuous Reformers had been sifted out. In that
circular letter each Bishop was reminded of the injunction laid upon
the Justices to admonish " such disordered persons as leaned to any
erroneous and heretical opinions," and, failing to reform them by fair
means, to deliver them t.o the Ordinary, in order to examination and
sentence. But " understanding now," says the letter, " to our no
MARTYRDOM OF JOHN CARDMAKER AND JOHN WARNE, TN SMITFFTELD.
MORE BURNINGS. 283
little marvel, that divers of the said disordered persons, being, by the
Justices of the Peace, for their contempt and obstinacy, brought to the
Ordinaries to be used as is aforesaid, are either refused to be received
at their hands, or, if they be received, are neither so travelled with as
Christian charity requireth, nor yet proceeded withal according to the
order of justice ; but are suffered to continue in their errors, to the
dishonour of Almighty God, and dangerous example of others," &c.
Then follows a stern admonition to proceed against all persons pre-
sented by the Magistrates.* Burnet found one of these circulars in
Bonner's register ; and, overlooking the fact that every Bishop
received a similar letter, supposes that Bonner had grown weary of
persecution, or that he solicited this verbal reproof to justify renewed
activity. The latter is most improbable. The former conjecture is
contradicted by many facts ; for, weeks before this date, he was hotly
raging both against living and dead, and was then proceeding judi-
cially against several. Yet it is caught by Popish writers, as if it
were history ; and Dr. Lingard, for one, founds thereon a long
apologetic note, carefully overlooking Strype, who affirms that each
Bishop had the letter, and as carefully concealing the internal evidence
of the passage here cited. Bonner was anything but averse from
bloodshedding ; but the truth is, that many of the Bishops of Eng-
land abhorred the obligation laid on them by their Church, and by
their Queen. Neither Bonner, nor Gardiner, nor Pole, nor Alfonso de
Castro can be exculpated in the least.
On the same day, (May 25th,) four confessors stood before Bonner
at Fulharn, and soon received sentence. They were John Cardmaker,
Prebendary of Wells ; John Warne, upholsterer, of Walbrook ; John
Simsou of Colchester, and John Ardeley of Great- Wigborough, Essex,
both husbandmen. Cardmaker had endured long imprisonment ; for
at his first examination before Gardiner and the Commissioners, he
either seemed to retract some points of his belief, or they wished to
make it appear that he had done so. But he stood firm, and main-
tained the truth in many conferences and in correspondence by letter.
From the Bishop's palace at Fulhaui he was taken to Newgate, under
charge of the Sheriffs, and suffered patiently in Smithfield (May 30th).
Warne was consumed at the same stake.
The body of a thief who had been hung at Charing- Cross, and
there spoke against the Church of Rome, was cited, at the desire
of Cardinal Pole, to answer to an accusation of heresy ; but failing to
appear, and the proxies failing to disprove the charge, the said body
was solemnly excommunicated, exhumed, and burnt in real fire in
Smithfield, on the 4th day of June, 1555.
Simson suffered at Rochford, and Ardeley at Rayleigh, in Essex,
both on the same day (June 10th).
Thomas Haukes, a gentleman of good family, for some time in the
household of the Earl of Oxford, refused to have his child baptized
with Popish ceremonies, was reported to the Earl, sent by him to
London to be examined by Bonner, with whom, and with his Chap-
lains, he had many conversations, serving to establish the fact of his
* Burnet, part ii., book ii. ; Collection, No. 20.
2 o 2
284 CHAPTER IV.
dissent, and was burnt at Coggeshall (June I Oth). A multitude of
brethren surrounded the place ; and when he raised his hands, and
clapped them in the flame, in signal that his soul was happy in the
peace of God, they raised a loud and long shout in signal of joy, to
the amazement of Lord Riche and his armed companions, who were
there to keep guard during the execution, and prevent disturbance.
Other gentlemen came to help them, in event of tumult, and had
the thanks of the Council.
Thomas Wats, another of the Essex brethren, a native of Billericay,
had been established in London as a linen-draper, but, expecting that
his life would be taken, sold his stock, and, probably, returned to his
native place. By a court of Commissioners in Chelmsford, he was
convicted of heresy, and sent up to Bonner, who, at that time, was
exceedingly anxious to obtain recantations ; but Wats yielded not, and,
being delivered to the secular arm, finished his course at Chelmsford
(June 10th).
Nicholas Chamberlaiu, weaver, was executed at Colchester (June
14th) ; Thomas Osmond, fuller, at Manningtree, and William Bamford,
alias Butler, weaver, at Harwich (June 15th). These were all
natives of Coggeshall ; as were Thomas Osborne, fuller, Thomas Brode-
hill, and Richard Webb, weaver, condemned by Bonner at the same
time, but whose execution is not on record.
An English book, printed abroad, under the title of " A Warning to
England," was found to be circulated ; and a severe proclamation,
commanding all possessors of evangelical or anti-Popish books to give
them up within three days, issued from the press of Cawood, (June
13th,) with instructions to the Warders of companies to keep watch
on foreigners, and report concerning them.
Few names are more deeply engraven in the memory of the church
of Christ in England, than that of John Bradford. He comes next in the
train of witnesses, and we must stay with him a few moments. He was
born and educated in Manchester ; his mastery of Latin and general
proficiency recommended him to Sir John Harrington, Treasurer
of the royal camps in Calais, in the reigns of Henry and Edward, who
made him a confidential servant ; but, as might have been expected
of such a man,* ill repaid his fidelity. He next studied law in
the Temple ; but, becoming more deeply impressed with sacred
truths, went to Cambridge, and, after rapid progress in study,
attained the degree of Master of Arts, and a Fellowship in Pem-
broke Hall. Urged by Martin Bucer to employ his talent in preach-
ing, and encouraged to do so, notwithstanding much diffidence,
by Ridley, then Bishop of London, he received ordination as Deacon ;
but, by the indulgence of Ridley, the use of some part of the ceremo-
nial which he thought to be superstitious was dispensed with. From his
ordination to the death of Edward, he devoted himself to the publica-
tion of the Gospel in many parts of England. " Sharply he opened
and reproved sin, sweetly he preached Christ crucified, pithily he
impugned errors and heresies, earnestly he persuaded to godly life."
Before the death of Edward, Master Bradford was advanced to a pre-
* Who falsified his accounts.
BRADFORD. 285
bend in the cathedral of St. Paul's, where he grew deservedly popular
with the people of London. While Mary and her new court were yet
in the Tower, Bourne, Bishop of Bath, preached, as we have said, a
sermon at Paul's-Cross, on a Sunday morning, so offensive to the
audience, that they made great uproar, and the affrighted preacher,
trembling for his life, turned to Prebendary Bradford, who sat
behind him in the pulpit, and entreated him to speak to the people.
Bradford stood up, just at the moment when the Bishop was stooping
to avoid a dagger flung by some one in the crowd, which narrowly
missed himself, and beckoned to the people, who instantly shouted,
"Bradford! Bradford! God save thy life, Bradford!" In a few
seconds the tumult subsided ; he so effectually exhorted them to quiet
and patience, that they dispersed in silence, each man to his house.
Bourne prayed him not to depart until he had seen him safely under
cover ; and, placing himself under the protection of the worthy Pre-
bendary, made a hasty retreat to his lodgings. A party of angry
citizens followed ; and Bradford, throwing his gown over Bourne,
protected him from further violence. One gentleman walking beside
them, could not refrain from saying, "Ah, Bradford, Bradford, thou
savest him that will help to burn thee. I give thee his life. If it
were not for thee, I would run him through with my sword." The same
afternoon Bradford preached in the Bow church, Cheapside, reproved
the people severely for their misconduct, which he called seditious
not fewer than twenty times in the course of his sermon, until many
began to manifest impatience ; and he nearly lost his credit as a
Reformed Minister. Thus did he hazard life and reputation to screen
a man who indeed helped to burn him ; and in endeavouring to pro-
tect the Papists from an outbreak which a word would have excited,
and which, if he had chosen to lead it, might have crushed them all
at once.
Mark his reward. On the Wednesday following he was taken to
the Tower, to answer to the Queen's Council on a charge of sedition.
Malapertly, said they, he had conducted himself at the Cross ; saving
Bourne, indeed, but discovering a popularity that was to be dreaded.
They committed him, forthwith, to the King's Bench in Southwark,
where many brethren were soon brought, Gospellers and felons being
crowded together;, and Bradford, for several months, preached to the
profane, held sweet conference with the persecuted, by an exhibi-
tion of unfeigned and fervent piety won the respect of all, and had
so much confidence of the keeper, that he was permitted, without any
guard beyond his own inviolable word, to go out at night and visit
the sick. He was even offered means to escape, but would not so
have liberty, and awaited patiently the course of events. Cheerful in
the joy of Christianity, he appears not once to have been troubled
with fear of death ; yet often and again did he weep for the calamity
that had befallen the country and the church of God. On the
memorable 22d day of January, 1555, the Under-Marshal of tbe
King's Bench brought him into the presence of the Commissioners,
with Gardiner at their head. They were seated at a table. The
good man dropped on one knee, until Gardiner bade him stand
286 CHAPTER IV.
up, and fixed his eye keenly on him, as if to overwhelm his courage
under the gaze of dignity. Bradford stood, and also fixed his eye
searchingly on that of the Lord Chancellor, only relieving the visual
grasp by one prayerful glance heavenward, imploring wisdom. The
Chancellor, half daunted, began incoherently, but came round to the
point that his prisoner had been justly imprisoned (August 16th,
1553) for seditious behaviour at Paul's-Cross, false preaching, and
arrogancy. But the time of mercy, he said, was come, and the
Queen's Highness offered mercy if he would return to the true
Church, as they had done. Bradford denied the charge of sedition,
reminded Gardiner of his book written in support of the King's
supremacy, and of the oaths they had taken to withstand the autho-
rity of the Pope. Those oaths he had taken six times, and he would
not commit perjury. Already he had suffered long imprisonment,
having committed no breach of any law ; and he would rather stay in
prison, or yield up his life, than act against his conscience. Gardiner
grew violent, reiterated offers of mercy on the condition of apostasy,
and, at last, bade the Under-Marshal take him back to whence he
came, keep him close, allow him no correspondence by writing, nor
interviews with friends ; for, said he, " he is of another manner
of charge to you now than he was before." Bradford followed the
official, looking as if he preferred confinement in the King's Bench,
to vexation before the Queen's Commissioners. Yet twice again he
appeared at their bar, and maintained a good confession with a patience
and dignity that constrained admiration, even while mercy was denied.
Their sentence was, that he should be delivered to the Sheriff of Lon-
don, and transmitted, through the Earl of Derby, to his native town,
there to be silenced by death.
But the eminence of Bradford, acknowledged all over England,
together with other considerations of policy, induced them to labour
for his perversion with extraordinary diligence. Bonner himself, cap
in hand, came to him in the Compter, proposed conference, and intro-
duced Archdeacon Harpsfield, as ready to undertake that service, even
with a rebel and heretic excommunicate. Harpsfield thus forced him-
self into conversation with him many times, supported or followed by
the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Chichester, Chaplain Wilier-
ton, Prolocutor Weston, Dr. Pendleton, Alfonso de Castro, who pom-
pously disputed in Latin, and other personages of lesser note. Subtlety
of argument, smiles, promises, compliments, threats, the reiteration
of every conceivable method, prosecuted during five months, could not
overcome his integrity. In the afternoon before his martyrdom, as
he was walking, with a friend, in the keeper's chamber, the keeper's
wife came to him, almost breathless with haste and sorrow, and told
him that on the morrow he must be burnt, that his chain was a buy-
ing, and soon he must go to Newgate. Raising his cap, he thanked
God for it, and prayed to be made worthy ; and, thanking her for
her gentleness, took his friend into his chamber, joined with him in
prayer, and gave some papers into his charge. A small party of
friends came in the evening, with whom he spent the time in prayer
and solemn conversation, put on his " wedding garment," as he called
MARTYRS IN KENT. 287
it,* offering a prayer so divinely eloquent — for it was the Holy Spirit
who taught him — that all eyes were fixed on him. He also gave money
to every servant and officer in the house, and exhorted them all to
fear and serve God, and continually labour to eschew all manner
of evil. It was near midnight when the Sheriff's officers came to
take him away ; and as he was leaving the place, the prisoners all
called out to him, giving their farewell. The report of his removal
had been spread, and the Sheriff was surprised when, in spite of his
precaution, large companies of people, with lights, assembled in
Cheapside, and other places, saluted him, as he passed, with audi-
ble lamentations. Next morning a strong military force, greater thau
had ever been brought out in London on a similar occasion, kept the
multitude in awe, being stationed from Newgate to Smithfield, and
around the stake. The Sheriff betrayed his fear by extreme severity
in enforcing order ; and Bradford, after a few moments spent in
silent prayer, was stripped and burnt, (July 1 st,) together with John
Leaf, a young man of about twenty years of age. He was not suf-
fered to address the people, but, turning his head to his companion,
chained to the same stake, said, " Be of good comfort, brother,
for we shall have a merry supper with the Lord this night;"
and, embracing the reeds, uttered the last sentence that could be
heard from his lips : " Strait is the way, and narrow is the gate, that
leadeth unto life, and few there be that find it." The letters of
Bradford to the City of London, to the University and town of Cam-
bridge, to Lancashire and Cheshire, to Manchester, to his mother, to
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, and to a wide circle of friends, were
circulated extensively, and, with his other productions, contributed to
the maintenance of experimental religion at a time when its public
exercise was impossible. The Earl of Derby complained of the writer
iu Parliament, and Gardiner included the letters with his other offensive
doings ; but no magisterial power could prevent their distribution,
and they are still extant among the valued writings of our English
Reformers.
At Canterbury, (July 12th,) at two stakes, but in one fire, were
burnt John Bland, — a Priest, having been first imprisoned, then inter-
rogated at various times and places, and convicted of heresy on con-
fession thus elicited, — Nicholas Sheterdon, John Frankesh, and Hum-
* Among the marks of contumely inflicted on the martyrs, was that of stripping off their
clothes before the stake. To reduce, in some degree, the indecency of such an expo-
sure, a shirt was usually prepared that would cover the person to his feet,— a shroud for
the living man. The preparation of this shirt devolved on some faithful friend, often on.
the wife of the sufferer ; and some of the allusions to this mournful service are most affect-
ing. A hasty letter from Laurence Saunders, in one of his last days, to his wife, is an
example. " Grace and comfort . in Christ, Amen — Dear Wife, be merry in the mercies
of our Christ, and also ye, my dear friends. Pray, pray for us, everybody. We be
shortly to be despatched hence unto our good Christ. Amen, Amen. Wife, I would
you send me my shirt, which you know whereunto it is consecrated. Let it be sewed
down OR both sides, and not open. O my heavenly Father, look upon me in the face
of thy Christ, or else I shall not be able to abide thy countenance, such is my fil thine ss.
He will do so, and therefore I will not be afraid what sin, death, hell, and damnation
can do against me. O wife ! always remember the Lord. God bless you ! Yea, he
will bless thee, good wife, and thy poor boy also. Only cleave thou unto him, and he
will give thee all things. Pray, pray, pray ! " — Townsend's Foxe, vol. vi., p. 635.
288 CHAPTER IV.
phrey Middleton. At Rochester, (July 19th,) Nicholas Hall, a brick-
layer. At Dartford, about the same time, Christopher Wade and
Margaret Policy, a widow, of Tuubridge. The Bishops of Dover and
Rochester were exceedingly zealous in the condemnation of these per-
sons ; and the exhibition at Dartford was not only disgraceful to the
chief actors, but to the populace. Early in the morning a cart-load
of faggots and a stake were taken to a place about a quarter of a mile
out of town, called the Brimpt, where was a gravel-pit, the Golgotha
of Dartford, in which criminals, real or reputed, surrendered their
lives to the sanguinary justice of that age. Another heavy load of
faggots and brush-wood followed. Then people began to congregate
from the neighbouring places ; and fruiterers, with many horse-
loads of cherries, made their best profit of that delicious fruit,
so abundant in the county. About ten o'clock the Sheriff of
Kent came in sight, with a retinue of gentry bravely mounted, and
yeomen in their train, well horsed and armed. Christopher Wade,
pinioned, with Margaret Polley sitting behind him, on a led
horse, followed the Sheriff. Their voices were heard above the
trampling of the cavalry, singing a psalm, until, having penetrated
into the midst of the multitude, they ceased, and the good woman,
surveying the scene, cheerfully, and in a loud voice, bade him rejoice
to see so great a company gathered to celebrate his marriage that day.
They then rode into the town, Wade undressed himself at an inn,
put on " a fair long white shirt" made for him by his wife, and was
led back on foot to the place of execution, Margaret Polley waiting
there until the Kentish gentlemen had seen him duly executed. The
Sheriff then proceeded with the widow to Tunbridge, and had the
distinction of putting to death the first woman martyred for Christ's
sake by the savage Queen, his mistress.
Dirick Carver, a brewer, in Brighthelmstone, (Brighton,) had accu-
mulated considerable property, which he employed charitably, succour-
ing the poor and the persecuted, and had meetings in his house for
the reading of the word of God and prayer. He could not himself
read, but devoutly listened to the brethren who could, until one even-
ing, when about twelve persons were so assembled, one Edward Gage,
probably a Magistrate, came into the house, apprehended the whole
company, sent them up to the Commissioners, then sitting as a per-
manent court inquisitorial, and the Commissioners threw them into
Newgate, there to await the pleasure of Bonner. After eight months'
imprisonment had tested their faith, Bonner commanded them to be
brought into his presence, offered the unvaried alternative, perversion
or death ; and three of the twelve chose the latter. These were, first,
Carver himself, who was burnt at Lewes, (July 22d,) and of whom it
should be recorded that, in order to draw strength from the word
of God when unable to hear it read with freedom, he learned to read
in prison, and spent much time in studying his Bible. Then John
Launder at Steyning, (July 23d,) and Thomas Iveson at Chichester.
About the end of the month John Aleworth died in prison at Reading,
being then in bonds for conscience' sake.
But the holy courage of the martyrs, their confession of a pure
INSURRECTION ATTEMPTED. 289
faith, — often made to the Judges in the presence of crowded assem-
blies,— their letters and other writings, and, above all, their super-
human patience under the pains of burning, aroused the spirit
of England, and people met together to devise how they might cast
off the insufferable yoke. Such combinations were discovered in
several counties, but especially in Dorsetshire and Essex ; and persons
known or suspected to have taken part in them were apprehended,
sent up to London, and committed to the Tower. Friar Peto, too,
the Queen's Confessor, and a brother Franciscan, were stoned by peo-
ple on shore as they were going down the Thames ; and although Her
Highness sent the Lord Treasurer to the Lord Mayor, requiring him
to offer a reward for the discovery of the offenders, no one would
inform. King Philip, seeing the rising disaffection, meditated a retreat
from England. Mary, disappointed of a heir to the throne, mortified
at the coolness of her husband, and alarmed at the appearance of
insurrection, resolved .to pursue no middle course towards the opposers
of either her government or her religion, and sent two or three
Privy Councillors to the Tower, with a letter from the Council to the
Lieutenant, ordering him to put the prisoners to the question at their
discretion : but of the dark doings within that citadel there was no
effect perceptible without ; the rack, if employed, extorted nothing
available for further cruelties towards the discontented, nor is there
any record in the archives of that time.
The next month, August, so many persons were driven to the
stake, that the task of narrating their sufferings is contemplated with
repugnance. Nay, it cannot be done. And the general reader will
forgive the omission of details that would only produce weariness and
horror.
James Abbes, a young man who had long wandered from place to
place, to avoid death, was detected, brought before Dr. Hopton, Bishop
of Norwich, and in a moment of weakness signed a recantation. The
Bishop, pleased with so rare a conquest, (for the Gospellers of these
times were very far superior to the Lollards of the preceding century,)
gave the poor young man money, and dismissed him. But scarcely
had he left the palace, when his conscience awoke terribly ; he ran
back, threw down the money, surrendered himself to the Bishop as a
true believer in -the Lord Jesus Christ, and was burnt at Bury St.
Edmund's (August 2d).
Edmund Tyrrel, Esq., a Justice of the Peace in Essex, had just
attended at the execution of two martyrs, and, returning homeward,
met two persons who, he thought, looked like heretics. On accost-
ing them, the suspicion was confirmed ; and, having unbounded autho-
rity, he seized them, searched, found papers that proved more than
enough to substantiate a charge of heresy, and immediately sent them
to London in custody of some poor men, who, according to the old
law of hue and cry, just revived, were bounden to assist in the taking
of heretics, thieves, or any breakers of the peace. They were two
brethren of Maidstone, on their way to quit the country, had they not
been thus detected ; and one, a gentleman, John Denley, carried letters,
and a confession of faith written by his own hand. His companion
VOL. III. '2 P
290 CHAPTER IV.
was John Newman. Denley underwent the usual treatment, and
suffered, triumphantly, at Uxbridge (August 8th). The same day,
and in the same place, Robert Smith, formerly a Clerk of Windsor,
crowned his confession in like manner.
Elisabeth, widow of John Warne, martyr, both having been of the
company surprised when at prayer and communion in a house in
Bow-church-yard, on New Year's day, followed her husband by the
same path to glory, at Stratford-le-Bow (August 12th). Her com-
panion in martyrdom was Stephen Harwood. About the same time
Thomas Fust was burnt at Ware.
George King, Thomas Leyes, and John Wade, sickened under
severe treatment in the Lollards' Tower, and, not to cause the trouble
of removal when dead, were discharged, but died, and, being denied
ecclesiastical burial, were interred, at night, in a field. William
Andrew, a prisoner in Newgate, was also buried privately, as a per-
son excommunicate.
Six men were burnt in pairs at Canterbury in one day towards the
end of the month. Their names were William Coker, William Hopper,
Henry Laurence, Richard Colliar, Richard Wright, and William Stere.
About the same time, William Hale, of Thorp, in Essex, was burnt at
Barnet.
George Tankerfield, a cook in London, had been a Papist until
Mary and her Priests began to take the lives of the Reformed. He
then suspected that such a religion could not be of God, and prayed
for divine influence to resolve his doubts. With prayer, he had
recourse to the New Testament, and soon became utterly alienated
from the Church of Rome, and converted to lively faith in Christ.
His zeal was irrepressible ; and an earnest godly conversation marked
him for the hatred of those whose communion he had left. A fit
of sickness followed, wherein it is likely that his views of eternal
verities became yet more vivid, and his dissent from the dominant
sect more evident. One day, when convalescent, while he was walk-
ing in the Temple fields, Beard, a yeoman of the guard, came to his
house under the pretext of inviting him to prepare a banquet for
Lord Paget. His wife, gratified with such a call, gave the gen-
tleman a welcome, offered him refreshment, and hastened to bring
home her husband. The good man suspected a plot. "A banquet,
woman!" said he: "indeed it is such a banquet as will not be very
pleasant to the flesh ; but God's will be done." To her horror, she
saw him seized on his return, and taken away to Newgate. Bonner
spent but few words : with little delay he was sent to St. Alban's,
and received by tbe High Sheriff of Hertfordshire, there to suffer, but
left under guard at an inn, while the Sheriff, with several knights and
gentlemen, went to dine at a neighbouring mansion. Having obtained
of the host the indulgence of a private room, he called for bread
and wine, and, kneeling down, devoutly pronounced the words of
consecration, confessed his sinfulness, and prayed for grace. "0
Lord," said he, " thou knowest it, I do not this to derogate authority
from any man, or in contempt of those which are thy Ministers, but
only because I cannot have it ministered according to thy word."
MARTYRS. 291
And then he received, with thanksgiving. He would accept no more
food after this eucharistic meal. The Sheriff and his party, having
ended their dinner, quickly had him to the flames. But one of them,
far otherwise minded than his companions, took him aside, grasped
his hand, and whispered in his ear : " Good brother, be strong in
Christ." " 0 Sir," he answered softly, " I thank you : I am so, I
thank God." Having bidden the people to pray for him, he strug-
gled victoriously with the last enemy (August 26th). Another, Patrick
Packingham, suffered immediately after him in the same town, (August
28th,) for not lifting his cap at mass.*
In the neighbourhood of Ipswich, f a married Priest, named
Samuel, expelled from his benefice, in common with many others,
taught his flock privately, from house to house, residing at Ipswich
with his wife, but probably assembling them at night in their own
village. A zealous Justice, named Foster, of Cobdock, employed
spies to trace him to his lodgings in Ipswich, which they entered at
night, fearing to apprehend him by day-light, found him with his
wife, and, attended by a strong body of armed men, carried him to the
gaol, where he found many Christian brethren, and after some time
was taken to Dr. Hopton, Bishop of Norwich. This Bishop, and Dr.
Dunnings his Chancellor, both notorious for cruelty, chained him in
the prison to a post, so that he could only stand tip-toe, the weight
of his body bearing on the chain, and allowed him daily but three
mouthfuls of bread and three spoonfuls of water. Exhausted with
pain and hunger, after some days and nights, he fell into a torpor,
dreamed of angels and divine communication, and, forgetting pain,
gathered strength of soul to endure martyrdom (August 31st). John
Newman, a pewterer of Maidstone, a man of established piety and no
common intelligence, suffered at Saffron Walden (August 31st) ; and
about the same time, Richard Hook, at Chichester.
Early in September, five persons, at least, were burnt. William
Allen, a labouring man, for not walking in procession, and refusing to
join the " Catholic Church," at Walsingham. Roger Coo, of Mel-
ford, an aged man, after long imprisonment, for not going to mass,
and denying transubstantiation, at Yoxford. Thomas Cob, a butcher
of Haverhill, for the same cause, at Thetford. Thomas Hayward and
John Goreway, at Lichfield. In honour of the Sacrament of the
Altar, five were burnt in one fire at Canterbury (September 6th).
Their names were George Catmer and Robert Streater, of Hythe ;
Anthony Burward, of Calete ; J George Brodbridge, of Bromfield ; and
James Tutty, of Brenchley.
Not only the persons, but the fortunes, reputation, and families, of
good men became the prey of persecution ; and when nothing more
* Foxe says be suffered at Uxbridge, Burnet says at St. Alban's.
t Foxe says at Barbolt; and in subsequent editions, Barfold. Similarity of sound
would indicate Bramford. Townsend suggests Bargholt. But none of these are names
of parishes. Might it not be Brooks-Hall, a hamlet within the liberty of Ipswich? If
BO, notwithstanding the nightly watch commanded by Mary, the Charter might have
allowed the inhabitants of that town and its liberty to have free ingress and egress at
all times, which would account for these nocturnal visits.
J Or Caley's Grange, in the Isle of Tlianet — Townsend.
2 p 2
292 CHAPTER IV.
remained, even their graves were violated. John Glover, a gentleman
of good family and extensive patrimonial estates at Mancetter, and
elsewhere, in the county of Warwick, and resident in Coventry,
enjoyed universal esteem in that neighbourhood on account of sincere
piety and unblemished integrity. He never took part in controversy,
nor did he mingle in public life. The greater part of his lands he
divided between two younger brothers, Robert and William, confiding
the management of the remainder to servants, that he might enjoy
retirement, perform works of piety, and spend much time in undis-
tracted meditation. Having a tender conscience agitated by an erro-
neous view of a sentence in the Epistle to the Hebrews,* he suffered
much anguish, intermitted only as now and then a gleam of hope
shone in upon his soul. Such a person might have been spared ; but
the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, knowing that there was a godly
gentleman in the town, wrote to the Mayor and officers to apprehend
him without delay. The Mayor, however, first sent him private
information and advice to be out of the way, and then proceeded, as
if to execute the Bishop's pleasure, by communication with the Sheriff.
John and his brother William had left Coventry when the Sheriff's
officer entered the house, and, not finding him, took Robert, who lay
in bed sick, and carried him to his master. The Sheriff refused to
receive a gentleman against whom there had been no complaint ; but
the officer who had seized him contended that, as a known heretic, he
should be kept under arrest until the arrival of the Bishop. They
threw him into prison until his Lordship came, who would not hear
his complaint of injustice, but engaged him in conversation, noted an
acknowledgment of dissent from the dominant Church, and had him
recommitted to prison. With other prisoners he was taken publicly
to Lichfield, thrown into a filthy dungeon, visited, examined, subjected
to the usual vexatious solicitations, and at length burnt, together with
Cornelius Bungey, a tradesman of Coventry (September 20th). His
brother John wandered from place to place, hiding himself in woods,
until compelled by disease to return home, where, after a short con-
cealment, he expired. Grief hastened his death ; for although he
had evaded a second search, the officers, missing him, dragged away
his wife to prison at Lichfield, and an ague-fit delivered him from the
dwelling now made desolate. Some friends, without a Priest, interred
his body in the churchyard ; and Dr. Dracot, the Chancellor, would
have had it exhumed, and thrown into the highway, if any one
could have been found to endure the stench that must have risen
from the recent grave. But the Chancellor gained his point. He
gave the Parson of the town a written order, with the following
injunction : — " Take this bill, and pronounce him in the pulpit a.
damned soul ; a twelvemonth after, take up his bones, — for then the
flesh will be consumed, — cast them over the wall, that carts and horses
may tread upon them, and then will I come and hallow again the
place in the churchyard where he was buried." William, the third
brother, having died at Wem, in Shropshire, was denied burial in the
* Heb. vi. 4—8.
GENERAL CONDITION OF THE GOSPELLERS. 293
churchyard ; and, after long delay, his body was drawn with horses into
a broom-field, and there put out of sight.
William Wolsey and Robert Pygott, of Wisbeach, were burnt at Ely.
The former refused to quit the prison, when Dr. Fuller, the Chan-
cellor, offered him permission to do so ; and the latter courted mar-
tyrdom by a bold confession, even when his Judges were disposed to
let him go free, as if he were not a dissentient from their doctrine.
Rather than be thought to have made shipwreck of his faith, he made
so clear an avowal of it that they condemned him to die with his
companion (October 16th).
The general condition of the Gospellers at this time might be stated
thus : — A great multitude had complied with Popery ; too great a
multitude to be subjected to penances, as in some foreign countries, or
in England in the preceding century, and not sufficiently earnest to
bear the character of penitents. Some who had been sincerely zealous,
but, having no root in themselves, in time of temptation, had fallen
away, became conspicuous in saying or hearing mass. Not a few com-
plied externally, persuading themselves that in such times God would
accept inward faith, and dispense with confession before men. Those
persons must have laboured hard to forget many declarations of holy
Scripture to the contrary. Some, sheltered by remoteness of situation
and disinclination of neighbours to injure them, or being too obscure
to draw attention, held fast their faith in secret, without inquisition,
and without compromise. Many, as we have already observed, were
exiles on the Continent. The prisons still contained a multitude
of confessors, ready to die for Christ's sake ; and among these were
the fathers of the English Church, chiefly Cranmer, Latimer, and
Ridley. Ridley and Latimer are now brought out to suffer death, and
Cranmer will soon follow them.
Ridley was a Northumbrian,* of a highly respectable family, edu-
cated in Newcastle, and afterward Doctor of Divinity and head of Pem-
broke Hall in Cambridge, having spent some time in Paris, where his
uncle, Robert Ridley, had acquired fame as a scholar. He then rose
to be Chaplain to Henry VIII., and was placed successively, by that
Monarch, in the sees of Rochester and London. His conduct as a
Bishop was exemplary ; and never did the palace at Fulham undergo
a greater change than when, on the deprivation of Bonner, Ridley
took possession of it (April, 1550). With most scrupulous exactness
he sent to his ejected predecessor every article of personal property,
or purchased what the other might have claimed. " He continued
Boner's receiver, one Staunton, in his place. He paid fifty-three
of fifty-five pounds for Boner's own servants' common liveries and
wages, which was Boner's own debt remaining unpaid after his depo-
sition. He frequently sentf for old Mrs. Boner, his predecessor's
mother, calling her his mother, and caused her to sit in the upper-
* " The town where he was born was called Wilowmontiswick, now Wiilowmont." —
Strype, Memorials, Mary, chap. 29.
t " always sent for this said Mrs. Bonner, dwelling in a house adjoining to his
house, to dinner and supper, with one Mrs Mungey, Bouiier's sister, saying, 'Go for
my mother Boimer.' " — Foxe, Man-, A.D. 1555.
294 CHAPTER IV.
most seat at his own table, as also for his sister, one Mrs. Mungey.
It was observed how Ridley welcomed the old gentlewoman, and made
as much of her as though she had been his own mother ; and though
sometimes the Lords of the Council dined with him, he would not let
her be displaced, but would say, By your Lordships' favour, this
place of right and custom is for my mother Boner" * Bertramn, the
first great antagonist of transubstantiation in the ninth century,
taught him, by his writings, the absurdity of that doctrine, at a time
when the divines of this country were constrained to give attention to
the subject, instead of burning the Sacramentarians, as Henry had
burnt Lambert. Cranmer and Peter Martyr helped him to find the
way of truth more perfectly ; and the grace of God crowned all.
During the happy reign of Edward VI. he was equal with the fore-
most in advancing reformation ; and on the death of that Prince found
himself involved with them in doing what was legally wrong, while
endeavouring to do what they trusted to be morally right. He had
once been sent by the Council to endeavour to prevent the celebration
of mass in the Lady Mary's household, and to offer to preach there ;
but was rejected with a promptness, and even dignity, that so coercive
a measure might have justified, if the entire conduct of Mary were
not so artful and wicked as to leave her little credit for a momentary
advantage. On the proclamation of Lady Jane Gray, he was ap-
pointed to advocate her title in a sermon at St. Paul's, and to warn
the people of what might be expected if Mary should reign. But
after a day or two Mary was Queen, and the preacher, charged with
treason, became her prisoner in the Tower, for about eight months,
until removed to Oxford, where he and his brethren underwent the
vexation of a mock debate, as has been already related, and were
ignominiously remanded to their cells as heretics.
No period of his career had been more actively employed. On
those few brethren it devolved to maintain the truth by their pens as
long as life might be spared ; and in constant expectation of being
led away to the burning, they made the best use of the uncertain
interval. After the disputation before the University, their servants
were discharged, and orders given to prevent them from holding con-
ferences and receiving intelligence. Means, however, were found by
friends to supply them with food, money, and clothing, which per-
sons, both known and unknown, contributed ; but the keepers grew
increasingly severe, not even allowing them to see each other, and
from the University came not a single expression of benevolence.
This gave them the more complete leisure. Good old Latimer read
through the New Testament seven times with deliberation and prayer.
Cranmer wrote a vindication of his doctrine of the eucharist against a
book of Gardiner's ; but the work is lost. They all, like other breth-
ren, wrote many letters, to friends, to churches, to exiles, to prison-
ers, and to men in power ; and " the Letters of the Martyrs " are yet
read with reverence, llidley composed three treatises against Win-
chester, of which one was written on the margins of the printed book
with lead of a window, for want of pen and ink ; one on " the Abo-
* Strype, Memorials of Craamer, book ii., chap. 16.
ilatimrr
RIDLEY AND LATIMER. 295
minations of the Roman See, and of the Roman Pontiffs ;" and Anno-
tations on Tonstal on Tran substantiation. Other smaller pieces are
mentioned by the historians, but they were stolen after his death.
Among the large companies of prisoners in London, notwithstanding
that every week some were taken away to the stake, a controversy had
arisen from re-action between the equally unscriptural extremes of
ultra-predestinarianism and Pelagianism. Bradford was eminently
zealous in writing in opposition to that most unseasonable and humi-
liating brawl, and not without good effect ; but the inmates of the
Bocardo bent their energies towards other objects. Nothing caused
Ridley so much grief as the apostasy of many who had seemed to be
good men, some of his own household included : so little wheat, as he
said, remained after all the chaff was blown away. One West, formerly
his steward, courted life and favour by compliance, and wrote him a
letter of solicitation to do the like. Ridley's answer to him is inimit-
able in earnest, heart-stirring solemnity. Toward the end he says,
" I like very well your plain speaking, wherein you say I must either
agree or die : and I think you mean of the bodily death, which is
common both to good and bad. Sir, I know I must die, whether I
agree or no. But what folly were it then to make such an agreement,
by the which I could never escape this death, which is so common to
all ; and also that I might incur the guilt of eternal death and damna-
tion ? Lord grant that I may utterly abhor and detest this damnable
agreement as long as I live!" * And he warned him and others
who, through fear or gain, would play the apostate, that they should
die the death. West himself, unable to battle out his conscience, lost
health, rapidly declined, and died. He had agreed ; but his master,
without any such " damnable agreement," outlived him.
The Papists were now mad against the Gospellers, and made a
virtue of their madness. " Wherever," said one of Bonner's servants,
" I meet with any of these vile heretics, by my Maker's blood, I will
thrust an arrow into him." But the hour of release drew nigh.
Ridley and Latimer — Cranmer had appeared before the Pope's Legate
— were taken from the Bocardo to the Divinity School at Oxford,
(September 30th,) before the Bishops of Lincoln, Gloucester, and
Bristol, appointed for that purpose by Cardinal Pole. Ridley refused
to acknowledge the authority of the Pope ; and while he rendered
every expression of courtesy to the Bishops, and raised his hat at the
name of Cardinal Pole as "a man worthy of all humility, reverence,
and honour, in that he came of the most regal blood, and in that he
is a man endued with manifold graces of learning and virtue,"
remained covered and stern, when the Commissioners spoke and pro-
ceeded to act as representatives of Papal authority. He suffered a
beadle to remove his cap : the Bishops paid him as much respect as
they could well render to a prisoner, and spared no effort to persuade
him to recant ; but, as a Christian, he stood firm, and, as a scholar and
divine, argued to the last. But we must now mention his venerable
companion, Hugh Latimer.
Son of a husbandman, or small farmer, in Thurcaston, Leicester-
* Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, Ixxxvi.
296 CHAPTER IV.
shire, he entered the University of Cambridge at the early age of
fourteen years, and became remarkable for zeal against heresy, an
especial dislike of Master Stafford, the devoted Reader of the Scrip-
tures in that University, public opposition to the writings of Philip
Melancthon, and a painfully scrupulous observance of the ceremonies
of his Church. He was a fine young man, graced the processions as
cross-bearer, and was on the high-way towards popularity, when Bil-
ney, earnest in the propagation of true religion, set his heart on extri-
cating him from error, visited him in his study, drew him into reli-
gious conversation, and gave him an impulse in the new career which
afterwards became so brilliant. By that time he had become an
acceptable preacher, and forthwith began to discourse against the
errors of divines, and the sins and superstitions of the people. Others
preached against him, but he defended himself and his doctrine ; and
the people lost nothing by familiar discussion of his sermons and
those of his antagonists, always leaving to him the larger, share of
approbation. Some inhibited him from preaching in their churches,
others gave licence. Some appealed to Cardinal Wolsey ; but Wolsey,
to their surprise, applauded the zeal of the young preacher, admired
his eloquence, and armed him with his high permission to preach
anywhere. Cambridge had already had the benefit of his sermons,
example, and influence for three years, when he obtained this licence.
Becoming known at court, he was called up to London, and laboured
to promote the cause of royal supremacy over the Church of England,
until, weary of the society of courtiers, he asked and obtained a
country benefice at West Kington, Wiltshire, where his congregations
were crowded, and his priestly adversaries many. With tongue and
pen they laboured to refute him, but in vain, and then had recourse
to the more powerful method of a citation to appear before Warham,
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Stokesley, Bishop of London ; and
after being long detained there and wearied with vexatious and often-
repeated examinations, he was induced to subscribe articles contradic-
tory of propositions which were reported from his sermons ; but
probably the subscription was given with some reservations. The
truth is, that he was favoured by Henry VIII., to whom he had writ-
ten a long letter of remonstrance the year before, (A.D. 1530,) on
account of the King's prohibition of good books ; but he expressed
himself with such transparent honesty and sound religious feeling, that
the letter gave no offence, but raised him in the estimation of Henry,
who, with all his defects, could value an upright man. John Stokes-
ley, on the contrary, lost patience, and forbade his preaching in the
diocese of London (October 4th, 1533); but the King compensated
Hugh Latimer by giving him the see of Worcester. That see, how-
ever, he resigned, and ceased to perform the functions of Bishop, after
his royal master had enacted those six persecuting articles that no good
man could conscientiously enforce. Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury,
resigned at the same time, (July, 1539,) and for the same reason.
Latimer had not sought preferment, neither did he desire preaching
before King and courtiers, nor would have willingly remained where
many sought his life. Once, for instance, when Henry had called many
LATIMER. 297
of them together to take their counsel, Latimer being among the rest,
one knelt down and accused him of sedition ; but he also knelt,
rebutted the accusation, appealed to the King for leave to discharge
his conscience, and found protection for that time.
Gladly did Latimer throw off his rochette. When his shoulders
were lightened, and his mind relieved of the burden of a bishopric,
he almost danced for joy ; and as Wycliffe had withdrawn to Lutter-
\vorth to avoid the dangers of a too public life, so did he retire to a
country cure in hope of quiet. But having been injured by the fall
of a tree, end going to London for surgical assistance, some freedom
of speech there afforded the Bishops a pretext for persecution, and he
was sent to the Tower, where he remained for six years, until the reign
of Edward, who not only released him, but showed him special favour,
and restored him to Worcester, which see he occupied without any
relaxation of zeal, or declension from apostolic simplicity. His ser-
mons, which are extant, and well known, tell more clearly in his
praise than any eulogy which could now be written. While Edward
lived, Gardiner was powerless, being in disgrace or in prison ; but
when at large again, on the accession of Mary, he lost no time in
procuring the apprehension of Latimer, who, six hours before the arrival
of the Pursuivant, had received warning by a friend,* but, instead
of making his escape, employed the interval in preparing for the
journey, and, when that officer arrived, addressed him cheerfully : —
" My friend, you be a welcome messenger to me. And be it
known unto you, and to all the world, that I go as willingly to Lon-
don at this present, being called by my Prince to render a reckoning
of my doctrine, as ever I was at any place in the world. I doubt
not but that God, as he hath made me worthy to preach his word
before two excellent Princes, so he will enable me to witness the same
unto the third, either to her comfort or discomfort eternally." The
Pursuivant delivered his letters and returned, leaving the good Bishop
to obey the citation or elude it by flight ; but he needed no further
compulsion to meet his enemies, and was soon in London. Passing
through Smithfield on his way, he observed that Smithfield had long
groaned for him ; and, being taken before the Council, received sen-
tence of incarceration without a murmur, and endured severe treat-
ment in the Tower with equal patience. It is related of him, that one
day in the depth of winter, when, notwithstanding his age and dig-
nity, he was not even allowed a fire, he pleasantly told the Lieutenant
that instead of living to be burnt, he should be likely to deceive his
expectation by starving there of cold.
The reader will remember that he was taken to Oxford with Ridley
and Cranmer to go through the forms of a disputation, but without
its reality, and then transferred to the prison of the Bocardo, where
they were confined separately. He made unceasing prayer there for
three things : — for grace to endure unto the end, and give his life for
the Gospel ; — that the Gospel might be restored to England yet once
again, reiterating with reverential earnestness the ejaculation, " Once
* John Careless, of Coventry, who afterwards died in prison, and was buried in a
dunghill.
VOL. III. 2 Q
298 CHAPTER IV.
again ! once again !" — that God would preserve the Lady Elizabeth,
and " make her a comfort to his comfortless realm of England." To
each of these petitions a signal answer followed.
On the north side of the town of Oxford, as it then stood, in a
ditch opposite Balliol College, the place of execution was appointed
for Latimer and Ridley. The Lord Williams, by command of the
Queen, attended by householders of the city, all armed, and " suffi-
ciently appointed," took their station round the spot to prevent
uproar. The Mayor and Bailiffs then took their share of civic honour
by bringing forth the prisoners. Ridley came out of the Mayor's
house, where he and his companion had been in custody after their
degradation, dressed in the ordinary apparel of a Bishop, exhibiting
the same air of self-respect that had distinguished him throughout ;
but wearing slippers, that he might undress the sooner, and walked
between the Mayor and an Alderman. Master Latimer also, in his
proper character, bearing costume of extreme simplicity, with the
remarkable addition of a new long shroud — the oft-mentioned " wed-
ding garment " — underneath, and hanging over his hose. Ridley, to
whom precedence had always been awarded, went first, and, passing
the Bocardo, slackened his pace, and looked up towards Cranmer's
chamber, hoping to catch a sight of him ; but the Archbishop was
held in disputation by Soto, a Spanish Friar, and saw him not, until,
as the procession advanced, he perceived it through the window,
when he fell on his knees, and " prayed God to strengthen their faith
and patience in that their last, but painful, passage." Ridley, while
looking for Cranmer, caught sight of Latimer coming after, some-
what lame, in consequence of the hurt that sent him to London many
years before, and weary with old age. " 0, be ye there ? " cried he.
" Yea," answered his aged fellow, " have after as fast as I can
follow." A few minutes brought them to the resting-place, where
Ridley raised his hands in prayer, and for some time appeared uncon-
scious of all except his pleading at the mercy-seat, until, seeing
Latimer again, he ran to him, embraced him, kissed him, and encou-
raged him in the most affectionate language to abide the last ordeal.
" Be of good heart, brother," said he ; " for God will either assuage
the fury of the flame, or else strengthen us to abide it." The two
martyrs then knelt together at the stake, which they embraced as the
instrument of their deliverance, and exchanged a few more sentences
of brotherly consolation. One Dr. Smith, once a sort of Gospeller,
but always a lover of this present evil world, made a short and bitter
sermon, according to the direction given for the more decorous con-
summation of discipline ; and when Ridley would have spoken in
reply, the Vice-Chancellor and Bailiffs stopped his mouth with their
hands. Master Shipside, Ridley's brother-in-law, who had lodged in
Oxford during the whole period of imprisonment, that he might
supply his wants, through the Sergeant, stood by, and received his
gown and fur-tippet. Some of his clothes were taken by the Bailiffs ;
but several gentlemen, their faces wet with tears, pressed in to receive
from his hands the most trifling article, and tore the remaining
garments into shreds for memorials of him. As for Latimer, he let his
LATIMER AND RIDLEY MARTYRED. 299
keeper take everything, and, when undressed to the shroud, stood
erect, seeming to be stronger, lighter, and even younger than before.
A burning faggot was first laid at Ridley's feet, to whom Latimer
then exclaimed : " Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the
man. We shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in
England, as I trust shall never be put out" While life lasted, they
both called on the Lord Jesus to receive their souls. Latimer soon
expired, his death being accelerated by gunpowder.* Ridley suffered
much ; for his brother-in-law, who certainly knew not how to act the
executioner, thought to diminish his sufferings by heaping on much
fuel, but pent down the flames, so that his legs were consuming while
the body was untouched. Piteously did he cry, " Let the fire come
to me, I cannot burn ; " and when a bystander, perceiving the cause
of his extreme anguish, opened the pile, and a strong flame rushed
up, he threw himself on one side to catch it, that a speedier death
might launch him into the world where there is no more pain
(October 16th).
Mary and her Council would have displayed prudence if they had
not added to the reproach of other misdeeds that of gross injustice.
When Ridley entered on the see of London, after the deprivation
of Bonner, he guarded his personal interests as carefully as if they
had been his own, and showed his mother and sister the utmost
courtesy and benevolence. But now Bonner refused to acknowledge
the leases he had granted, and threatened to eject several families,
who therefore expected to be utterly ruined. His sister and her
excellent husband, Shipside, were involved in the same calamity.
When he had been degraded in the house of the Mayor of Oxford by
Dr. Brooks, Bishop of Gloucester, he read to the Bishop a memorial,
addressed to Queen Mary, describing the case, and praying that
Bonner's intention might be overruled. To Lord Williams, the
day after, when standing by the stake, he repeated the same request,
which was acknowledged to be reasonable. Nay, going further still,
he told the Queen where his movable property might be found, suffi-
cient to pay Bonner a second fine for the renewal of those poor
people's leases, if that should be exacted. But the prayer was not
heard. No gleam of generosity ever relieved the profound blackness
of that Queen's administration.
About this same time (October) William Dighel suffered at Banbury.
The Parliament that met after the death of Ridley and Latimer
(October 21st) gave unusual signs of resistance to the royal pleasure,
refusing a part of the supplies demanded, and barely allowing the
Clergy to be discharged from the payment of tenths and first-fruits
to the crown .f Gardiner, as Lord Chancellor, attended on the first
* Some Popish writers carry their notions of propriety so far as to censure the
martyrs for allowing gunpowder to be used to shorten their sufferings ; as, say they,
Polycarp did not. It would have been wonderful if Polycarp had ; but when a man
goes so far as to die for his religion, it is hard, indeed, if he may not be allowed any
expedient to alleviate the pangs. When we burn Papists, they may be sure, we will
allow them powder.
t It is remarkable that Sir Anthony Kingston, one of the Commissioners appointed to
see execution done on Bishop Hooper at Gloucester, was a most active leader of this
2 a 2
300 CHAPTER IV.
and second days, but was not again seen in public. It was reported
that, on the day of the burning at Oxford, he would not dine until he
had received intelligence of the execution of those Bishops, which the
courier did not bring until a late hour, when he ate a hearty dinner ;
but immediately fell sick, grew worse, and died in great agony of
conscience, saying that he had sinned with Peter, but with Peter had
not wept.* The Convocation also assembled, the Queen having given
Pole a warrant, for their satisfaction ; and the Cardinal Legate, fol-
lowing the example of the Council of Trent, where he had sat, and
throwing into the scale of public opinion the counterpoise that we
have seen so generally resorted to in times of persecution, put forth a
beautiful scheme for reformation of the Clergy. Bishop Burnet, who
seems unable to take a comprehensive view of such matters, attributes
this to the virtuous disposition of Pole, who, however amiable in
private life, was a thoroughly devoted servant of the Papacy, and
strenuous opponent of the Reformation. Holding the reins of church
government alone, he wisely refused to admit the Jesuits into Eng-
land, as an order too recent to be received with confidence, and so
singular as to be regarded with suspicion.
John Webbe, gentleman, with George Roper and Gregory Parke,
were burnt at the same stake in Canterbury, (November 30th,} after
very brief formalities. William Wiseman, a prisoner in Lollards' Tower,
and James Gore, incarcerated at Colchester, died in their bonds,
(13th and 7th of December,) and were denied Christian burial, until
it was given them by their brethren at night. Such interments were
frequent, parties of archers often encircling the graves to protect the
mourners.
Almost all the sufferers in this reign were persons of humble birth,
of whom piety and learning had raised many to eminence. John
Philpot, however, was son of a Knight in Hampshire, educated first
in Wickham's Grammar School, at Winchester, and then at Oxford,
where he attained considerable proficiency, not only in Latin and
Greek, but also in Hebrew. To complete his education he travelled
on the Continent, principally in Italy, not without incurring suspicion
of heresy ; and, after his return to England in the latter part of the
reign of Henry VIII., preached with great boldness in various parts
of the diocese of Winchester, to the annoyance of Gardiner, who, not
then finding means to destroy a person of his rank and influence,
could do no more than forbid him to preach, which he yet continued
to do, regardless of the prohibition. When Arianism had spread in
England, in the reign of Edward VI., he wrote a book in proof of the
opposition. That Knight reverenced the martyr, and would fain have reduced the
power of the Church ; but his independence in Parliament brought him to the Tower,
where he lay for about a fortnight, and was released on asking pardon. He was after-
wards accused of treason, with several others, and would probably have been beheaded,
but he died when on his way to London. — Bumet, part ii., book ii.
* Notwithstanding his great zeal against heretics, there was one whom he always
favoured, and would not suffer to be persecuted. Mrs. Clarke, great-grandmother to
Fuller the historian, used to entertain him, when out of health, in Farnham Castle,
rented by her husband ; and, in compensation for her attention to him, as well as to
secure the comforts of the table, he connived at her heresy ; of which connivance
Fuller makes formal acknowledgment. — Book viii., sect. 2.
PHILPOT. 301
divinity of Christ, employed his pen also to combat Anabaptism, and
by such works gave evidence of perfect orthodoxy. But he could not
dissimulate. His opposition to Romanism was as undoubted as his
attachment to Christianity, both in doctrine and experience. The
former was significantly expressed in these words of Bernard, written
in his Bible, — Spiritus est Vicarius Christi in terris, " The Spirit is
the Vicar of Christ on earth ; " and the latter by a sentence inscribed
in another book, — In me, Johanne Philpotto, ubi abundavit peccatum,
superabundant et gratia, " In me, John Philpot, where sin abounded,
grace did much more abound." When Mary's first Convocation were
required by the Prolocutor, at her command, to consider articles
of doctrine, in order to restore Popery, Archdeacon Philpot was one
of the few who argued for the Gospel. He displayed great earnest-
ness, even kneeling before the house, and entreating them with tears ;
and Gardiner, long his enemy, rejoiced in the occasion of sending him
to prison as a rebel against the wishes of the Queen. After eighteen
months' confinement he was put into Bonner's hands, shut up in the
famous coal-house, and subjected to many examinations ; of which
reports of no fewer than thirteen are extant, written by himself, and
bearing evidence of an extensive and profound acquaintance with the
sacred text, ecclesiastical history, and canon law. His rank and
learning would have told strongly for the Church of Rome could he
have been induced to recant, and therefore extraordinary efforts were
made to overcome him ; but he did not waver for a moment, and
honourably finished his course in Smithfield (December 18th). " Shall
I disdain," said he, " to suffer at this stake, seeing my Redeemer
did not refuse to suffer a most vile death upon the cross for me ? "
Sixty-seven persons are counted who gave their lives for Christ's
sake in the year 1555, while a mass of suffering remained beyond
possibility of record. " Some were thrown into dungeons, ugsome
holes, dark, loathsome and stinking corners ; other some lying in
fetters and chains, and loaded with so many irons that they could
scarcely stir ; some tied in the stocks, with their heels upwards ;
some having their legs in the stocks, and their necks chained to the
wall with gorgets of iron ; some with both hands and legs in the
stocks at once ; sometimes both hands in, and both legs out ; some-
times the right hand with the left leg, or the left hand with the
right leg, fastened in the stocks with manacles and fetters, having
neither stool nor stone to sit on, to ease their woful bodies ; some
standing in Skevington's gives, which were most painful engines
of iron, with their bodies doubled ; some whipped and scourged,
beaten with rods, and buffeted with fists ; some having their hands
burned with a. candle, to try their patience, or force them to relent ;
some hunger-pined, and some miserably famished and starved." *
The reign of Mary, to borrow the figure of a poet of those days, was
altogether fiery ; Pole, Gardiner, Bonner, were like so many infernal
gods :
Cuncta occupat ignis,
Solnrr. clementum ignis, sceptrum gestante Maria :
* Coverdale, cited by Strype, Mary, cliup. 31.
302 CHAPTER IV.
" Everywhere the flames raged, the only element was fire, and Mary
kept up the conflagration." " When any are delivered to be burned,"
the Queen and Council commanded, (January 14th, 1556,) "let
there be a good number of officers, and others, appointed to be at the
execution, who shall apprehend and imprison all that comfort, aid, or
praise those who are to be executed. And let all householders be
charged not to suffer their servants to be abroad, but at their peril."
This was intended to add an awful feature of terror to the persecu-
tion ; and thenceforth the martyrs were to be burnt by companies.
But no terror could utterly suppress demonstrations of sympathy. A
Priest, a gentleman, three tradesmen, and two women,* were led
from Newgate to Smithfield, and burnt at three stakes ; but, although
the order in Council had been published all over London on the
preceding evening, and young persons forbidden to be present, so
great a crowd of youth flocked to the place as never had been seen
before (January 27th). Four women and one manf were thrown
into one fire at Canterbury, (January 31st,) and the sound of a
hymn they sang together mingled with the crackling of the faggots
that consumed them. " The good Knight," Sir John Norton, com-
pelled to be present at the execution, wept ; and by this time it was
calculated that, since the burning of Philpot, twenty thousand
Romanists, sickened at the sight of such atrocities, had joined the
ranks of the Reformed. Two women,J burnt at Ipswich, (February
or March,) come next on our catalogue.
The most eminent advocate of the Gospel, and leader of the
Reformation in England, had long been shut up in prison. It, no
doubt, suited the purpose of Mary and her servants to defer his
execution ; but what this purpose was, has been variously conjectured.
The delay cannot be accounted for by any respect of theirs to his
dignity as Archbishop ; for, in the eye of that Church, heresy, when
followed by excommunication, annihilates all dignity ; .and even if it
had been thought expedient to obtain a direct sanction from the
Bishop of Rome for his trial, that might have been had as soon as the
Legate landed. Already condemned for treason, he might have been
beheaded. But his great offence was heresy : of that he was convicted
by the Commissioners at Oxford, and, although Ridley and Latimer
were burnt, he was reserved for execution until a sentence should be
obtained from the Pope on the man who, before all others, had
renounced subjection to his authority. Three Ecclesiastics — Dr.
Brooks, Bishop of Gloucester, sub-delegate, appointed by Paul IV.,
and Dr. Martin and Dr. Story, royal Commissioners — took their seats
in the church of St. Mary, Oxford, on a platform magnificently
furnished for the occasion, and, in humbler stations, a crowd of
Doctors and other Clergy, with the Pope's collector. The reverend
prisoner came from the Bocardo in custody of a body of armed men,
* Thomas Whittle, of Essex, a Priest ; Bartlet Green, lawyer ; Thomas Brown,
John Tudsou, John Went, Isabella Foster, and Joan Warne.
t Agnes Snoth, of Smarden ; Anne Albright ; Joan Sole, of Horton ; Joan Catmer,
of Hythe, widow of George Catmer, burnt also ; John Lomas, of Tenterden.
J Agces Potter, and Joan, wife of Michael Trunchfield, shoemaker.
CRANMER. 303
wearing a plain black gown, with a Doctor's hood, and in his hand a
white staff. To the Papal representative he paid no obeisance, but
bent his knee to each of the assessors, as Commissioners of the King
and Queen. Gloucester was offended ; but the Archbishop, covering
his head, stood erect, and, looking him full in the face, said that he
had taken a solemn oath never to consent to the admitting of the
Bishop of Rome's authority into this realm of England again ; that,
by God's grace, he would keep that oath, and commit nothing, either
by sign or token, which might argue consent to the receiving of the
same, notwithstanding the personal respect he would be willing to
show to Gloucester when not representing a foreign authority. The
Bishop and Dr. Martin then each addressed him in a formal oration,
exhorting him to repent, conform to the Church from which he had
fallen, and accept mercy. To this he replied by protesting against
his Judge, refusing to answer him as such; but declaring his readi-
ness to give an answer of the hope that was in him, if he might be
permitted to speak extrajudicially. Having that permission, he knelt
down, recited the Lord's Prayer, and, rising, repeated the Creed :
which done, he delivered a full declaration of his principles as mem-
ber of the Church of England, owing fidelity, as a subject, to the
crown alone ; demonstrated, in sentences which retain their force to
this day, that the Pope is contrary to the crown, and, therefore, that
no man can obey both ; and maintained, with equal clearness, that
the Pope is contrary to God, and " like the devil in his doings."
And, further still, he required them to declare to the King and Queen
that their oaths to the realm and to the Pope were incompatible, and
could not both possibly be kept. Dr. Story then made his oration ;
a long conversation followed, in which Cranmer displayed the same
calm dignity as had always distinguished him, and most signally in
times of trial ; and they, after calling on witnesses to prove what was
already notorious, to whom he objected that, having broken their
oaths of supremacy, they were all perjured men and incapable of
giving evidence, read a citation for him to appear before the Pope
within fourscore days. Then they shut him up in his chamber. At
the expiration of the time Bonner, with the Bishop of Ely, came to
Oxford, and, in the name of the Pontiff, declared their prisoner con-
tumacious, for not going to Eome ; yet the Papal commission
affirmed that the King and Queen on one part, and he on the other,
had appeared by Procurators at Rome to receive sentence. This was
utterly false ; but it stood as preface to the final condemnation, which
the Bishops pronounced after the usual manner. Thirleby concurred
in the sentence with grief, — for he had been a humble friend of the
Archbishop, indebted by constant favour during many years, — but
Bonner with savage glee. The most reverend confessor stood before
them in Archbishop's robes, but made of canvass and rags, that con-
tumely might aggravate his suffering ; and Bonner, as junior delegate,
gloried over him in a pitiless oration to the people. " This is the
man," said he, " that hath ever despised the Pope's Holiness, and
now is to be judged by him. This is the man that hath pulled down
so many churches, and now is come to be judged in a church. This
304 CHAPTER IV.
is the man that contemned the blessed sacrament of the altar, and is
now come to be condemned before that blessed sacrament hanging
over the altar. This is the man that, like Lucifer, sat in the place
of Christ upon an altar * to judge others, and now is come before an
altar to be judged himself." The orator, having caused the scarlet
robe to be imitated, thus parodied the Ecce homo, beginning every
sentence with " This is the man," while his colleague pulled his lawn,
but could not stay the torrent of vituperation. This ended, they
proceeded to complete the degradation, first taking the crosier from
his hand ; but he held it fast, and drew a paper from his sleeve,
containing an appeal from " the Bishop of Rome, whom they call
Pope," to the next General Council. Thirleby first refused to admit
an appeal, as the commission required them to proceed definitively ;
(ornni appellatione remold ;) but Cranmer maintained that, as his
cause was immediately with the Pope, the terms of the Papal com-
mission should not be allowed to hinder the appeal to an authority
that might arbitrate between the parties litigant : but the formality
availed nothing ; and he was forthwith reduced to the condition of a
layman. And " now," said Bonner, " you are ' my Lord ' no more."
Followed by a crowd of people, who gazed on him sorrowfully, Cran-
mer returned to the prison, where he had spent nearly three years ;
but was reserved to a humiliation unspeakably greater than any he
had yet suffered.
From prison they took him to the house of the Dean of Christ's
Church, supplied him with every indulgence, placed him at table
with the most dignified Oxonians, allowed him to walk abroad, and
induced him to play at bowls with the Clergy. The loathsome
durance of the Bocardo, the clamorous disputations, the sentence and
the degradation, seemed to have nearly filled up the measure of
punishment ; his former rank, his learning and seniority were again
courteously acknowledged, and groups of the most able polemics
gathered around him in amicable disputation. They plied him with
flattery, entreaties, promises, and gentle intimations of the doom
of heretics ; and one of the most skilful controversialists, Juan de
Villa Garcia, a Dominican, appears to have figured chiefly in those
conversations. He fell into the snare. In formal controversy he
had been undaunted, as two letters written to the Queen after his
citation to Rome testify ; and those letters were deemed so important
that no less a personage than Cardinal Pole wrote to him in reply.
This might be considered a condescension, and it was followed up by
redoubled persuasions. The noblemen, they represented, bare him
good will : the King and Queen would be pleased by his return. He
might either regain the dignity of Archbishop, or, if he preferred it,
live in privacy and ease. He was yet a strong man, and might live
many years more, if he would but save his life by setting his name on
a piece of paper. Better do thus than burn. Then began a series
of concessions. First he subscribed a submission to the Bishop
* On a platform over an altar in St. Paul's cathedral, some years before, on a public
occasion. But that platform was erected there by Bonner's direction, as Craamer
reminded him.
CRANMER'S LAST CONFESSION. 305
of Rome, because the King and Queen had acknowledged him as
chief head of the Church of England. Then he repented, revoked,
but again wavered, and subscribed obedience to " the Catholic
Church," the Pope, and the King and Queen. Thirdly, he set his
hand to an engagement to "move and stir all others to do the like"
to the utmost of his power. A fourth paper, professing unfeigned
and full agreement with the Catholic Church concerning the sacra-
ments, next received his signature. After this they obtained it to a
yet larger recantation, where he was made to renounce, abhor, and
detest the heresies of Luther and Zuinglius, and all other teachings
of the same kind, and profess belief in purgatory, repentance of his
schism, and determination to return to the Church of his persecutors.
This document was sent to the Queen, who received it very gladly ;
but persisted in her determination to put him to death. Not satisfied
even with that copious recantation, they put another before him, in
language of abject grief for his sins against the Church, with supplica-
tions for mercy ; and, for the sixth time within four days, (if the
published dates be accurate,) he subscribed his name. By this time
it was doubtless known at Oxford that, in spite of all, he should be
put to death ; and he was brought to St. Mary's church again,
surrounded by the armed retinue of the Lords Williams and Chandos,
with several Magistrates, summoned by royal writ, and placed on an
elevated stage to hear the last sermon from Dr. Cole. Cranmer held
a paper containing a seventh recantation, which he was required to read
to the audience, that, as they said, he might die in hope of heaven.
But it was not the very paper that he had signed in presence of the
Doctors, but another. After sermon, then, which he heard with an
appearance of penitence that pleased the Priests and perplexed those
who had hoped to see him steadfast to the end, he began to read.
First of all he exhorted the people to pray for him. This was what
the Priests had prepared. He then prayed, just as they had pre-
scribed, asking pardon. He also gave some advice to the audience ;
but entirely omitted a declaration of the Queen's title to the crown.
While those privy to the contents of the paper given him to adopt as
his own were wondering at the omission, he went on with a con-
fession of faith, unaltered at first, and read, still in the prescribed
words: "And now 'I come to the great thing that so much troubleth
my conscience, more than any other thing that ever I did " — but,
instead of enumerating his writings against the Papal supremacy and
transubstantiation, he read on, with great solemnity, thus — " or said
in my whole life ; and that is, the setting abroad of writings contrary
to the truth, which now I here renounce and refuse, as things written
with my hand contrary to the truth which I thought in my heart,
and written for fear of death, and to save my life, if it might be.
And that is, all such bills and papers which I have written or signed
with my hand, since my degradation, wherein I have written many
things untrue. And forasmuch as my hand offended, contrary to my
heart, my hand shall first be punished therefore ; for, may I come to
the fire, it shall first be burnt. And as for the Pope, I refuse him as
Christ's enemy, and Antichrist, with all his false doctrine. And as
VOL. III. 2 R
306 CHAPTER IV.
for the sacrament, I believe as I have taught in my book against the
Bishop of Winchester. The which my book teacheth so true a doc-
trine of the sacrament, that it shall stand at the last day before the
judgment of God, where the Papistical doctrine contrary thereto
shall be ashamed to show her face." Further he could not read, for
Cole shouted from the pulpit, the Priests rushed on him with cries
of " Heretic ! " " Stop his mouth ! " and, in a few moments, he was
dragged to the place where his brethren had made their last con-
fession, and there they chained him to the stake. As soon as the
faggots were kindled, he extended his right arm, that the hand which
had offended might first feel the flame ; and thus he stood, reiterating
such sentences as these, " This hand hath offended," " Unworthy
right hand," intermingled with the prayer, as long aa the power
of utterance continued, " Lord Jesus, receive my spirit " (March
21st, 1556). For his burning, be it observed, Mary had issued the
warrant with her own signature;* she had also appointed the day,
and given Dr. Cole secret command to prepare the sermon. On the
day following (March 22d) Cardinal Pole was consecrated Archbishop
of Canterbury, having enjoyed the revenues of the see, without the
mitre,' until Cranmer's death. So hasty an assumption of the title,
although already in possession of the profits, lowered the Cardinal in
public estimation.
Few names of historical note now remain, and the murderous fury
of persecution rages unchecked. We shall not load these pages with
details which would add nothing new to the picture, but, sparing the
reader the weariness of toiling through descriptions of apprehensions,
incarcerations, mock trials, and burnings, merely set down a summary
of the martyrdoms, passing by a mass of misery too diffused to be
brought into any record, yet felt from one end of England to the
other, and mourned by multitudes of wanderers and exiles, who, like
their heavenly Master, had not where to lay their head. Neither
would it be possible to estimate the number of persons who died in
prison. There were burnt, after Cranmer to the end of the year
1 556, at least as follows : — Three tradesmen f at Salisbury, in one
fire (March 24th). Two Ministers and four tradesmen from Essex, J
in Smithfield (April 24th). A man and woman at Rochester, § (April
1st,) and a Minister || at Cambridge (April 2d). Six tradesmen at
Colchester^j" (April 28th). A lame old man with a blind man at
Stratford-le-Bow ** (May 15th). The former, after he was chained,
flung away his crutch, and said to his companion : " Be of good com-
fort, my brother ; for my Lord of London is our good physician. He
* It is in Rymer, xv., 431.
t John Spicer, rnason ; William Coberley, tailor ; John Manndrel, farmer.
t Robert Drakes, Minister; and William Tyms, Curate. Richard Spurge, shear-
man ; Thomas Spurge and George Ambrose, fullers ; John Cavel, weaver.
§ John Harpole ; and Joan Beach, a widow, of Tunbridge.
|| John Hullier.
IT Christopher .Lyster, of Dagenham, farmer; — and of Colchester, John Mace, apothe.
cary; John Spencer and Richard Nichols, weavers ; Simon Joyne, sawyer ; John Ha-
111011(1, tanner.
** Hugh Laverock, painter ; and John Apprice.
MAGISTRATES WEARY OF PERSECUTION. 307
will heal us both shortly, thee of thy blindness, and me of my lame-
ness." Three women* at Smithfield (May 16th). Two persons at
Gloucester,f of whom one was a blind boy (May 15th). Three poor
men at Beccles, in Suffolk J (May 21st). Four at Lewes (June 6th),
and two more in the same town a fortnight afterwards § (June 20th).
A merchant's servant at Leicester (June 26th). Eleven men and two
women from Essex, in one fire, at Stratford-le-Bow || (June 27th) ;
three others were delivered with them to the secular arm, but were
released by Cardinal Pole, by whose dispensation it appears that they
had recanted and petitioned him for mercy. Three at Bury St.
Edmund's^ (June 30th). Three at Newbury** (July 16th).
Catherine Cawches and her two daughters were burnt at St. Pe'ter's-
Port in Guernsey (July 18th). One of the daughters, a married
woman, gave birth to a child when in the fire. A person standing by
snatched the babe from the flames and laid it on the grass ; some one
carried it to the Provost, who sent it to the Bailiff, and the Bailiff
sent it back again to the fire, where it was consumed with its mother,
grandmother, and aunt. Two men and a woman at Grkistead, in
Sussex ff (July 18th). Joan Waste, a blind woman, at Derby
(August 1st). Four at Mayfield, Sussex JJ (September 24th). Two
in Bristol §§ (September, beginning, and 25th).. One at Northamp-
ton, || !| and another at Chester ^]^[ (October). One cannot wonder,
after perusing such a catalogue, that there were rumours of rebellion
in England in this year ; nor can the patience of the Gospellers, who
refused to take part in the projected insurrection, be too much
admired, when we consider how extreme was the provocation.
The better part of the English Magistracy, who could not pander
to the court, shrank from the work imposed on them, and allowed
the followers of Jesus Christ to remain unmolested, and even to hold
meetings for prayer in many towns. Informers found themselves,
branded with popular abhorrence ; and many persecutors relented
when they saw patience and faith triumph over a barbarism that now.
became terrible even to the barbarians themselves. Heavy complaints
were made in the Privy Council against Magistrates who abetted heresy.
Justices of Peace, as the impatient courtiers said, could not be found
to arrest the Gospellers that ranged over the counties ; and the inha-
* Catherine Hut, Elisabeth Thackvel, and Joan Horns.
t Thomas Croker, bricklayer ; and Thomas Drowry, the blind boy.
t Thomas Spicer, labourer; John Denny, and Edmund Poole.
§ Thomas Harland, carpenter, and John Oswald, farmer, both of Woodmancott ;
Thomas Avington, of Ardingley, turner ; and Thomas Head. The other two were
Thomas Whood, Minister ; and Thomas Milles.
|| Henry Adlington, Laurence Parnarn, Henry Wye, William Hallywel, Thomas
Bowyer, George Searles, Edmund Hurst, Lyon Cawch, Ralph Jackson, John Derifall,
John Routh, Elisabeth Pepper, and Agnes George.
IT Roger Bernard qf Framsden, labourer ; Adam Foster of Mendlesham, fanner ;
Robert Lawson, weaver.
** Julius Palmer, Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford ; John Gwiii and Thomas
Askiu.
tt Thomas Dungate, John Foreman, and Mother Tree.
II John Hart, Thomas Ravensdale, and two others, names unknown.
§§ Edward Sharp, and a carpenter, name unknown.
Illl A shoemaker, name unknown.
117 Houke.
'2 R 2
308 CHAPTER IV.
bitants of many towns openly harboured those rebels against the Church,
Letters were written from the Council to some towns, as Coventry
and Rye, recommending persons to be chosen as Mayors, who, being
known as zealots, might be depended on to renew the slackening
persecution : but either such elections could nat be compelled, or the
new Mayors disappointed the expectation of their patrons ; for we
find no more burnings until towards the middle of January following,
and then only in Kent ; and when a company of twenty-two persons
were sent up from Colchester to be judged by Bonner, a multitude
of Londoners met them with expressions of sympathy so ardent, that
the Bishop, in alarm, dismissed them, after exacting a very equivocal
submission. Some Magistrates absented themselves from church,
thus fearlessly showing their disgust ; and in Bristol people marked
the Dean and Chapter with derision as they saw them traversing the
city on feast-days in procession, preceded by a cross, to fetch out the
Magistrates from their houses, one by one, to hear sermons in the
cathedral. The Council sent those worthy citizens a letter, requiring
them to conform willingly to the orders of the Church, and go thither
of their own accord.
Cambridge, long imbued with the Reformed doctrine, had slowly
submitted to the Papistical re-action ; and Cardinal Pole, partaking
in the distrust of that learned body, of whom he was become Chan-
cellor, sent down a Commission of Inspection. The Commissioners
•were the Bishop of Chester, the Bishops elect of Lincoln and Chiches-
ter, the Provost of Eton College, and chiefly, Niccolo Ormanetto, the
Pope's Datary, a confidential servant of the Pontiff, appointed to Eng-
land as a check on the Legate himself, whom no party could fully
trust. The earnest Reformers had fallen victims, or were in exile ;
the timid and half-hearted made due submission, and complied with
every requisition to observe the old ceremonial ; the zealots were in
their glory, and Cambridge was said to be thoroughly cleansed from
every spot of Lutheranism. Yet this was not thought to be effected
until the remains of Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius, who had died
there in the reign of Edward, had been exhumed, carried in proces-
sion under a strong guard from the violated graves into the market-
place, the coffins placed erect, chained to a stake, and burnt. An
interdict laid by the Visitors on the churches of Our Lady and St.
Michael, wherein the bodies had rested, was then taken off, the pyx
replaced on their altars, and the indignity done to those places by
their presence avenged. Oxford was also visited ; and with equal
dignity, the Visiters there summoned witnesses to prove heresy against
the mortal remains of Peter Martyr's wife, as it had been proved
against the others ; but the Oxonian scholars, being all ignorant
of the language spoken by the good woman when alive, could not say
what manner of doctrine she had professed. The difficulty was laid
before Cardinal Pole, who decided, that as she was known to have
been first a Nun, and then a wife, she had died, by that fact, under
excommunication, and therefore her carcase should be removed from
consecrated ground and thrown into a dunghill. The sentence was
executed. But Queen Elizabeth did those same relics honour by
"INQUISITION OF HERESY." 309
having them taken from the dunghill and mingled with those of St.
Frideswide, in order that if any successor of hers should again wish
to dishonour the memory of a woman whose husband had been one
of the brightest ornaments to that University, St. Frideswide's bones
should share the profanation. Over the place she commanded this
inscription to be engraved : Hie jacet religio cum superstitione.
" Here lies religion with superstition." Those proceedings were
manifestly inquisitorial, such as distinguished an auto da fe in Por-
tugal, and were followed up by the institution of a real Inquisition,
wanting only the name and peculiar apparatus, but having all the
power. A royal commission* (February 8th, 1557) empowered Bon-
ner, with a train of clerks and laymen, to make inquisition of heresy,
and execute judgment, by aid of the civil authorities, who were com-
manded to obey their pleasure. This aroused great suspicion, as may
be gathered from the words of Dr. Ponet : " Inquisition of heretical
pravity is now entered into England, and likewise the Spaniard, to
destroy the liberty of the English nation ; whereby, no doubt, shortly
the noses of the nobility shall be holden to the grindstone, and the
necks of the commons tied under the Priests' girdles. From which
misery I beseech Jesus Christ save so many as favour, from the bottom
of their hearts, Christ and the whole realm of England. Amen." -f
It was now customary to bring out the martyrs by companies, as at
Lisbon or Seville. Fifteen had been long imprisoned at Canterbury :
five perished of starvation, and the remaining ten J were distributed
to suffer, six in Canterbury, two at Wye, and two at Ashford (January
15th). Five ignorant, but pious, persons § were burnt in Smithfield,
having been reported as non-attendants at church (April 12th) ; and
three || in St. George's fields, Southwark, fur the same reason (May).
Three at Bristol ^[ (May 7th). " Seven at Maidstone ** (June 18th).
On the same day, " two persons were carried beyond St. George's,
almost at Newington, to be burnt for heresy and other matters." ff
Seven at Canterbury^ (June 19th). Ten at Lewes §§ (June 22d).
A man and a woman at Norwich |||| (July 13th). Of the twenty-two
* Burnet, part ii., book ii. Records 32.
t Strype, Memorials, under Mary, chap. 43.
\ John Philpot, Matthew Bradbridge, and Nicholas Final, of Tenterden ; William
Waterer, and Thomas Stephens, of Biddenden ; Stephen Kempe, of Norgate ; William
Hay, of Hythe j Thomas Hudson, of Selling ; William Lowick, of Cranhrooke ; William
Prowting, of Thornham.
§ Thomas Losehy, Henry Ramsey, Thomas Thirtel, Margaret Hide, and Agnes
Stanley.
j| Stephen Gratwick, William Morant, King.
IT Omitted by Foxe, mentioned by Burnet, but not named.
** Joan Bradbridge, of Staplehnrst ; Walter Appleby and Petronil Lis wife, and the
wife of John Manning, of Maidstone ; Edmund Allin and Catherine his wife, of Fritten-
den ; and Elisabeth, a blind girl.
ft Strype, Memorials, chap. 49 ; not in Foxe.
It John Fishcock, Nicholas White, Nicholas Pardue, Barbara Final, widow, Brad-
bridge's widow, Wilson's wife, Benden's wife.
§§ Richard Woodman, George Stevens, W. Mainard, Alexander Hosman and
Thomasin a Wood, his servants ; Margery Moris, and James her sou; Dennis Burgis,
Ashdon's wife, drove's wife. Richard Woodman was a clever man, and disputed
sturdily with the Bishops.
III! Simon Miller and Elisabeth Cooper.
310 CHAPTER IV.
whom Bonner had dismissed through fear of tumult in London, ten
were burnt at Colchester * (August 2d). George Eagles, a tailor,
had long travelled from place to place, to exhort and confirm the
brethren, who faithfully concealed him from the persecutors. The
Council, having heard that he had prayed that God would change the
Queen's heart, or take her away, — but there was no sufficient proof
that he had prayed for more than her conversion, — offered a reward
of twenty pounds to any who would take him. He was seen on a
fair-day in Colchester, the mob pursued him, and, after lying for some
hours in a corn-field, supposing at last that no one was within hear-
ing, he raised his voice in prayer, which one of the pursuers heard,
dragged bim into the town, and he was hung, drawn, and quartered
at Chelmsford (August). His sister, and a man named Frier, were
burnt at Rochester ; as were a man at Norwich f (August 5th), and
a woman at Lichfield.^ Four at Islington, § and two women again at
Colchester || (September 1 7th) ; followed by three others — at Northamp-
ton ^[ (September 20th), Laxfield in Suffolk ** (September 22d), and
Norwich ff (September 23d). Seventeen at Chichester, at different
times, JJ one at Bury,§§ and three at Smithfield || || (November 18th).
John Rough, a Scotchman, who had first fled into England and then
taken refuge in Friesland, having ventured over to London, and become
Minister of a secret congregation, was betrayed by a false brother,
and burnt, together with one of his flock, Margaret Mearing (Decem-
ber 22d). So ends the year 1557; but this enumeration of deaths
by fire is imperfect ; and of those who died in prison, or suffered by
less extreme, yet ruinous, persecution, no certain calculation can be
made.
As the sole business of this reign had been the service of Popery,
so every national interest was neglected. Philip, with ill-concealed
disgust, was attending to other affairs on the Continent, and at war
with France ; Stafford, the Pretender, had nearly raised an insurrec-
tion ; England and Scotland were on ill terms ; Mary was discom-
forted, her health failed, no domestic joy, nor any marks of loyalty
in her subjects, came to dispel the gloom of an unquiet mind ; and on
the first day of 1558, as if to make her condition utterly forlorn, the
Duke of Guise, at the head of a powerful army, sat down before
* William Bongeor, William Purcas, Thomas Benold, Agnes Silverside, Helen
Ewring, Elisabeth Folkes, William Mount, Alice his wife, Rose her daughter, and
John Johnson.
t Richard Crashfield.
I Joyce Lewes.
§ Ralph Allerton, James Atistoo, Margery his wife, and Richard Roth.
|| Agnes Bongeor and Margaret Thurston.
If John Kurde, shoemaker, of Syresham.
** John Noyes, shoemaker, of Laxfield.
Cicely Ormes, wife of a worsted weaver, in the parish of St. Laurence.
II John Foreman, Anne Try, and Thomas Dougate, of East Oriustead ; John War-
ner, of Bourne ; Christian Grover, of the archdeaconry of Lewes ; Thomas Athoth,
Priest ; Thomas Avington, of Ardingley; Dennis Burgis, of Busted ; Thomas Ravens-
dale, of Rye; John Milles, of Hellingley ; Nicholas Holden and John Hart, of Withy-
ham; James and Margery Morice, of Heathfield ; John Oseward and Thomas Harland,
of Woodmancott ; John Ashedon, of Cattesfield.
§§ Thomas Spurdance, one -of Queen Mary's servants.
Illl John Hallingdale, William Sparrow, and Richard Gihson.
SECRET CONGREGATIONS. 311
Calais, and in a few days the French banner was floating on the walls.
The submission of the adjacent territory followed, and England lost
the key of France. But there was not enough patriotism under that
reign of terror to attempt recovery of the loss ; the people of England
were disheartened ; and the sullen Queen would have been driven
from her throne, had popular discontent found a leader. She appealed
to the Parliament ; but the country was too poor to afford equipment
for a fleet, and the utmost that could be obtained was a subsidy
towards strengthening the sorry defences of the island. Yet the flock
of Christ gathered fresh courage, and their private congregations
appear to have been more numerous than ever, and held with greater
frequency. Rough, as we have just seen, was Minister of one of those
congregations in London ; Cuthbert Symson was Deacon. It was their
custom sometimes to go to an inn, order a dinner or other meal in a
private room, and there spend two or three hours in reading the Eng-
lish service in King Edward's Prayer-Book, hearing a sermon, consult-
ing on the affairs of their afflicted church, partaking of the holy
commjunion, and contributing alms for the relief of their brethren in
the prisons. An account of receipts and disbursements was kept by
the Deacon of each congregation, in conjunction with the Minister,
and probably exhibited in their meetings. Or they would occupy an
empty warehouse, or a ship in ballast on the river, or assemble in a
field. Like the primitive Christians, they addressed each other as
"brethren ;" and sometimes, by incautiously using that appellation in
the hearing of strangers, were marked as Gospellers, and watched.
Some foreign Protestants took part in those meetings. Cuthbert
Symson, the Deacon, with two others, were betrayed by a perfidious
member of their church ; and after he had been several times tortured
in the Tower of London, to disclose the names of those who had
come to the English service, but whom he would not betray, he and
his companions * were burnt in Smithfield (March 28th). On the
same day, Cardinal Pole, as Prelate of the see of Canterbury, ap-
pointed a Commission of Inquisitors of his diocese, with the veteran
zealot Harpsfield at their head. One William Nichol, a poor half-
witted man, was burnt at Haverford-West (April 9th) ; but the cus-
tom of burning by companies was quickly resumed. Three at Nor-
wich f (May 19th). Three at Colchester J (May 26th). A congre-
gation of forty persons were surprised in a field near Islington, and
surrendered themselves, without resistance, to a constable and six or
seven men. A few of the women escaped, as the whole company
might have done. Two died in prison ; § seven were eventually re-
leased, after being flogged by Bonner himself ; seven were burnt in
Smithfield || (June 27th) ; and six at Brentford ^[ (July 14th).
* Hugh Foxe and John Deveniah.
t William Seaman, a farmer, of Mendlesham, in Suffolk ; Thomas Carman, Thomas
Hudson, of Aylsham, Norfolk.
t William Harris, Richard Day, and Christian George.
§ Matthew Wythers and T. Taylor.
|| Henry Pond, Reinald Eastland, Robert Southam, Matthew Ricarby, John Floyd.
John Holiday, Roger Holland.
IT Robert Wills, Stephen Cotton, Robert Dynes, Stephen Wight, John Slade, and
William Pikes.
312 CHAPTER IV.
Richard Yeoman, formerly Curate of Dr. Taylor, of Hadleigh, suffered,
after long imprisonment, at Norwich (July 10th). John Alcock, the
young man who so long persevered in reading the English service alone
in Hadleigh church, died in Newgate of gaol-fever. Thomas Ben-
bridge, a devoted gentleman, was burnt at Winchester (August 5th).
Four * at Bury St. Edmund's. One named Edward Horne,f at
Newent (September), two at Ipswich,^ a poor woman § on Southern-
hay, by Exeter ("November 4th) ; and five at Canterbury |] (November
10th) brought up the rear of this noble army. It is remarkable
that they prayed that their blood might be the last that should be
shed ; and so it was. Nor is it less worthy of notice that one of
them, John Corneford, pronounced a singular excommunication of all
those blasphemers and heretics who maintained error against God's
most holy word, condemned His truth for heresy, or maintained a
false Church, or feigned religion : " So that by this thy just judgment,
O most mighty God, against thy adversaries, thy true religion may be
known to thy great glory and our comfort, and to the edifying of all
our nation." It might seem that the martyr had spoken by inspira-
tion. At that moment the Parliament was sitting, but scarcely able
to attempt either legislation or supply. Contagious diseases prevailed
all over the realm, spreading death ; and just one \veek after the
immolation of the victims at Canterbury, Mary died of the epidemic
(November 17th). On the morning after Mary's death, Elizabeth was
proclaimed Queen : " in the afternoon all the churches in London
rang their bells, and at night were bonfires made, and tables set in
the streets, and the people did eat and drink and make merry." ^[
But astonishment and sadness brooded over the priesthood. Their
chief at Lambeth lay sick of the same disease that had been fatal
to his mistress, and boded no good to his cause from her whose
queenship he heard proclaimed that night from the neighbouring
belfries. His heart sank, and, before the dawn of day, Cardinal Pole,
healer of the schism, but last Legate of Rome in these dominions,
was numbered with the dead. Thus perished the final triumph of the
Papacy over England, if, indeed, it be not too much to call that
violence a triumph. The alien brought a bloody war into our coun-
try. Two hundred and eighty, or two hundred and ninety, persons
were murdered in the flames ; many more perished by imprison-
ment, torture, and famine ; and a much larger number fled into
Germany, and other parts of the world. Another multitude filled
the prisons, or wandered, houseless, in remote parts of the king-
dom. In the heat of this battle the leaders were suddenly cut off
by death, or disabled, by the change of Sovereigns, from continuing
the conflict, so that the temporary and unreal triumph terminated
* John Cooke, sawyer ; Robert Miles, shearman ; Alexander Lane, wheelwright ;
and James Ashley.
t Supplied by Strype, Mary, chap. 63.
% Alexander Qonch and Alice Driver.
§ Wife of one Prest.
|| John Corneford, of Wrotham ; Christopher Brown, of Maidstone ; John Herst, of
Ashford ; Alice Snoth, and" Catherine Knight.
T[ Strype, Mary, chap. 60.
EDICT OF AUGSBURG. 313
in a shameful defeat. The burial of Mary, and the liberation of
England from the Romish yoke, are collateral events in our
history.*
CHAPTER V.
THE EMPIRE CTNDER CHARLES V. — Diet of Augsburg — The defensive League of Pro-
testants at Smalcald — The Smalcaldic War — The Pacification of Passau and
Establishment of religious Liberty in Germany — Sessions of the Council of Trent
— THE NETHERLANDS AND SPAIN UNDER PHILIP II. — Endeavours to suppress
the Reformation — Resistance of the Reformed Confederates — Crusade under the
Duke ef Alva — Independence of Holland, and Separation from the Spanish
Netherlands — Suppression of the Reformation by the Inquisition in Spain — Later
Persecutions in Spain and Portugal.
THE Elector of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse had -withdrawn
from the Diet of Augsburg, appointing persons to act there in their
stead. Charles V., and the Popish majority who remained, unable to
bring them to a submission that would have precluded all hope of
religious reformation, or to extort from the Protestant states contri-
butions towards the Turkish war, while, as Nonconformists, they were
to have been excluded from the Imperial Diet, issued a second edict,
or recess, at the end of the session, to this effect : — " None shall be
tolerated for the future who teach contrary to the Church of Rome
concerning the sacraments. There shall be no change in the cele-
bration of public or private mass. Ceremonies are to be unaltered,
images retained, or restored to the places whence they have been
taken. The authorized doctrine alone is to be taught. Married
Priests are commanded to put away their wives ; and no preacher is
to speak a sentence of controversy, or address one of reproof, to those
of the Church dominant. No one shall attempt to proselyte another
to the damnable and brutish doctrine of Luther or other sectaries."
In short, the Reformation was to be extinguished at one stroke
throughout the empire, and loss of life and goods was decreed for
every recusant. The civil authorities were commanded to enforce
obedience.
This was more than persecution : it was equivalent with a declara-
tion of war on the Reformed, to whom no alternative remained, but
to surrender conscience or hazard life. Charles and his party thus
relinquished the succours needed for resisting Solyman and his Turks,
who, but the year before, had besieged and stormed Vienna, whence
they were expelled but by an extraordinary effort of the garrison and
inhabitants, while Hungary had been conquered, and the barbarian,
irritated, rather than conquered, at the metropolis of Austria, was
again preparing forces to invade the eastern provinces of the empire,
and threatened to overrun all Germany. The Pontiff had just
engaged his imperial ally to send German troops into Tuscany to
crush the independence of the Florentines, and humble the house
* The principal authorities for this chapter are Foxe, Bnrnet, and Strype, to whom
all the historians of the period must be indebted. Others are acknowledged incidentally.
VOL. III. 2 S
314 CHAPTER V.
of the Medici ; the free states of Italy were only held down by force
from casting off the Papal yoke. All Christendom was threatened by
the Turks, who seemed likely to recover, at least, the territories once
occupied by the Saracens. Yet Protestant Germany was madly pro-
voked to secede from the common defence of Christendom. So
thought moderate politicians ; but, in truth, it was well that the Turk
hung upon the skirts of Popedom, to divert a power which, by falling
with undivided weight on the few states then struggling for religious
liberty, might have swept them away, as it had swept away their
predecessors the Albigenses in the southern provinces of France.
Was it lawful for the Protestants to resist force with force ? On
this question they were not yet agreed. If the Electors and Princes
of the Germanic empire were vassals of the Prince elected at its head,
their duty, they thought, would be only to oppose passive resistance,
— to die rather than sin against God by rebellion. If, however, they
were Sovereigns over their own states, and the Emperor no more than
suzerain, or liege Lord, with rights limited by the independent
sovereignty of each Prince in regard to his own subjects, and by the
general interests of the federated states, then each Prince was as
much bound to protect his subjects against the Emperor as to aid the
Emperor against a common enemy. The latter view was found to be
constitutional, and prevailed. They also considered that a duty to
God now bound them to resist their earthly superior, to unite in arms
for this resistance, and to protect their subjects from the execution
of the murderous edict. And since the Emperor and his instigators,
or adherents, were leagued with a foreign Prince, the Pope, against
the religious liberties of a part of the empire, and had determined to
enforce their will by the usual instruments of war, deprivation of life
and goods, including, of course, extinction of the reluctant states, it
became necessary for them to appeal to those Princes whose cause
might be thought common with their own. Luther, Melancthon, and
other theologians were consulted, and, at first hearing, generally
objected to Protestants taking the sword ; but the question related to
public right rather than private duty ; the Princes were compelled to
decide for mutual defence, because threatened with coercion by the
sword, and the theologians were constrained to acknowledge the
justice of their determination. Thus originated the league of Smal-
cald.
As " supreme advocate of the Church " Charles professed to enter-
tain but one desire, to obey God and the Pope. The Legate, Cnm-
Peggi°> swayed the counsels of the majority at Augsburg. "With
extreme difficulty had the Protestants obtained permission to read
their confession of faith, and, after all, they were severely prohibited
from publishing any account of the proceedings of the Diet. Their
remonstrances were treated with contempt ; threatenings pursued
them ; and Germany was filled with intelligence of warlike prepara-
tions for mastering their constancy, which, however, was invincible.
Disgusted with the tyranny of Charles, who had long trampled on
the usages and constitution of the empire, some states and free towns,
that had not hitherto given decided support to the cause of religious
LEAGUE OF SMALCALD. 315
liberty, now declared themselves, and even Augsburg, notwithstanding
the presence of power enough to annihilate the city, withheld its seal
from the authentication of the Acts of the Diet, to which the seal
of the city where the states met had been customarily appended.
However peaceable the Reformed might wish to be, their enemies
gave a signal of violence but a few days after the recess. On St.
Francis's day, (October 4th, 1530.) a body of Spanish soldiers, who
attended the Emperor, forcibly entered the church of the Franciscan
monastery, where Cellarius, a Zuinglian, had preached. Priests per-
formed the ceremony of " reconciliation," or purifying the place.
The Senate had remonstrated, but in vain. They refused to supply
furniture for the altar, and vessels for mass ; but Caesar sent them ;
and, after the celebration, the insolent Spaniards completed the
hallowing of the temple by a general demolition of the seats belong-
ing to the Protestant congregation ; then a multitude of citizens
assembled to revenge the insult. Many were wounded by the soldiers,
and, in the moment of provocation, the multitude were proceeding to
break into the cloisters and revenge themselves on the Monks, when
the Magistrates, with great difficulty, appeased their fury.
From Augsburg Charles proceeded to Cologne, attended by a
numerous company of Princes, with his brother Ferdinand, whom he
wished them to elect King of the Romans. The Archbishop of
Mentz, at his command, had summoned the Electors thither ; but the
Elector of Saxony went to Smalcald, and sent his son, John Frederic,
to protest against the intended election. According to the Bulla
Aurea, or charter of the empire, which had been already broken, such
an election ought not to take place until after the death of the
Emperor, when his successor should be freely chosen by the Electors.
His title then was King of the Romans, and, when crowned by the
Pope, he received the salutation of Emperor. By the present con-
trivance it was intended, notwithstanding that the imperial dignity
was elective, to secure the succession to Ferdinand, as by a similar
act it had been at first procured by Charles IV. from bribed
Electors for his son Wenzel. The Elector of Saxony, after sending
his protest to Cologne, hastened to Smalcald, where the following
personages joined him in consultation on measures of self-defence :
— Ernest, Duke of Brunswick ; Philip, Landgrave of Hesse ; Wolf-
gang, Prince of Anhalt ; Gelhard and Albert, Counts of Mansfeld, the
latter of whom acted as representative of Philip, Duke of Brunswick.
Legates were also there from Strasburg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm,
Magdeburg, Bremen, Reutlingen, Heilbronn, Memmingen, Lindau,
Isny, Kempten, Biberach, Windsheim, and Weissenburg. Their first
care was to memorialize the Emperor for a suspension of the prosecu-
tions consequent on his edict, and to employ learned men to study
the history and attributes of Councils, and then deliberate as to what
ought to be done if the Pope should claim to be head of the Council
promised by the Emperor. But that a temporal Prince should pre-
sume to hear a confession of faith, appoint conferences on points
cf doctrine, treat of ecclesiastical discipline, and promise a Council,
gave great umbrage to the Bishop of Rome ; yet His Holiness thought
2 s 2
316 CHAPTER V.
well to dissemble his indignation, and wrote an encyclical to tl'tr
crowned heads of Europe, descriptive of the troubled state of Chris-
tendom, declaring his intention to attempt a remedy by the assem-
blage of a General Council, and desiring that they would all be there
in person, or by proxy. It soon became apparent that Clement VII.,
no less than his predecessors, dreaded a Council, but endeavoured, by
holding out a hope of reformation, to check the progress of discon-
tent, and, by making the proposal seem to be his own, to prevent the
Emperor from usurping his prerogative by the convocation of an
ecclesiastical assembly. The Protestants of Smalcald, for their part,
also wrote to the same Princes, disclaiming the subversive principles
and practices of which they were accused, descantmg on the extreme
corruption of the Church, and soliciting influence for the convention
of a free and Christian Council in Germany, where no coercion or
injustice would be employed. The King of Denmark, fearing lest his
own dominions should be disturbed by intrigues of the ejected Clergy,
— for there the Reformation had been recently established, — joined5
the league. Hamburgh and some of the Hanse Towns gave their
adhesion; correspondence with the Swiss began, in hope that they
might be induced to unite under the Augsburg confession : this
imperial edict, like that of "Worms, had very partial and timid execu-
tors, and war seemed to be imminent.
At that juncture Luther used his utmost influence to avert so great
a calamity, both commenting on the edict in a pamphlet issued
shortly after its publication, and, in his extensive correspondence,
expostulating with the hostile party, and exhorting the Germans not
to take up arms against their brethren, who suffered for conscience*
sake, not even if required to do so by the Emperor. In a second
conference at Smalcald it was determined to commit no act of aggres-
sion, but only to prepare for defence in case of attack. Their union
and growing strength at home, a direct alliance with some foreign
states, and the favourable reception given to their representations by
the Kings of England and France, compelled their adversaries to
respect them. The Archbishop Elector of Mentz and the Elector
Palatine interposed their mediation with the head of the empire, and,
after some preparatory negotiations, a pacification was effected at
Nuremberg, (July 23d, 1532,) when Charles consented to a peace
between all the states of the Germanic nation, both ecclesiastical and
secular, until a General, Christian, and free Council ; or, if that could
not be had, until all the states of the empire could again assemble.
Meanwhile, he agreed that no one, on account of religion, or for any
other reason, should make war on another, nor invade his territory,
nor consent to any such invasion or violence ; but that all should
conduct themselves with mutual forbearance and charity. The edicts
of Worms and Augsburg being suspended, the confederates agreed to
contribute their share towards carrying on war with the Turks. So
did Protestantism attain to political consideration, and Solyman M-as
the unconscious instrument of saving them from a more terrible
crusade than any that had yet been known in Europe.
Again the Court of Rome heard with indignation that Charles had
VERGERIO IN GERMANY. 317
failed to execute the orders of the Church for the destruction of
heretics, and had presumed to allow liberty of conscience ; but they
gladly accepted the succour needed. At the head of a great army,
he expelled the Turk from Austria, then went into Italy, and, finding
Clement at Bologna, conferred with him on their common interests.
But that interview only served to demonstrate that the interests of the
empire and of the priesthood were incapable of conciliation. Charles
desired a Council in Germany ; Clement would not consent to one
out of Italy. The Protestants were dreaded by them both ; and,
now that their services were no longer needed, infractions of the
Nuremberg pacification again became frequent in the provincial courts.
Historians have plodded with pedestrian diligence through the
dreary period of twenty-five years that intervenes between the rupture
at Augsburg and the establishment of religious liberty in Germany in
1555. We shall only stay to point out a few of the chief way-marks
by which the toilsome march of Protestant Germany towards the
attainment of civil liberty and of a political power that has contri-
buted nothing to their religious prosperity, may be remembered. Yet
this political establishment, subsequently shaken and re-modelled, may
have been a basis whereon to raise a fairer spiritual structure in times
yet to come.
Clement VII., pretended head of Christendom, quarrelled with
Charles V., who, as arbitrator between the Holy See and the Duke
of Ferrara respecting the principality of Modena and Reggio, had
offended by deciding in favour of the Duke. To quarrel with the
advocate of the Church at a time when his arm was needed to crush
the Lutherans was impolitic, and much more so to go into France to
visit Charles's rival, Francis I. (A.D. 1533.)
His successor, Paul III., thought well to simulate great anxiety for
a Council, thereby to throw the Protestants oft' their guard, but art-
fully proposed conditions which he knew they would not accept.
However, he sent Vergerio, a trusty Nuncio, into Germany, with
instructions to sound the Protestants, and report. One Saturday
evening, (November 6th, 1535,) the Nuncio entered Wittemberg,
mounted on a mule, — for him to have ridden a horse would not have
been so canonical,— -and attended by twenty horsemen. The Governor
of the province met His Eminence, conducted him to the castle, and
lodged him hospitably. Next morning Luther sent early for his
barber, told him merrily that he had been summoned to wait upon
the Nuncio of his most Holy Father, and therefore must not make a
shabby appearance, but go well shaven, and look as young as possi-
ble, that his adversaries might fancy him to be a young man, and
have the greater fear of his living long to trouble them. Dressed in
his best apparel, and wearing, over and above, a gold chain, which
the Elector had at some time given him, he stepped into a carriage,
sent for him from the castle, accompanied by his friend Pomeranus,
saying, as they drove off, " Here we go, Pope Germanus and Cardinal
Pomeranus!" On arrival at the castle they were instantly admitted,
and he addressed the Nuncio with studied courtesy, but without any
of the usual tides. Conversation soon turned on the projected
318 CHAPTER V.
Council, which Luther said, truly enough, the Pope promised in jest
rather than in earnest ; but that, if it ever came to pass, the only
business transacted there would relate to trifles, such as tonsures and
robes, not to faith, justification, nor agreement of Christians in spirit
and in truth. " We," said he, " are made sure of our faith by the
Holy Spirit. We have no need of any Council ; but leave that for
those poor simple creatures who, oppressed under your tyranny, know
not what they must believe. But go on, convoke a Council, if you
please : I will go to it, God willing, though they burn me." " Where
would you have it ? " asked the Legate. " Where you will," said
he, " at Mantua, Padua, Florence, or anywhere." " Why not at
Bologna ? " " To whom does Bologna belong '{ " " To the Pope."
" AVhat ! has the Pope got that place too ? Well, I will go even
there." The Legate pleasantly asked what he would say to the Pope
coming to Wittemberg. " Let him come," replied Luther : " we shall
be glad to see him." " But shall he come with an army, or alone?"
" We will receive him either way." After this sort of pleasantry they
entered on serious colloquy, but parted just as they had met.
Vergerio soon returned to Italy, and related to the Pope the sum
of his conferences with the German Protestants, who generally, as he
said, desired a Council, but free, held in Germany, and not subject
to the Court of Rome. Of Luther and his friends he said that they
wanted it not, but were incorrigible ; and advised that, it being
impossible to give such a Council, or to overcome the obstinacy of
the heresiarch by gentle means, Protestantism should be put down at
once by force of arms. Paul would have gladly followed this advice,
not on account of religion, which concerned him little, but to divert
the Emperor from taking possession of Milan. Charles, covered with
new glory by a recent victory on the coast of Africa, where he had
liberated twenty thousand Christian slaves, and now intent on the
pacification of Germany, since the Protestant states distrusted him on
account of his severities on the one hand, and the reluctance of his
concessions on the other, was then at Naples ; and to him, also,
Vergerio repaired, to incite him to war on the disaffected portion
of his empire.* But, as he would rather employ the authority of a
Council to withdraw the people from their teachers, than, by attempt-
ing force, commit himself to a German war of very doubtful issue,
and relinquish his designs on Lombardy, he hastened to Rome, and
held secret consultation with the Pope. Their objects were equally
political. The Priest advised war : the soldier insisted on a Council.
The robe yielded to the sword; and the Emperor, so far satisfied,
appeared in the Consistory (April 28th, 1536) to thank the Sacred
College for their consent to a universal Council for the peace and
unity of Christendom, and prayed them to expedite the Bull of indic-
tion before bis departure from the seat of the Apostles. A committee
of Cardinals prepared the document, and, at last, (June 12th,) the
summons was issued, couched in language that neatly veiled their
* Yet Vergerio, some years afterwards, advised Maximilian to be tolerant, held corre-
spondence with the Bohemian Brethren, and would probably have joined them, had he
lived. The Romanists, of course, say that he was fickle.
USELESS ATTEMPTS TO ASSEMBLE A COUNCIL. 319
conflicting politics, and declared a threefold wish, — to unite the
Church, destroy heresy, and wage common war upon the Turk. The
Fathers were to assemble at Mantua. But when the Protestants heard
this, they would not consent to appear in a Council convoked by
authority of the Pope, to whom they were not subject, instead of the
Emperor, to whom alone they had appealed. They could not agree
to a convocation expressly made for the eradication of their faith
under the name of " heresy," nor submit that faith to the sentence
of men whose judgment was bound unchangeably by oath to the will
of their spiritual Chief. Nor could they trust themselves to meet in
Mantua, where the Council would be Italian, not German, and where
they, as hated heretics, would be exposed to ecclesiastical intrigue and
military force. Of the decisions of such an assemblage there could be
no question, nor any doubt of the consequences to the condemned
states. No safe-conduct would suffice to save them from imprison-
ment, nor, if that should suit the Priests better, from tumultuary
violence or private assassination. By no persuasion could the
Emperor conquer their repugnance. They anxiously deliberated at
Smalcald, assisted by Luther, Melancthon, Pomeranus, Bucer,
Osiander, and others, and, encouraged by the favourable correspond-
ence of Albert, Duke of Prussia, and by the cordial and unqualified
adherence of Gustavus I., King of Sweden, resolved to prepare for
defence in case of war, refused to recognise the Pope as principal in
negotiations for a Council, and would not give audience to a Bishop
whom he had sent to take part in the conference. The Duke
of Mantua, too, who had consented to allow a Council to be held in
that city, when no one expected that the project would be realized,
as soon as he saw the Bull of indiction, refused to admit any such
assemblage, unless a strong garrison were placed under his absolute
command, for protection against the Council itself, and unless the
expenses of that necessary defence were defrayed by the Pope, as
convener of the perilous congregation. Henry VIII. of England,
also, launched a manifesto against the projected Council, because it
was convoked by the Bishop of Rome, whom he did not acknowledge.
Even the Italian states took alarm, suspecting that Paul had formed
some design prejudicial to their liberties ; and thus the idea of a
Mantuan Council was relinquished. A second Bull conferred the
doubtful distinction on Vicenza : a second manifesto from Henry
VIII. contributed to nullify the Bull. The Papal envoys found no
one to do them honour at Vicenza ; and Paul, having prorogued a
Council that would not come, vented his anger in a harmless fulmina-
tion against Henry VIII., who felt it not, but persevered with the
more lively diligence in the demolition of English monasteries. And
the confederated Protestants, increasing in number, found their
promised subsidies large enough to warrant them in waging defensive
war at any moment. Charles V., alarmed, proposed a conference
of theologians to endeavour reconciliation : the Pope, dreading even
the shadow of a national Council, ran to his Consistory for the
succour of their wisdom to avert that evil ; and his Legate, following
the Emperor and his brother, whom he met in the Netherlands,
320 CHAPTER V.
ineffectually endeavoured to engage them iu the establishment of a
league to counteract that of Smalcald, (A.D. 1539,) but obtained,
shortly afterwards, (A.D. 1540,) a cruel edict from the King of France
against the Reformed in that country.
The Diet of Ratisbon assembled, in obedience to the Emperor, to
make one more effort for effecting the impossibility, — a union of
Protestants and Papists (April, 1541). He had prayed the Pope to
send a Legate with full powers to end the dispute at once, and give
one religion to Germany. Cardinal Gasparo Contarini came, indeed,
but disappointed his imperial host by declaring that his powers to
consummate religious uniformity in Germany were not full, because
Jesus Christ had conferred the gift of infallibility on Peter and his
successors only, by virtue of the words, " I have prayed for thee, that
thy faith fail not," and that the Pope's infallibility could not be
delegated. However, the theologians entered on their colloquies, and
the Princes on theirs ; but nothing was done beyond the repetition
of Roman claims and Lutheran remonstrances. The hope of sup-
pressing controversy by Diets was nearly given up ; and Charles
dismissed the assembly, (July 28th,) with adjournment of the matter
to a General Council, a German Synod, or an Imperial Diet. He
promised to go to Italy again to endeavour to obtain a Council from
the Pope ; and, meanwhile, forbade the Protestants to receive any
more articles of doctrine than those on which they had been able to
agree with their antagonists in conferences holden during that Diet,
and commanded the Bishops to reform their churches. He graciously
allowed the Protestants to doubt concerning the articles that lay
unsettled, after the labour just ended ; but no more monasteries were
to be suppressed, nor any one solicited to change his religion. The
goods of the Church were to remain untouched, except by the Minis-
ters of religion, without distinction of party. The edict of Augsburg
was suspended. This done, Charles V. went to Lucca to confer with
the Pope concerning a Council, and Cardinal Contarini made haste to
purify himself from a suspicion of having caught a taint of Luther-
anism during his intercourse with the heretical divines. The Cardinal
repaired his reputation for Romish orthodoxy, and the Emperor
obtained a Bull for the celebration of a Council at Trent, (May 22d,
1542,) yet by no means satisfactory to himself; for, notwithstanding
all his labours to obtain a Council, he was not associated with the
Pope in the instrument issued for its convocation, but merely
exhorted, in common with other Sovereigns, to be present.
Three Cardinals, Pietro Paolo, Parisio, and Giovanni Morone,
Italians, and Reginald Pole, with a few Italian Bishops, arrived at
Trent, (November 22d, 1542,) and were met by the imperial envoys
and a few Bishops, chiefly Neapolitans, sent by the Emperor. But
no more came, and again this purpose was frustrated. Diets and
conferences are related as having been holden in Nuremberg, Smalcald,
Frankfort, and Spire, but with no very important results. A peace
between the Emperor and the King of France gave an aspect of tran-
quillity to Europe ; and the Pope, unwilling to be again urged to
assemble a Council, resolved to do so promptly, and without solicita-
ASSASSINATION OF JUAN DIAZ. 321
tion, in hope of turning it to his own advantage. Another Bull
(November 19th, 1544) invited all concerned to appear in Trent;
another followed, conveying powers to the Legates ; and yet another,
but private, furnishing instructions, with authority to suspend, remove,
or dissolve the Council, if necessary. Again, in a Diet at Worms,
the Protestants reiterated their objection, much to the annoyance
of the Emperor, who artfully interposed occasions of delay, by citing
the Archbishop of Cologne to answer to himself for religious innova-
tions, and by appointing a conference at Ratisbon, to treat of the
differences of doctrine, while he was making secret preparations for
war.* And Paul, aware of his exasperation against those whom he
could not manage with edicts, colloquies, or Diets, sent Cardinal
Farnese with secret instructions to urge him to a crusade, that might
be conducted during the sessions of the Council, which was, at last,
begun, December 13th, 1545. This was precisely what the Emperor
intended. For this, although he had made peace with Francis and a
truce with Solyman, he was raising fresh troops, and now gladly
entered into the preliminaries of a treaty with the Pope, which was
afterwards ratified at Rome. The conferences at Ratisbon, into
which the Protestants entered with extreme reluctance, were soon
broken up ; and although the Reformation made greater progress
than ever in Germany, they were afflicted by the death of Luther,
who entered into his rest, leaving clearest evidence of his trust in the
Redeemer, (February 18th, 1546,) but two months after the opening
of the Council. The death of Luther was followed by successive
indications of a fearful struggle. The secret of an intended war
transpired, and Germany was agitated with alarming rumours.
The Elector of Mentz and but few of the other Protestant Princes
went to Ratisbon ; and even they, after noisy controversy, in which a
Spaniard, Malvenda, took the lead against them, delivered a protest,
and withdrew (March 20th). Among the theologians deputed thither
was Juan Diaz, a native of Cuenca, in Spain, a learned man, whom
the Senate of Strasburg had sent as their representative, together
with Bucer. Malvenda was mortified at seeing a Spaniard sustain the
character of Protestant theologian ; but, being unable to bring him back
to the Church he had forsaken, by a countryman, one Marquina,
communicated intelligence of his employment at Ratisbon to his
brother, Alfonso Diaz, Advocate in the Rota at Rome. Alfonso,
roused to anger, instantly took post-horses, and, accompanied by a
man under the character of servant, hastened to Ratisbon, but found
that his brother had retired to Neuburg on the Danube, in Bavaria.
To this retreat Juan had been persuaded by his friends, who had
reason to fear that the Spaniards in Ratisbon would take his life.
Alfonso, with the attendant, went to Neuburg, and, professing a purely
religious zeal, endeavoured to recall him from Protestantism ; but
finding that to be impossible, pretended to be himself converted by
* This repeated assumption of authority in matters of religion gave great umbrage,
both at Trent and Rome, "to those," as Courayer (Hist. Cone. Trente, torn, i., p. 227)
observes, " who, neither in one place nor the other were in the secret of affairs, and knew
nothing of his design to make war upon the Protestants."
VOL. III. 2 T
322 CHAPTER V.
the force of argument. Juan rejoiced in what he believed to be the
triumph of truth, without suspicion heard his brother propose that
they should return to Italy together, and there labour for the propa-
gation of the Gospel ; and thus they returned to Ratisbon, where the
friends of Juan, and especially Ochiuo, as they heard, who had
recently fled from Italy, and wrote from Augsburg, unanimously dis-
suaded him from venturing to show himself in that country. Alfonso
concealed his disappointment, bade Juan an apparently affectionate
farewell, after having, in private, warned him against Malvenda, and
forced him to receive a sum of money in acknowledgment of spiritual
benefit, and set out as if on return to Italy, while his brother went
back to Neuburg. But he soon left the highway, and, taking various
roads to elude observation, made his way at night to the neighbour-
hood of Neuburg. Before day-break he was at the gate of his bro-
ther's lodgings. The ruffian servant knocked for admission, said that
he had a letter to deliver to Don Juan Diaz from his brother
Alfonso, was readily admitted, went up stairs, while Alfonso himself
kept watch at the foot, and, while Juan was reading the letter,
clove his skull with one stroke of an axe that he had concealed
under his cloak. As Juan fell, the assassin, leaving the weapon
in his head, ran down stairs, Alfonso and he mounted their horses,
and rode away ; but, although relays were ready to take them
out of Germany, they were overtaken at Innspruck, and thrown
into prison. The civil authorities promptly took measures to
punish the fratricide and his accomplice, who were brought before
•^he criminal court at Innspruck ; but the Cardinals of Trent
and Augsburg managed to get the trial suspended ; at length the
Emperor prohibited the Judges from resuming it ; and Alfonso and
his man returned to Rome, boasting of the horrible achievement. At
Trent, also, he appeared, and the fathers of the Council listened with
complacency to his relation of the deed, as he took his seat in their
jovial companies.*
The conference at Ratisbon was to be followed by a Diet of the
states, summoned by the Emperor, who came first (April 10th).
Three days before the opening of the Diet, some Protestants were
deputed to wait on him with a complaint that justice had not been
executed on the murderers of Diaz ; but he put them off by saying
that he would advise with his brother, as King of the Romans, to
whom they next applied ; and Ferdinand, again, promised to advise with
Charles. That a theologian, delegated to the Conference in compliance
with the wish of the Emperor, should have been murdered with
impunity, and justice be denied by the Emperor himself, portended
no good.
In honour of St. Boniface, the pioneer of Papal domination in Ger-
many, the Diet was opened with great solemnity on the day sacred to
his worship, (June 5th,) a Cardinal saying mass. The imperial
speech, prescribing the business of the session, called on the states to
* M'Crie, in his History of the Reformation in Spain, gives aii account of this mur-
der, by help of additional authorities, rather more minute than that collected by Sleidao
and Seckendorff,
EMPEROR AND POPE ATTACK THE PROTESTANTS. 323
advise him how to put an end to dissensions on account of religion,
since conferences had failed, and intimated the necessity of increasing
the army, as a precaution of " defence." He was pretty sure of the
advice to be had from the Popish states for the suppression of the
Reformed religion, and had employment ready for additional military
force. The Papists, however, advised that the Protestants should go
to Trent, and be required to submit to the Council. These asked for
peace and religious liberty, and again presented their confession to the
Emperor, who smiled ironically when they expressed their confidence
that the gates of hell would not prevail against them. No Act of the
states had sanctioned war ; but seeing that the preparations were no
longer secret, he suddenly despatched Cardinal Madruccio to Borne
(June 9th), to demand of the Pope the contingent promised. To Italy
and Flanders he sent, within two days following, officers supplied with
money to raise recruits ; and applied to the German Protestant Princes
who had not joined the league at Smalcald, to assist him in putting
down the rebellious states, as he thought fit to call them, declaring
that he was not waging a war of religion, but only endeavouring to
save the empire from sedition. The confederate Princes presented
themselves before him in a body, to demand the reason of those war-
like preparations. They wished to know why, when there was no
foreign war, so active a levy of troops was going forward throughout
Germany and the Netherlands, and even in Italy, and others on their
march from Spain. He briefly answered by assurance of his love
towards all Germany, desire for peace and unity, and determination
to compel to obedience all who opposed his wishes. Next day he
sent a long circular letter to the free cities adhering to the league
of Smalcald, telling them that he was not going to make war
on any for the sake of religion, but to break up that league by
force, as far as persuasion should fail to detach the confederates
from it.
But that the war in preparation was intended, not to put down a
few rebels, but to make an end of evangelical religion, was clearly
avowed in a treaty between the Emperor and the Pope, already pre-
pared, and then waiting to be ratified at Rome. Madruccio had been
sent off by post to accelerate the business ; and in a full Consistory
of the purple-robed (June 22d), a Cardinal read the compact :
" Seeing that for many years Germany had been troubled with heresy,
to the great damage both of Church and State, and not without peril
of bloodshed : seeing that all means tried for the restoration of tran-
quillity were fruitless, a Synod had been at last assembled at Trent ;
but the Lutherans and Smalcaldians had refused to submit themselves
thereunto. Therefore, in order that the work of that Council might
be conducted to the glory of God, and benefit of Christendom, and
especially of Germany, it had seemed good to the Pontiff and to Caesar
mutually to agree to the following engagements. Ceesar, the Pope
assisting, should make war, in the month of June, upon the Protest-
ants of Smalcald, and other heretics, and endeavour, with all his
might, to compel them to render absolute obedience to the true and
ancient religion, and the Apostolic See : although it should be lawful
2 T 2
324 CHAPTER V.
for him, in the mean time, to try milder means.* It should not be
lawful for Caesar to enter into any treaty with those heretics, without
consent of the Pope or his Legate. Within a month from date, the
Pope engaged to pay at Venice 100,000 scudi,-f in addition to the
same sum already deposited at Augsburg, to be expended by Papal
agents on the war ; and any surplus to be retained by them, if the
war should cease. The Pope engaged to send, and support for six
months, twelve thousand infantry and five hundred horse, with an
Apostolic Legate as Commander, and a regular appointment of offi-
cers." By the original compact, Caesar would have had half the
revenues of the Spanish churches for one year, and 500,000 scudi
from the sale of property belonging to Spanish monasteries ; but the
Consistory would not sanction this, and therefore promised an equi-
valent. " If during six months, any Christian Prince should attack
Caesar, the Pope would attack that Prince with arms temporal and
spiritual. Other Catholic Princes might join this league." J Thus
were the resources of the Papacy brought to bear on the Protestant
states of Germany with the full weight of a foreign invasion for the
suppression of the Gospel.
On their side, the Protestants spared no effort for self-defence.
Their deputies, unable to consult each other at Ratisbon, quitted the
place. An army was raised in haste ; appeals were made to friendly
states all over Europe ; and although it was impossible to assemble
and to distribute forces equal to the exigences of such a war, much
was done. The details of letters, embassies, treaties, levies, and mili-
tary operations must not occupy these pages ; but it was necessary to
record, however briefly, evidence that the civil war which now afflicted
Germany was waged entirely on account of religion, and was a crusade
against Protestantism. Amidst the tumult of military preparation the
Protestants did not neglect the higher duty of prayer. Saxony took the
lead in this appeal to the King of nations. The seventh Psalm, with
some appropriate prayers, was printed and profusely circulated. From
all pulpits the people were instructed and encouraged, and solemn
assemblies every where appointed by public authority for imploring
help of God. Vast congregations united in deprecating the Divine
displeasure, the licentiousness of war, the spread of heresies, the
failure of evangelical ministrations. They besought the Most High
to dispose the hearts of the Emperor and Princes to peace, and to
save their country from carnage and destruction. And, notwithstand-
ing the peril to which every Christian was exposed, it is most worthy
of observation that, even then, the Reformation advanced ; and
Leutkirch, an imperial city, dared to cast off the yoke of Romanism,
and make unanimous profession of the Reformed religion.
Yet all did not abide the trial. John Marquis of Brandenburg-
Anspach, Eric Duke of Brunswick, George Duke of Mecklenburg,
* As the month of June was far advanced (26th) when this treaty was signed, it was
explained, in an appended note, that that same month of June was meant, and that the
pel-mission to try milder methods was accounted for by the copy having heen received at
Rome from Caesar a long time before.
t A scudo is ROW valued -at 4s. 4d.
I Pallavicini, Hist. Cone Trident., lib viii., cap. 1.
THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY DEFEATED. 325
Ulric Duke of Wurtemberg, and the city of Frankfort, yielding credit
to the assurance of the Emperor that he had not made war on
account of religion, or overawed with the prospect of an unequal con-
flict, consented to join in hostility against their confederates. Joachim
Elector of Brandenburg, and Frederic Elector Palatine, stood neuter.
The aged Archbishop of Cologne resigned his electorate, unable to join
in such a war, on either side, or to submit to the pleasure of the
imperial persecutor. The league, thus weakened, was unable to array
a sufficient force in legitimate defence, although seventy thousand
foot and fifteen thousand horse took the field with extraordinary
promptitude ; and, under an able General, with the advantage
of making the first attack, might have conquered Charles, while as yet
waiting for the greater part of his newly-recruited army. But instead
of marching on his camp at Ingoldstadt, the officers in command
of the Protestant army were otherwise instructed ; the Papal columns
made their way into Germany without any effectual resistance, and
the slight advantage attained by the occupation of two or three towns
was lost in the first battle. Maurice Duke of Saxony had not always
been on terms of amity with the Elector John Frederic, a good
man who, like his late brother, stood first among the Protestant
Princes ; but he was a member of the league of Smalcald ; and the
Elector, not suspecting a secret collusion between him and the Empe-
ror, intrusted him with the entire government of Saxony on his
departure from Wittemberg to join the confederates. With shameless
perfidy, he received and obeyed the command of Charles, who had put
the Elector and the Landgrave of Hesse under the ban of the empire,
to seize the forfeited estates of the Prince who had left them under his
protection. Assisted by Ferdinand, King of the Romans, he marched
on Wittemberg as an enemy ; the Elector hastened back to repel the
aggression, and several of the other confederates, disheartened by his
absence, returned to their homes. The league thus suffered a second
division of strength ; several of its members, unable to resist singly,
were compelled to submit to fines and the humiliation of imploring
pardon ; and after a few months the Emperor marched into Saxony,
and defeated the Elector at Muhlberg on the Elbe. Ferdinand and
he saw that venerable man brought wounded into their presence,
together with Duke Ernest of Brunswick, treated them with dastardly
indignity, and retained them as prisoners of war (June 24th, 1547).
But never did John Frederic appear greater than while, during a
captivity of more than five years, and under a sentence of death,
which, however, was not executed, he displayed the meek dignity
of a Christian and the unbending courage of a soldier. The secret
of this magnanimity lay in the fact that he had ever acted on right
principle, and when conquered by a more powerful enemy sought
strength from Him in whose cause he suffered.
After the day of Muhlberg it seemed as if the Emperor was abso-
lute, and all hope of religious liberty extinct. But their enemies had
never been cordially united ; a schism between the chiefs of Church
and empire had already begun ; and the religious principle that had
been overpowered in some of the Princes for a time, was gaining
326 CHAPTER V.
strength in the bosoms of the people. In whose name the Council
should be called, or for whose glory war should be waged, were ques-
tions never fully settled. The Legate's cross was carried at the head
of the Papal army ; and in all transactions relating to religion the
Legate claimed an authoritative voice. A zealous confessor, too, ever
solicited the ear of Charles ; while a larger-minded secretary gave
him better and more weighty counsels. Yielding to those counsels,
and to the exigence of war, the Emperor, while the Protestants were
as yet able to meet him on the field, had offered toleration to some
cities on condition of laying down their arms. The Legate deemed
this a usurpation of his prerogative ; the Pope heard with indignation
that the very object for which he had furnished men and money was, in
those instances, relinquished by a layman, who should have considered
it his only duty to serve the Church by making utter extirpation of her
enemies ; and, in his anger, recalled the Legate with his whole con-
tingent as soon as the six months were ended, but before the cam-
paign was over. Charles and Ferdinand were therefore the conquerors
in Saxony ; and no sooner did the Pope hear of their success than,
fearing lest the imperial army, instead of being reduced, would be
marched into Italy in prosecution of claims on some of the lesser
states and on Milan, sent a Roman Cardinal to propose, again, a
counter-alliance with the King of France. Some independent Spaniards,
too, had pressed hard on the Italians in the Council of Trent ; the
opportune decease of a Bishop enabled the Legates to obtain medical
certificates to the existence of an epidemic, and served to justify a
politic terror in the Fathers, who, with or without leave, deserted
Trent. Germany was as discontented as ever ; and the dispersion
of that assembly, while it relieved the Pope from much anxiety, gave
umbrage to the Emperor, who had hoped to arm himself with conciliar
authority for the suppression of German liberty.
Bent on the pacification of Germany, and considering Protestant-
ism, with its demand for emancipation from spiritual bondage, incom-
patible with the attainment of his object, which was absolute power,
to be yet too deeply rooted in the public mind for instant eradication,
the Emperor endeavoured to complete by authority what had been
begun by arms, — the empire of power over conscience. With that
intent he entered Augsburg at the head of an army of French and
Italians, and surrounded by a formidable array of cavalry, and in that
attitude opened a Diet (September 1st), and attempted an expedient
for religious concord. After several months spent in the composition
of the document, with disputation at Augsburg and correspondence
with Rome, came forth the Interim of Charles V., " containing articles
quite consonant with the religion hitherto received, [Romanism,] except
that it did not absolutely condemn the marriage of Priests, nor alto-
gether reject the communion of the body and blood of Christ in both
kinds ; but proposed that both ways of administration should be tole-
rated until the whole matter should be settled by a sentence of the
Council." * Roman jealousy rose intensely when this " book " came
* Thnani Historiarum, lib. v., gee. 5. Thuanus so tells as much of this Interim as
is worth knowing. A summary may be found in Sleidan, book xx. ; and a more perspi-
FAILURE OF THE INTERIM. 327
to the view of the Consistory, containing not only the Interim, but a
scheme of ecclesiastical reformation by way of appendix, the work
of a secular Prince, who had dared to attempt what they only had
authority to do. However, Paul gave himself no further trouble than
to note some of the most obnoxious passages, and sent back the
instrument, wondering at the folly of " so great a Prince," who could
fancy himself capable of managing two hostile parties by a measure
that would be equally disagreeable to both. The Romans feared that
by that Interim Charles V. would become over Europe what Henry
VIII. was over England, supreme head of the Church ; but the wise
Pontiff saw that headship was not to be so easily attained. The idle
scheme was adopted by the Diet (September 1st, 1548), — over whose
deliberations a strong garrison kept guard, — and published, but could
not be realized. Caspar Aquila, Minister of Salfeld in Thuringia,
was already wielding his pen in its refutation. Cenalis, Bishop of
Avranches, did the same in his way. The General of the Dominicans,
at Rome, joined in the labour of destruction, and the Pope himself
withered the performance by an authoritative censure. By some it
was reluctantly admitted, because enforced by the sword ; by others,
as in the Netherlands, utterly rejected. And this gave occasion to a
persecution that must be subject of distinct relation.
After visiting that part of his dominions, and issuing an edict for
the establishment of an Inquisition, the Teutonic Csesar, encircled, as
before, with martial terror, assembled another Diet at Augsburg
(July 26th, 1550). All the members had to confess to an utter con-
tempt, or a very partial observance, of the Interim in their territories.
The Protestants had believed, taught, preached, and worshipped as
before ; and their Princes could only confess or deplore their inability
to subvert the faith accepted by the understanding of their subjects,
and seated in their heart. The Popish Governors laid infringements
committed within their states to the charge of Clergy exempt from
ordinary jurisdiction. The grand Dictator saw his labour lost, and
could only wink at a transgression too general to be punished. Both
parties were equally culpable — if there was any fault — in refusing to
surrender conscience to the civil Magistrate, and found the superiority
of moral constancy to the force of battalions and artillery. Still he
exerted his utmost influence to obtain a re-opening of the Council ;
and when at length a Bull, finally signed and sealed, brought intelli-
gence that the new Pope, Julius III., had consented to his desire, he
parried the objection of the Protestants to submit themselves to an
assembly where they were not to be allowed a part in the delibera-
tions, nor the right to vote, but which the Pope explicitly declared
that he would both preside over and direct, by assuring them that he
would sit down in the neighbourhood of Trent, just as he had sat
elsewhere, with force enough to compel the Fathers to allow them fair
play. The truth is, that Julius was indolent, and evaded a present
difficulty, trusting to his "good fortune" for some favourable issue;
cnous compendium is furnished by the continuator of Fleury, cxlv., 22, who gives the
twenty-six articles, apparently from Dupin's Ecclesiastical writers, where, also, they
may be found.
328 CHAPTER V.
and Charles was weary of conflicting with a religious feeling that he
began to find invincible. To him and to the court of Rome delay and
compliance seemed equally dangerous ; and without any explicit com-
pact, a day was appointed for the Council, in deference to Germany,
to return to Trent. More openly than ever the heads of the Church
and of the empire disputed for supremacy.
In the cathedral of Trent, on the 1st day of May (A.D. 1551), on
seats which had remained untouched during a four years' vacation, a
Legate, two Nuncios, and a few poor Italian Bishops, stipendiaries
of the Papal exchequer, having assisted at a mass of the Holy Spirit,
heard an oration in the form of sermon, and the Bull that warranted
their attendance. The Legate then delivered a speech, and the
Secretary of the Council read the following interrogations : — " Does
it please you, for the honour and glory of the holy and undivided
Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and for the increase
and exaltation of the Christian religion and faith, that the holy, ecu-
menical, and general Council of Trent be resumed,* according to the
form and tenor of the letters of our Holy Father, and that the discus-
sion of matters be continued ?" * The Bishops gave their placet, —
" Yes." He continued : " And does it please you that the next session
be holden and celebrated on the 1st day of September?" — "Yes."
Thus were four months allowed for preliminaries, and chances of
prorogation.
Would the Protestants send any of their theologians ? The Empe-
ror offered them his safe-conduct ; but they reminded him that Huss
and Jerome were murdered at Constance, notwithstanding the safe-
conduct of Sigismund, and apprehended that the like might happen
to them. This apprehension was reasonable, and he therefore sent
three Ambassadors with instructions to represent the difficulty, and
solicit a safe-conduct from the Council. After consulting the Pope,
the Council reluctantly consented to give a general safe-conduct to the
"Ecclesiastics and laymen of the German nation;" but with reserva-
tions that went far to nullify its value ; also vitiated, to their judg-
ment, by a formal mention of the authority of the Pope presiding by
his Legates. After long remonstrance, both by the Imperial Ambas-
sadors, and other Protestants, especially by the representatives
of Saxony and Wurtemberg, a more ample guarantee was given for
their personal security ; but none for the exercise of their religion
when at Trent, nor for their taking part in the deliberations of the
Council. While these negotiations lingered, an occurrence at court
indicated what the preachers of the Gospel might expect from the
Emperor himself. One morning after sermon (August 26th), the
Doctors and preachers of the church of Augsburg, ten in number,
were summoned to appear at the lodgings of Granville, Bishop
of Arras, Imperial Secretary, together with the schoolmasters. Each
came alone, not aware that the others were to be there ; and each was
kept apart, and called, singly, into the presence of the great man. A
lawyer questioned them on their doctrine of the sacraments; and
* Resumed — continued.- Thus they maintained the authority of every preceding act
as definitive, contrary to the demands both of the Protestants and the Emperor.
THE PROTESTANTS IN ARMS. 329
when they had honestly answered, the Bishop of Arras, in great anger,
lectured them on the prerogative of the Emperor to prescribe rules in
spiritual affairs as well as in temporal. From that, also, they dis-
sented, knowing no other standard of belief or practice than the word
of God. The Senators of the city were then called ; the Ministers and
schoolmasters were brought in a body before them, and made to swear
that they would quit the city before sunset on the third day follow-
ing, not disclosing to any friend or relative the cause of their departure.
And they were prohibited to preach any more within the boundaries
of the empire. The Town-Council received orders not to allow any
preaching in the Lutheran churches, until the Emperor's pleasure
should be known : and thus public worship ceased ; the Pastors were
driven from their flocks and families ; and the Protestants in general
found themselves exposed to persecution by the very Sovereign who had
promised their representatives protection at the Council. Similar acts
at Memmingen, and some other places, confirmed their fears. Yet seve-
ral of the Princes shielded them, and pleaded on their behalf with the
greater urgency, as they saw personal liberty trampled on so wantonly.
But the importunity of the Protestants at Trent, while it extorted
some slight show of justice, caused the managers of the Council to
devise means for eluding the concession made ; and before one advo-
cate of the Reformed doctrine could reach the place, a fiery preacher
(February 7th, 1552) opened an attack on heresy, so called, and
declared that heretics, as tares among the wheat, were only to be tole-
rated until a fit time came to root them out without causing greater
danger to the Church. Maurice of Saxony, who had been always an
anti-Papist, although, by his perfidy, he had brought defeat on the
confederacy of Smalcald, was now preparing to attack his patron the
Emperor, and watching for an opportunity amidst the alarm which
these proceedings caused throughout Germany. The Protestant Elector
of Treves, fearing violence, left Trent. Others did the same. A few
Protestant theologians came thither, but no sooner presented them-
selves than it was proposed to prorogue the Council. Charles was
then at Innspruck, watching the proceedings, but with a very slender
guard. The Electors of Mentz and Cologne hastened to him in alarm ;
for it was reported that the Protestants were everywhere in arms.
Within the city there had been for several days nothing but confusion.
The Protestants pressed for a conference with their Ministers ; but the
Legate, unable any longer to guide affairs with a steady hand, unable
by art to evade fair demands, shut himself up in his lodgings, sick in
reality or in pretence. So passed the month of March, 1552.
Maurice, with consummate cunning, contrived to blind both the
Emperor and Ferdinand, while he sat before the walls of Augsburg
(April 1st), which capitulated after two days' siege. The intelligence
of the capture of that city (April 6th) struck terror into the Fathers
of the Council. Bishops and their trains poured out at the gates,
pale with dread. They stayed not to ask leave of absence, but fled
as if Saxon artillery were already roaring in their ears. A few
stouter-hearted ones endeavoured to arrest the precipitancy of their
timid brethren ; but quite in vain. The Legate lay trembling in bed.
VOL. in. 2 u
330 CHAPTER V.
His colleagues hurriedly said mass, dismissed the Council in form,
after it was in reality dispersed, made an unpardonable blunder by
ratifying the Acts of sessions, — a sanction reserved, when men were
masters of themselves, to the Pope alone, — and, quick as hand and
foot could help them, decamped. A dozen brave Spaniards tarried to
the last, half-angry, half-amused, and, in decorum surpassing far their
pontifical superiors, mounted on mules, and proudly left Trent behind
them. Pope Julius was pleased that the guns of controversy were
spiked, and well content to see the Emperor diverted, by the sum-
mons of a German war, from watching his reverend brethren. The
Emperor had not been much alarmed at first, so entirely did he
believe that Maurice was his man ; but with tidings of Augsburg
came the disclosure of a new confederacy. The insurgent had made
common cause with all the discontented states, had invited Henry II.
of France to aid in restoring the liberties of Germany, and, not as a
Protestant, but as a German patriot, appealed to the sympathy of all.
Many were in arms. The Emperor had neither men nor money at
command. He lay suffering with gout, and his brother Ferdinand
went to negotiate with Maurice, now at the head of a great rebellion.
A day was fixed for the beginning of a truce, in order to an inter-
view, and perhaps a treaty, when a report that Maurice had stormed
a neighbouring castle, and was marching with full speed upon
Innspruck, wrought on him not less fearfully than the bruit of more
distant battle had done on the scattered Ecclesiastics. John Frederic,
who had been kept prisoner near His Majesty's person, and thus
dragged from one end of the empire to the other, was left at liberty
(May 22d), while Charles V. and his court fled, carrying as much as was
on their backs, or little more. As many as could, took horse and galloped
into the mountains, others followed on foot, Charles in a litter, and
thus they wandered during the night ; and but a few hours after
their departure the abandoned movables were in possession of the
enemy. At that moment the yoke of civil and military oppression
was broken, and the German Protestants began to taste of liberty.
As for Maurice, we cannot admire his conduct, which was profoundly
dishonest from first to last ; but neither can we fail to mark the hand
of God. The man with whom the Emperor had secretly plotted the
betrayal of a brother, became, at last, the instrument of retribution
on himself.*
The treaty of Passau (August 2d, 1552) shows the result of this
sudden revolution, which was certainly provoked by the ambition and
injustice of the Emperor, and is not to be attributed to the Protest-
ants. It was agreed that before the expiration of ten days the
confederates should lay down their arms. Within the same period,
the Landgrave of Hesse, who, like the Elector of Saxony, had been
long a prisoner, should be set at liberty, and conveyed in safety to
his castle of Rheinfels. A Diet should be assembled within six
months ; and therein the encroachments made on the liberties and
* Robertson, Hist, of Charles V., book x., (15.52,) traces this extraordinary event
with great clearness, ami shows that the cause of Maurice was not without its merits,
whilf hid ili^siinulation was consummate.
CONCUSSIONS TO THE PROTESTANTS. 331
constitution of the empire were to be considered. As regarded reli-
gion, it was remitted to that Diet to determine the best means for
obviating further differences, whether by a general or national Coun-
cil, a conference of divines, or a general Diet of the empire. An
equal number of persons deputed from each side should be appointed
to treat of the best method of conciliation. Meanwhile, neither the
Emperor nor any other Princ*" could force the conscience or the will
of any one in regard to religion, whether by a direct act, or under
pretext of instruction, nor show contempt or inflict injury on any one
on account of his religious profession. The Princes of the Confession
of Augsburg would not trouble either churchmen or laymen of the old
religion, but leave them in possession of the property, authority,
jurisdiction, and liberty of worship. Justice was to be rendered with
impartiality in the Imperial Chamber, without regard to diversity
of confessions ; and the assessors in that Chamber were to be free to
swear by God and the saints, or by God and the Gospels, after the
manner of Augsburg or of Rome. In case of being unable to agree
in the Diet, the dissenters on both sides were still to be bound by
this condition of amity. The Interim, which never had been opera-
tive, except as a pretext for persecution, was annulled. A succession
of political difficulties deferred the assemblage of the Diet far beyond
the time appointed ; and, during the interval, Ferdinand, as Archduke
of Austria, careful to withhold the forbearance prescribed in the treaty
of Passau from his hereditary dominions, published an edict for-
bidding any change in faith or worship. A new Catechism was to be
the standard of faith ; uniformity of worship being assured by the
usual instruments of coercion. Schoolmasters were placed under the
superintendence of Magistrates. His Protestant subjects remon-
strated, but without redress ; and that a secular Prince should, by his
sole authority, make his Catechism a standard of faith, appeared
monstrous, not only at Rome, but everywhere else.
However, this same Ferdinand, in his brother's name, opened the
Diet at Augsburg (February 5th, 1555), not with the dignity of a
Sovereign, but the petulance of a bigot. " Deplorable," he said,
" was the state of Germany, on account of an infinite variety of pro-
fessions of faith which daily produced new sects among a people that
had received the same baptism, spoke the same language, and were
subjects of the same empire. A thousand deeds of irreverence towards
God had been perpetrated, consciences were troubled, men knew not
what doctrine to believe ; many of the chief nobility, to say nothing
of inferior persons, were destitute of faith, and gave no sign of con-
science or virtue in their conduct. The links of society were broken,
the Germans were no better than barbarians and Turks, and this had
brought down calamities upon them. Religion, therefore, must be
restored." He then recounted the means which had been employed
and failed, and inclined to propose another trial of colloquies and
disputations. But if they could find a better way, they had his
permission. The speech was printed, circulated through Germany,
and commented on in the light of his own conduct in the publication
of a persecuting edict, and banishment of more than two hundred
2 u 2
332 CHAPTER v.
Ministers out of Bcliemia. In the Diet the debates were important,
and often vehement. The Reformed insisted on unrestricted religious
liberty. Their enemies maintained the rigid doctrine embodied in
the Inquisition. Ferdinand would gladly have dissolved the Diet,
could such a measure have been ventured on with safety to his
brother and himself. At length, it being found impossible to deny
to any the exercise of his own religion, the only point contested was
an equal freedom and just facilities for its propagation. The Papists
contended that every Priest or Bishop of " the ancient religion " who
should leave it, ought at once to be deprived of its revenue. The
Reformed saw in this proposal, reasonable as it may appear to us, a
device hitherto unthought of for binding the Clergy to the ancient
superstition, by imposing a mulct on those who would cast it off.
However, it became evident that the Emperor and the churchmen
would hazard another war rather than leave the temporalities to the
hands of Lutheran Ministers, — whom they contemptuously called " lay
Prefects of the new societies," — and the Protestants yielded. With
this " ecclesiastical reservation," as it was called, liberty was granted,
most reluctantly granted, to the Lutherans ; but Zuinglians and
Calvinists had no participation in the privilege, not being included
under the Augustan Confession (September 25th, 1555).
Charles V. had nearly spent all the energies of his life in contend-
ing against the Papacy on one hand, as a hinderance to his policy,
and against religious liberty on the other, as a check upon his power.
When his strength was nearly exhausted, when it was impossible for
either the Popes or him to tamper with each other or with their
antagonists any longer, he gave up the hopeless contest, bestowed the
Netherlands on his son Philip, to be united with Spain, just after
the Diet of the empire (October 25th, 1555) ; and, in less than a
year afterwards, executed a deed of abdication of the empire to his
brother Ferdinand, (August 27th, 1556,) and retired to a Spanish
monastery, in the neighbourhood of Plasencia, in the character of a
private gentleman, having resigned the crown of Spain to Philip.
There he died (September 21st, 1558).*
Twenty-five years elapsed from the presentation of the Lutheran
Confession at Augsburg to the establishment of liberty of worship in
the same city ; and during that interval the Reformed enjoyed peace,
as numbers or union made them formidable, or suffered persecution
when the immediate rulers were hostile to their cause. Voluminous,
indeed, would be a full martyrology of that quarter century. It is
enough to mark the chief instances, as illustrative of the oneness
of the grace of God in every nation, and the inexorable enmity of
Antichrist, " always and everywhere the same." In the Netherlands,
•where no mutual protection, like that of the Smalcaldic League in
Germany, afforded succour, the ravages of persecution were terrible.
Fifty thousand persons of various sorts are said to have been hanged,
beheaded, buried or burnt alive. To the penalties prescribed in a
* The principal authorities are Seckendorfii Historia Lutheranismi ; Sleidan's Historj
of the Reformation ; Fra Paolo, Histoire du Concile de Trente ; Pallavicini Historia
Concilii Tridentini ; Thuani Historiarum Libri ; and Robertson's Charles V.
THE NETHERLANDS. 333
preceding edict at Brussels were added (December 7th, 1531) public
flogging, branding, the extraction of an eye, or the amputation of a
hand, at the discretion of the Judge, to be inflicted on every author
or printer who should contribute to any publication, on any subject,
without having previously obtained letters of licence. Thus ordained
Charles V. where he was absolute master. Nine men were taken out
of their beds at night in Amsterdam, carried away unseen by their
fellow-citizens, imprisoned at the Hague for a fortnight, beheaded by
order of the same tyrant, their bodies buried, their heads packed in a
herring-barrel, sent back to Amsterdam, and exposed on stakes. At
Haarlem (A.D. 1532), a woman was drowned, by way of convincing
the public of the folly of Anabaptism : her husband and two other
men were taken to the Hague, chained to a post, and slowly roasted
to death within a circle of fire. The Magistrates at Limburg were
said to be remiss in executing the edicts, therefore the Emperor sent
special agents, who burnt six persons of the same family at once ; a
father and mother, with their two daughters and sons-in-law, were led
to the stake together, cheering each other by the way with psalms
and invocations of the Saviour. For having been re-baptized, a man
called Sikke Sniider was beheaded at Leeuwarden ; three were burnt at
Arras for refusing honour to the holy candle,* and four for Christ's
sake at Bois le Due (A.D. 1533). Ignominious penances were fre-
quent ; but symptoms of impatience began to appear in the people ;
the magistracy of Holland requested permission to put heretics to
death in private, and Mary, Queen-Governess, graciously permitted
them to evade popular observation, perhaps vengeance, when to their
judgment it might seem expedient so to do. One William Wiggertson
was privately beheaded in the castle of Schagen ; and again, at Bois
le Due, Joost, a potter, suffered the same kind of execution publicly.
Isbrand Schol, a Priest of Amsterdam, died by fire at Brussels (A.D.
153-1). Member of an honourable family, and a scholar, he had won
the admiration of the learned, such as then were, and, by an unaf-
fected simplicity of eloquence, swayed complete mastery over crowded
congregations. The Priests enjoined reserve on him, but he could
not suppress the truth of God ; once and again he was summoned to
receive reproof and threatening, and then conveyed away to prisons
at Brabant and at Vilvoord, and to the flames at Brussels. The
people grew desperate. Wildest and most gross fanaticism drew
down the fury of the Magistrate, which was wreaked on them in
forms loathsome and incredible to be related. Good men were, no
doubt, involved in the aggravated persecution. They were slaugh-
tered by crowds. After the recital of these horrors, the pages of our
histories bear the narrative of a distinguished victim, William Tyndale,
an Englishman. He, too, was a man of gentle birth. Oxford gave
him proficiency in learning ; and there he acquired so exact a know-
ledge of Greek as enabled him to undertake the first English trans-
lation of the New Testament from the original. Then Cambridge
provided him with instruction in the deep things of God. For some
time he occupied a cell in the monastery of Greenwich, yet felt not
* Probablv- the great Lent caudle, made to burn fur forty days.
334 CHAPTER V.
much at home in such a place. Subsequently acting as tutor in the
family of Sir John Welch, a Knight of Gloucestershire, he became
known as a Gospeller, and was hated and threatened by the Priests.
With an honest and irrepressible zeal he had openly defied the Pope
and all his laws, and pledged himself that, if God gave him life, he
would let the ploughboys of England know more of the Bible than
ever the horde of illiterate Priests had fathomed, who thenceforth
hunted him with suspicion. His last refuge in this country was the
house of Alderman Humphrey Mummuth, in London. He had
become conspicuous for learning, piety, and sacred eloquence,
expounding Gospel truth as far as he yet knew it, and his voice
would have been silenced by the executioner had he not fled. His
devoted host gave him ten pounds sterling to pray for the souls of his
father, mother, and all " Christian sowles " departed, the folly of
which practice they had not yet discovered ; and with that stock he
embarked for Hamburgh, and, proceeding thence to Saxony, joined
Luther, with whom associated he finished his great work, the version
of the New Testament. Of his " Obedience of a Christian Man," and
the circulation of that book in England, we have already spoken, as
well as of other writings that were either his, or attributed to him,
and honoured with insertion in prohibitory catalogues, and with
virulent abuse, especially from Sir Thomas More. It must have been
mortifying to such a man as Sir Thomas to find himself contending
with an antagonist who could respond freely, and confute him with-
out fear ; and Henry VIII., who, perhaps, not less than his Chancellor,
thirsted for the blood of this exiled subject, employed Steven Vaughan,
his Envoy in the Low Countries, to induce him by fair promises to return
to England, together with his companion, John Frith. Frith yielded,
returned, was imprisoned in the Tower, and then burnt ; but Tyndale
kept out of the snare, although suffering extreme poverty, obliged to
live in concealment, and only eluding the pursuit of persecutors by
wandering from place to place, and often changing his abode, as one
Englishman or another received and sheltered him. Sir Thomas
More, however, obtained from Vaughan and others, to whom he was
well known, so correct an idea of his person, as to describe it to
one Phillips, whom he sent over as a secret agent, in order to effect
his death. The spy, assuming the air of a gentleman, mingled in
the society of the English merchants at Antwerp, and, at length,
meeting Tyndale, contrived to get his confidence, arid introduction to
the house of Mr. Pointz, where at that time he was entertained.
After becoming familiar with the daily habits of both Tyndale and his
host, Phillips went to Brussels, obtained a warrant for his apprehen-
sion, and, believing that no one would be found at Antwerp willing
to execute it on an Englishman surrounded by so strong a circle
of admiring friends, he brought officers back with him, called at his
temporary home, at a time when the master of the house was absent,
induced him, under some pretence, to go to an hotel, and there gave
him over to the officials from Brussels, who conveyed their victim to
prison at Vilvoord, a .village between Brussels aiid Malines, on the
road to Antwerp.
WILLIAM TYNDALE, MARTYR. 335
If the intention of Sir Thomas More and his emissary was to put
Tyndale to death secretly, they were disappointed. The British
merchants at Antwerp united to procure his deliverance by writing to
Secretary Cromwell and others in England, and to the court at
Brussels, whither Pointz went as their representative. From Brussels
this indefatigable friend went to London, to represent the innocence
of Tyndale, whom Phillips had accused of some political offence, and
to solicit interference on his behalf. These efforts were nearly suc-
cessful, when Phillips, together with the Priests at Louvain, managed
to get Pointz arrested on charge of heresy, and thrown into prison ;
whence, however, he made his escape, eluded pursuit, and came over
to England. Tyndale was thus deprived of that most active inter-
cessor ; and, as the theologians of Louvain had drawn him into corre-
spondence, his own writing soon became sufficient evidence of what
Rome calls heresy, and, after a few formalities, he was taken out
of the castle of Vilvoord to be burnt on a rising ground close by.
As they chained him to the stake he prayed devoutly, and, raising his
voice, was heard to cry, " Lord, open the King of England's eyes."
The hangman strangled him, and then burnt the body (September,
1536). The time of imprisonment, prolonged in consequence of
efforts made by his friends for his release, which was nearly effected
when Pointz fell into the hands of the Priests, was actively employed ;
and from the castle of Vilvoord issued the manuscript of an edition
of his New Testament, in which a provincial orthography made the
volume more intelligible to the labouring people of his native county,
to whom he thus fulfilled the pledge given many years before, that
the plough-boys should know more of the Scriptures than the Priests.
His execution, be it observed, was not in pursuance of any sentence
for political misconduct, but only for the sake of Christ, and under
the edict of Augsburg.*
Thirty-one persons, who had fled from England, and were con-
founded with the Anabaptists, were murdered in one day ; the men
were beheaded, and the women drowned in the stagnant waters
of Delft (A.D. 1539). Disputations among those who had left the
Church of Borne, bitter sectarianism, and worse than Anabaptist folly,
brought disgrace on the infant Reformation, and gave some colour
of reason to a proclamation issued from the Hague, forbidding all
preaching out of churches, convents, and hospitals : but it was also
found necessary for the Magistrates to restrain the authorized preach-
ers from railing at each other, and reviling their betters ; a fact which
goes to show that Dutchmen in those dark days were generally
quarrelsome. Another imperial edict confounded all sects together
under one irrevocable condemnation, subjecting to outlawry all who
had fled on account of religion, and withholding pardon from those
who should return or be discovered, even if they solicited it, renoun-
cing their belief. And the Emperor, " of his certain knowledge,
authority, and absolute power," annulled every " privilege, law,
statute, custom, or usage to the contrary" (September 22d, 1539).
Prohibited books were to be searched for, and their possessors put to
* Foxe, Acts and Monuments, book viii.
336 CHAPTER v.
death. Houses were ransacked, multitudes thrown into prisons, and,
of these, many were beheaded, drowned, buried alive or burnt, in all
parts of the kingdom. Menno and his followers, the Mennonites, now
became conspicuous, and many of them gave evidence of true piety,
notwithstanding the deterioration of error in their doctrine, and suf-
fered death with triumphant patience.
When these terrible effects of the last edict had continued for
nearly five -years, another was issued to revive the persecution
(January 27th, 1544), and directed against such as harboured fugi-
tives, or concealed their property. Every departure from absolute
obedience to authority was pursued with vengeance ; and when the
people of Wesel, a Hanse town, in Brabant, published their intention
to open a school, because they had not asked permission either of the
Emperor or the Pope, another placard (March 7th) made its appear-
ance, forbidding the inhabitants of the neighbouring country to have
any dealings with the town, or send their children thither for educa-
tion. The reason of this expedient for starving out Wesel was that
many refugees from England, as well as Holland and Belgium, had
taken up their abode there, in hope of enjoying the exercise of their
religion. But the town, although nominally free for commerce, was
not free for Christianity. At Rotterdam, a congregation of Anabap-
tists was surprised. Few escaped : the men were beheaded, and the
women drowned. As always happens, when the government of a
country undertakes to rule by force instead of law, the press was
dreaded, and placed under severe restrictions. At Ghent, the
Emperor's birth-place, a proclamation appeared, of singular interest
in the history of printing (December 18th). — "Whoever presumed to
print anything without licence," even though it contained nothing
of heresy, " should be banished for ever, and forfeit three hundred
Carolus guilders." Nor might any one print any kind of book or
pamphlet in Italian, Spanish, English, or other language not generally
understood, under the same penalties. All printers having obtained
privileges, were required to place the contents in the beginning of the
book, and to express the name of the secretary from whom they had
received the privileges, or be subject to the aforesaid penalties. None
were allowed to print, sell, or have in their possession any books
without the name of the author, printer, and place of publication,
under penalties as aforesaid. Every bookseller discovered to have
sold, or to have in his shop, any books without a privilege therein
printed, must every time forfeit fifty guilders. No one might have
foreign books in his shop more than three days, without delivering a
catalogue of them to the officer of the place, under the like penalties.
The officer of that place where any books were sold was obliged, twice
a year at least, on days appointed, to visit each bookseller's shop,
take inventories, and consult learned men about such books as he did not
understand, punish transgressors, or lose his place, and become liable
to arbitrary correction. Whoever refused to allow an officer to search
his house, should forfeit one hundred guilders, and be searched
besides. And all this to be done effectually, notwithstanding any
privilege, liberty, or exemption to the contrary, or even any difference
A DUMB DOCTOR. 337
of jurisdiction, " which we," says the Emperor, " for the sake of the
common good, and for avoiding all dangers and inconveniences, espe-
cially considering how much the faith of holy Church may be thereby
affected, will not suffer to be maintained or pretended, so as to
prevent the execution of this our placard." * The non obstante
clause in this decree, like that of Papal Bulls, and the publication
of a mock decree of equal date, for the reformation of the Priests,
who were said to be ignorant, illiterate, and scandalous, incidentally
exemplifies the assimilation of civil to spiritual despotism, where the
latter is suffered to prevail.
It cannot be imagined that the operation of such edicts could be
uniform, nor that divine truth could be everywhere suppressed.
Truth penetrated beneath the surface of society, where the searching
eye of inquisition could not detect it ; or it aroused men to arduous
conflict, too arduous for some, while others were sustained even to
the solemn victory of martyrdom. Of both classes history preserves
examples. Latomus, a Canon, Doctor and Professor of Theology in
the University of Louvain, perceived the truth, and almost attained
strength to make a good confession, but suddenly changed, and,
having quenched the Spirit of God, did all in his power to suppress
it. He not only wrote against Erasmus, but against Luther, (Ecolam-
padius, and Tyndale. This gained him eminence, and he was
honoured with a command to preach before the Emperor at Brussels.
For the fulfilment of that service he ascended the pulpit, saw the
demigod, Charles V., under whose rule all things were expected to
give way, and every distinction of jurisdiction, of right, or privilege,
or virtue was wont to be confounded. The Doctor's heart failed.
To attain honours he had stifled his conscience, and perhaps, when
just at the height of his ambition, that conscience stirred again.
He was confounded, stared on the congregation, looked abashed and
vacant, and strove to speak, but could not utter one intelligible
sentence. He became ridiculous, a general burst of laughter drowned
his incoherent utterance, and, overwhelmed with shame, he hurried
from the place, threw off his robes, returned to Louvain, and there,
tormented with consciousness of guilt, deplored and openly confessed
that he had fought against the truth. His friends could not persuade
him to refrain from that confession ; therefore they shut him up in
his house, where he languished in despair, continually crying out that
he was damned, rejected of God, could not hope for pardon or salva-
tion,'had presumptuously fought against God. And so he miserably
died. But shortly after him, Peter Brully, a Minister from Strasburg,
one who had separated from Popery, and occasionally served the
Reformed congregations of the Walloon Netherlanders, having con-
tinued steadfast, manfully endured the trial of imprisonment, cheered
his fellow-prisoners, encouraged his wife with letters, faced death with-
out dismay, from the midst of a slow fire calling on his Redeemer with
unshaken confidence, and peacefully assumed the crown (A.D. 1545).
While Brully lay in prison at Tournay, some of his followers were
burnt. Two of them recanted, overcome by horror of burning ; but
* Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, book iii.
VOL. III. 2 X
338 CHAPTER V.
for the surrender of their faith, as the last edict forbade pardon, they
were rewarded only by a commutation of punishment from burning
to decapitation. Yet, having but the sorry indulgence of sword instead
of faggot to offer them, the Priests vexed the prisoners with incessant
solicitations to recant, and assailed with brutish clamour those who
endeavoured to offer reasons in justification of their refusal. " If you
will not hear me," said one of those confessors to a company of
noisy Clerks, " send me back to the toads and serpents, my com-
panions in the dungeon ; for they do not disturb me when I sing or
pray. But you, although you are rational creatures, made after God's
image, refuse to hearken, when I mention his eternal word." The
reader will observe that, as yet, women were put to death differently
from men. They were generally drowned, or buried alive ; but to
give the burial greater publicity, it was sometimes performed above
ground. A coffin, made so near the size of the person to be buried
that she would have to be squeezed into it, with no room to struggle,
and with a hole in the bottom towards the head, and holes for the
insertion of bars, was laid on a scaffold. The woman was then forced
into it, and three or four iron bars passed through the sides so as
effectually to keep down the body. A cord was passed over her neck
through the bottom of the coffin, and held by a man below, who
pulled it with his whole weight when those on the scaffold began to
throw earth into the coffin. Thus was she buried alive, and the peo-
ple impressed with fear of the Clergy as they witnessed the barbarous
interment. The frequency and atrocity of the executions must have
provoked those whom they did not intimidate ; and, not improbably,
the press refused to render so absolute submission as the last placard
had required, for another made known Charles's pleasure that no man
should presume to print until he had obtained from himself a licence
to exercise the craft of printer, — a licence which would only be granted
to persons who could produce full proof of their " quality, condition,
fitness, and good name." The vocation of public schoolmaster was
to depend on the permission of the Priests. The penalty of death
was to be inflicted on refractory printers, and that of banishment on
self-constituted schoolmasters (July 31st, 1546). A prohibitory cata-
logue followed, containing a specification of no fewer than thirty-nine
distinct impressions of Bibles and Testaments, in Latin, Dutch, and
French. But Liesvelt, printer of one of them, was beheaded, because
of this sentence in a note : " The salvation of mankind proceeds from
Christ alone." Pregnant women were kept in irons until the time
of delivery, and, after a brief respite, racked, to extort discovery
of others. One, because a Latin Testament was found in her house
at Leeuwarden, had to suffer torture with thumb-screws and shank-
screws before drowning ; death being deemed insufficient to expiate
the possession of that hated book. While undergoing the torture she
was asked whether she expected to be saved by baptism, and admira-
ble was her answer : " No ; all the water in the sea cannot save me,
nor anything else but that salvation which is in Christ, who has com-
manded me to love the Lord my God above all things, and my nei°ih-
bour as myself" (A.D. 1548). The grace of God thus elevated the
CHARLES V. AT BRUSSELS. 339
courage of his children to the height of their trial, as appeared, among
a thousand instances, in a schoolmaster at Ghent. He had fled from
Touruay, come down the Schelde to Ghent, there settled, probably
over a private school ; and when any of his religion were imprisoned,
it was his custom to write letters of earnest remonstrance to the Magis-
trates, imploring them not to defile their hands with innocent blood,
nor, by doing so, expose themselves to the fearful wrath of God.
They endured his admonitions for a time, but at length consigned him
to the flames. On the road between Tournay and Mons, Master
Nicholas, a Reformed Minister from France, returning, with his wife
and another woman, from visiting the Christians in the latter town,
was arrested and taken back. His wife, to save her life, betrayed
those who had entertained him. A company of Monks beset him with
questions ; but them he baffled with arguments, until they cried out
all together, " The devil is in him ! To the fire ! To the fire with the
Lutheran!" To the fire he went, after brushing the dust from his
clothes, that he might go clean, as he said, " to the marriage of the
Lamb;" and walked through the town exclaiming, "0 Charles!
Charles! how long will your heart be thus stony?" A timorous
woman, condemned to die, thus answered one who exhorted her to
save her soul by recantation : " You may easily see that I have a great
concern for my soul, since, rather than do anything against my
conscience, I would give my body to be burnt. In this I count myself
happy, that I do not suffer for a wicked life, but only for the word
of Jesus Christ, for which all the martyrs have shed their blood, as I
hope to shed mine." And so she did. As it was not the custom of
Dutch Priests to burn women, she was laid in a coffin, and a wretch,
to show his diligent zeal in the service of the Church, stamped on her
till she burst (A.D. 1549).
Over this protracted and most brutal persecution Charles V. thought
it his glory to preside ; and the more so as the Netherlands, which he
was labouring to make a circle of the empire, could not, although his
hereditary dominion, be persuaded nor compelled to accept his Interim,
that foolish expedient for conciliating the irreconcilable opposites
of Romanism and Reform. He was at Brussels. His son Philip,
afterwards consort of Mary of England, had attained his twenty-first
year, and came from Spain to receive homage as Prince of the Low
Countries, and presumptive heir to all his father's dominions. The
unlovely Prince witnessed the formal and showy manifestations of that
loyalty which the towns saw it their interest to profess, with sullen
coolness ; gave no hope that his rule would be gentler than that of his
inexorable father ; and awakened a general emotion of dislike that
afterwards found expression in revolt, and rent the Netherlands from
Spain. However, he received a ceremonial homage at Dort (September
2(5th, 1549).
Confiscation, be it observed, was a penalty of heresy ; and the
prospect of receiving spoils made many a zealot. But to whom did
the confiscated estates belong ? To the Lords, whose vassals had held
them, or to the Emperor? The soul of Charles was not great enough
for a purely imperial ambition ; and while reddening his sword as
2 x 2
340 CHAPTER V.
"advocate of the Church," the gains to be derived from the ruin and
death of the Reformed were an element in his calculations. But the
Lords disputed for possession ; and as each spoliation diminished
their property, it added to their discontent. However, fancying him-
self to be omnipotent, he put forth a placard (November 20th), to
the following effect : — When the heretic had died in pursuance of an
act of the Inquisition,* or spiritual Judges, and continued obstinate
to the end, his estate, if holden of the Emperor, should be forfeited
to him ; but if of a subject, having right of confiscation, then it
should fall to him. But if the civil Magistrate had tried and given
sentence, "then the forfeited estate was to be divided between the
Emperor and such as had the aforesaid right." Some towns pretended
that there could be no confiscation or forfeiture of estates within their
jurisdiction ; but the Emperor, notwithstanding all privileges, &c., to
the contrary, ordained, willed, and commanded that, for the future,
confiscations should be made in all parts of his dominions.
The practice of persecution was assimilated to that of Spain in
another particular, by an edict which expelled all new Christians, or
converts from Judaism, with their wives, children, and goods, who had
taken refuge in the Netherlands during the six years preceding,
revoking permission of residence to all such persons for the future. f
Some endeavoured to establish a plea for exemption ; but another
edict silenced them (May 30th, 1550), and they were all banished.
And the edict which intimated the imminent establishment of an
* Mark the cunning. Charles had not yet succeeded in introducing the Inquisition.
Limborch, indeed, says that he introduced it into the Netherlands twenty-seven years
before ; but Limborch is accustomed to consider an appointment of Inquisitors as equi-
valent with the establishment of the tribunal itself. It was certainly a first step, but no
more. Limborch (lib. i., cap. 31) and Brandt (book ii., A.D. 1522) agree as to the fact
that Francis vander Hulst and Nicholas van Egmont were appointed to act as Inquisi-
tors ; but, although they threw people into prison, Erasmus, whom both these authors
quote, understood that in doing so they exceeded their powers, and, after all, could act
only as accusers, not Judges. " Primum conjiciunt homines in carcerem, ac post quae-
runt quae objiciant." " These things," says Erasmus, " Caesar knows not. But now
his object is to introduce the Inquisition itself, which he names for the first time in an
edict, and by naming it, is causing great alarm." And to supply the Lords of feuds with
a motive for submitting to this Spanish Inquisition, which was what he wanted to bring
in with Philip, he determined that the forfeited estates should only come entire to the
Lords when the Inquisition had tried and sentenced the person afterwards put to death ;
but that if the civil Magistrates continued to try for heresy, one half of such estates
should be taken from the Lords. This was one way of forcing them to consent to the
tribunal in self-defence.
t On the accession of Charles V. to the throne of Spain in 1519, some of the sincere
Jews and pretended converts — new Christians — made a last effort to return to that
kingdom. They sent a deputation to him in Flanders to represent the wrong they suf-
fered by being coerced into the profession of a religion they did not believe ; represented,
as with truth they might, their commercial importance, and fidelity to the Sovereign ;
and offered him 800,000 crowns in gold, for the privilege of religious liberty in Spain.
He received the deputies, and heard their proposal graciously. The Council of Flanders
advised him to grant their request ; and his thoughts seemed to be lingering around the
heap of proffered gold. But Cardinal Ximenes — " the liberal" — heard what was going
forward, and wrote by an express courier to remind him that Ferdinand had refused to
sell Christ to the Jews for 600,000 crowns, even when in his greatest need. Charles
yielded to the Spanish Inquisitor- General, and rejected their prayer. (History of the Jews
of Spain and Portugal, by E. H. Lindo, chap. 29.) Is it not remarkable that Protestant
Christians have never yet earnestly demanded, what the more zealous Jews twice endea-
voured to buy, — religious liberty iu Spain ? Yet such is the humiliating truth. The inqui-
nitorial decree mentioned in the text was issued in the year 1532.
INQUISITION RESISTED IN THE NETHERLANDS. 341
Inquisition, like that of Spain, was soon succeeded by another (April
29th, 1550), requiring the civil magistracy to give all favour, coun-
tenance, encouragement, and aid to the Inquisitors of the faith, when
called upon by them to proceed against heretics. These edicts caused
extreme alarm, and especially at Antwerp, where many of the princi-
pal inhabitants heard the Reformed doctrine, in private, from George
Sylvanus and Gaspar vander Heiden. Many merchants prepared to
quit the city, commerce and correspondence were suspended, rents
fell, trades decayed, operatives were plunged into distress. The
Magistrates examined several of the principal citizens on oath as to
what harm had already resulted to Antwerp from fear of the Inquisi-
tion, and the evil which they feared would follow ; and then laid the
whole affair before Queen Mary, Dowager of Hungary, and Governess
of the Netherlands, praying her to intercede with the Emperor her
brother, that the chief emporium of commerce in his dominions might
not be ruined by the Inquisition. The Council of Brabant joined in
reclamation, as did several other bodies ; and the Queen, perplexed as
well as terrified, — for she was herself suspected at Rome of inclining
to Lutheranism, — journeyed to Augsburg, where her brother was hold-
ing a Diet, and intreated him to spare his subjects from the irreparable
ruin which the Inquisition would occasion. Yet all that she could
obtain was another edict commanding the concurrence of the Magis-
trates, instead of their obedience, and substituting for the word "Inqui-
sitors," its equivalent, " spiritual Judges." This placard was published
with sound of bell in most of the towns ; but the people of Antwerp
would not receive it, until assured by letters from the Chancellor
of Brabant that they should not have an Inquisition forced upon
them, but that the inhabitants and merchants should be secured in
their ancient privileges. And the Magistrates, at the same time, pub-
lished a protest against the clauses now customarily employed by the
Emperor in derogation of " ancient privileges, &c., to the contrary,"
with declaration that " they insisted upon their rights and privileges,
laws, customs, and usages, from which they would not admit of any
derogation" (November 5th, 1550). Still the Inquisitors contended
that they had authority to come into Antwerp, execute their office,
and do as they pleased, even if the Msigistrates should forbid them.
And this they affirmed to the Magistrates assembled, so that people
were now convinced that the Emperor and the Church had united to
subject them to perpetual slavery.
Notwithstanding the growing discontent, persecution continued ;
and the " spiritual Judges " and preachers laboured more diligently
than ever to urge the Magistrates and inflame the multitude against all
heretics. But the effect, contrary to all human expectation, was the
confirmation of the dissidents, not merely in those Anabaptist and
other notions which must be regarded as extraneous to Christianity,
but in Christianity itself ; and among the Anabaptists who suffered,
many displayed sincere piety and wisdom, often to the confusion
of their enemies. We can only cull a few incidents out of the diffuse
narratives before us.
Walter Capel, a gentleman of Dixmuiden in Flanders, was remark-
342 CHAPTER V.
able for benevolence towards the poor, and, in common with all good
men whose wealth attracted the cupidity of the persecutors, was
marked for death. As he stood before the Judges, a crowd of towns-
folk listened to the trial, and among them a young idiot pauper,
whom he had often fed. When one of the Judges pronounced the
sentence that he must die, the idiot abashed them all by shouting,
" Ye are murderers. The man has done no ill : he has always given
me bread." When Capel was being chained to the stake, the idiot
again stood by ; and when the faggots were piled round him, came
and threw himself on them, that he might die with his benefactor,
but was removed, of course, and Capel alone expired in the flames.
The half-burnt carcase remained hanging at the stake in the " gallows-
field:" every day the idiot went to see it, and, stroking the decaying
flesh with his hand, would say, " Ah, poor creature ! you did no harm,
and yet they have spilt your blood. You gave me my bellyful
of victuals." Some time afterwards, while one of the Burgomasters
was receiving a visit from several of his fellow-Magistrates, this
idiot abruptly made his way into the room, laden with part of the
skeleton, which he had pulled from the stake after the flesh had rotted
off, and threw it on the floor, and, snarling angrily, turned on them
his vacant stare, and said, " There, you murderers ! You have eaten
his flesh, now eat his bones." " Words," says Brandt, " too sensible
to be spoken by a fool, and too bold for a man of understanding ; but
which probably he had heard others speak, and which he mimicked,
without knowing or fearing the danger." Well might the murderers
be tormented with compunction, as was the Drossart, or Lord
of Bergen-op-Zoom, who had condemned a man to death for not kneel-
ing to the host, as it was carried before his shop, and seen him
burnt. The horrid spectacle haunted him, until he sickened with
terror, pined away, uttering little more than the martyr's name, " 0
Simon ! 0 Simon !" and died with the sad ejaculation on his lips,
surrounded by a circle of Monks who had vainly striven to chase away
the spectre and assuage the torment of his guilt (A.D. 1553).
A schoolmaster at Oudenarde, named Galein de Mulere, was brought
before Peter Titelman, as Dean of Flanders, and required to answer
for himself on charge of heresy. The poor man, trusting that, for
the sake of his wife and children, he might be able to avert the
penalty by appealing to civil authority, demanded to be heard before
the Magistrates, his lawful Judges. But the Dean insisted, as pleni-
potentiary of both Pope and Emperor, on being answered. Still the
schoolmaster endeavoured to evade, trembling under the weight of a
dilemma, either to deny Christ, or to leave his wife a widow, and his
children fatherless. As he hesitated, the Dean adjured him by the
living God, and cited passages of Scripture in which Christ commands
his disciples to confess him ; adding, "I therefore now require an account
of your faith." At those words the schoolmaster lost all fear, and,
accepting the. unwonted challenge, his tongue was loosened, and after
silently offering a prayer that God would assist him according to His
promise, he boldly turned towards the Inquisitor, and said, " Ask me
now what you please, and I will answer plainly whatever the Spirit of God
CONTROVERSY AT LOUVAIN. 343
suggests that I should say, and will conceal nothing." The Dean inter-
rogated ; and the schoolmaster answered with so powerful a disclosure
and refutation of Popery, that his interrogator was confounded, and
offered him his life — contrary to the spirit of the imperial edicts and
the practice then prevailing — if he would retract. He even pleaded
hard with the good man, reminding him of those natural ties which had
caused him at first to shrink from death ; but his Lord had spoken
to him from the lips of the Inquisitor himself, he preferred death to
apostasy, was condemned, delivered to the secular arm, and after
being strangled was burnt (April, 1554). While these scenes were
repeated all over the kingdom, some German regiments came on service
in the war with France, and, to the amazement of the people, Lutheran
Ministers officiated as Chaplains, both in camp and garrison. They even
preached the Gospel openly, being heard in Antwerp and elsewhere by
Flemings and Dutch, as well as by Germans, and without any hinder-
ance. The Lutheran soldiers also ate flesh on fast-days ; and when
the Netherlander saw that those subjects of the empire could say and
do with perfect freedom that for which their fellow-citizens were daily
put to death, their murmurings became louder than ever. The dis-
content gathered strength, preachers began to be interrupted in the
pulpit, and mass-Priests at the altar (A.D. 1555). Nor did the Uni-
versity of Louvain enjoy its traditions undisturbed. Federico Furio
Ceriolano, a native of Valencia, although a layman, had entered the
lists with Giovanni di Bologna, Rector of the University. The Spaniard
defended the translation of the holy Scriptures into vernacular lan-
guages,— the very thing forbidden, and even punished with death, by
his successive patrons, the Emperor and the King, — and the Italian
strove to justify the Clergy in sealing the fountain of life. Their dis-
putation awakened great interest at Louvain ; and his publication of
it at Basil in the year 1556 carried the question throughout Europe,
in spite of the Court of Rome, which had solemnly forbidden the read-
ing of such versions, and also prohibited his book.* But for the
protection of Charles and Philip, who dealt out their benevolence and
their vengeance in very unequal measures, he would have been added
to the martyrs ; but no patronage could shield him from the intermin-
able vexation of slander and abuse. This is apparent from some ele-
gant verses of his own, addressed to Cardinal Mendoza, and copied
underneath,-)- wherein he solicited his interference.
* Gerdes, Hist. Evang. Renov., iii. 255 ; M'Crie, Reformation in Spain, chap. v.
f " Magne Mendozi, referamne torvos
Hostium vultus, milii qui cruento
Ense tergus dilacerant maligne, et
Viscera nudunt.
" Eloquar : Scribse, Pbarisaei, Judas,
Caiaphas, Pilatus et omuw orbis
Jiuheorum perdere me laboraut
Arte dolosa.
" Hei mihi, eheu quam premor, urgeonjue
Innocens, succurre, Pater, miliique
Fer, rogo te, suppetias, opemquu
Ocyus aura."
344 CHAPTER V.
The abdication of Charles V. (October, 1555) left the crown of this
kingdom to Philip, already unpopular, and utterly unable to conci-
liate. One of his first acts was to give an edict against heresy, con-
firmatory of those issued by his father ; but while it was accepted
and published at Louvain and Bois le Due, the Magistrates of Antwerp
and the other chief towns of Brabant refused to accept it, and he was
obliged to grant a revocation. Precipitancy thus followed by irreso-
lution caused an inequality of administration in the consenting and
non-consenting provinces, which became a new source of discontent,
and constant occasion for discussing the reasons offered by the Antwerp
magistracy in justification of their firmness. Nor were they the only
example of reluctance to act as headsmen for the Church. Their
brethren of Lille were publicly accused by the Dominican preachers
of abetting Reform, and allowing religious assemblies to be held with-
out molestation. Those assemblies multiplied, the Monks clamoured
for the execution of the savage edicts, and the Magistrates thought
themselves obliged to act. The person selected as first sufferer was
Robert Oguier, in whose house the Reformed were wont to assemble,
and who was therefore supposed to possess prohibited books. The
Magistrates, involuntary persecutors, chose to search the house for
books rather than for a congregation of living worshippers, and
found some ; but as the possession of a book was considered equally
criminal with profession of its doctrines, Oguier, his wife, and two
sons, were all arrested. Baldwin, the elder son, a young man of heroic
spirit, came home just as the officers had completed the search and
made prisoners of his parents and his brother. The Christian family
made no effort to conceal anything ; and Oguier himself honestly
answered every question, — said that he went not to mass because it was
not the one oblation made for the sins of all mankind, but a human
invention, and that he had meetings of godly people in his house,
because, although forbidden by edicts, they were commanded by
Christ : he could not help disobeying his Prince, since he must obey
God. They were conducted thence to a meeting of the Magistrates,
to whose interrogations they replied without the slightest hesitation ;
and when one of them asked Oguier what they were used to do in
their meetings, Baldwin anticipated his father by offering to give a
full account of that matter. Leave being given, he described, first
of all, their mode of prayer ; and it deserves to be marked as a model
of devotional simplicity. " When we are there come together in the
name of the Lord, to hear his holy word, we all fall down at once
upon our knees to the ground, and confess in humility of heart our
sins before the Divine Majesty. Then we all join in the same prayer :
that God's word may be purely preached to us, and rightly understood
by us. We also pray for our Sovereign Lord the Emperor, and for
all his Council, that the Commonwealth may be governed with peace,
and to the glory of God. And you, my Lords, are not forgotten by
us, as our immediate governors : we likewise pray to the Lord for
you, and this whole city, that he would support you in what is good
and just. Do you therefore still believe that our meeting together
for these purposes can be so criminal as has been represented to you ?
ANGEL MERULA. 345
As a proof, I am ready, if you please, my Lords, to recite those very
prayers before you." Some of the Judges made a sign of assent,
and Baldwin knelt down, and poured forth a prayer for them with
such fervour and evident sincerity, as drew tears from their eyes ; and
then, rising from his knees, while the power of God rested on him,
and was not unfelt by the assembly, firmly said, " These, my Lords,
are the things that pass in our conventicles." But the Monks, with
whom emotion is an artifice, and truth itself a recitation, were
unmoved. They demanded satisfaction of the law ; and, after the
prisoners had made confession of their faith, saw Oguier and his noble
son laid on the rack and questioned for the names of those who had
joined in their meetings. They would only name brethren who were
already discovered, or had fled beyond the reach of the authorities
of Lille, and after the torture were led away to execution, displaying
the same sublime indifference to pain and shame and death as makes
all Christian martyrdoms so glorious. Sweet was the communion
of that father and son while chained to the same stake. " Behold,
my father," said Baldwin, " I see the heavens opened, and millions
of angels surrounding us, rejoicing for the confession of the truth
that we have made before the world. Let us likewise rejoice for the
glory of God, which appears before our eyes." " And I," screamed a
profane Monk, " I see hell gaping, and devils waiting to carry you
away." "Courage, Baldwin!" cried a bystander, "your cause is
just : I am one of yours." The unknown brother walked away through
the armed train-band and the Inquisitors' officers, whom the fear
of God restrained from taking him. Baldwin did take courage. When
the arching flames hid them both from human eyes, his voice was
heard, encouraging his father. The mother and younger son were
reserved to undergo another kind of trial, — solicitation to apostasy ;
and when the mother had yielded, her son Martin recalled her from
the snare with tears and prayers. At the end of a week they were
both burnt (A.D. 1557).
Among the sufferers at this time we find Charles Regius, (or
Konynks,) formerly a Carmelite Friar at Ghent, who found refuge in
England under Edward VI., where he translated Bale's Commentary 011
the Apocalypse, and the history of Francis Spira, into Dutch. During
the Marian persecution he left England, and diligently employed
himself in visiting the persecuted flocks in Flanders. He patiently
endured the fire at Bruges (April 27th).
The name of Angel Merula adorns the history of the universal
church no less than the martyrology of Holland. Born of respectable
parents at Briel (A.D. 1482), to the advantages of rank and affluence,
he received the best education that could be obtained in that period
of literary revival ; graduated in Paris as Master of Arts at the age
of twenty-five, received ordination four years later at Utrecht, and
said his first mass in the church of his native town. In consideration
of his great learning and purity of life, although his patrimonial
estate was more than sufficient for him, the Heer Joost van Kruuingen,
Lord of Henfleet, gave him the living of that place, where he applied
himself to a profound study of holy Scripture ; and, like many others,
VOL. III. 2 Y
346 CHAPTER V.
discovered the disagreement of his Church with the only rule of faith*.
But the discovery was gradual. After many years employed in calm
investigation, his preaching became evangelical by almost impercepti-
ble degrees ; and it was not until he had reached his sixty-eighth
year that he ventured to alter some passages of the Missal.* For
merits of saints he substituted the word glory, and added the sen-
tence, " Solius Unigeniti tui, qui omnium sanctorum est gloria, inter-
cessione :" "By the intercession of thy only-begotten Son, who is
the glory of all saints." By the assistance of his patron he abolished
several idolatrous customs in the church of Ilenfleet, and had imbued
his congregation with a doctrine altogether opposite to that of Roman-
ism. But when the aged Lord, his protector, died, the young one,
a timid courtier, durst not venture to oppose the Clergy, who lost no
time in attacking the evangelical Priest, whom they brought before
the secular authority. A deputy Inquisitor came to Ilenfleet, seized
his books, manuscripts, and correspondence, and demanded the notes
of his sermons, which, contrary to the advice of his friends, he
delivered without any hesitation. Then he was apprehended as a
heretic ; and one hundred and fifty-two articles contrary to proces-
sions, vows, and pilgrimages, monkery, and penance, worship of the
Virgin Mary and the saints, and the superstitious use of masses, dero-
gatory to the Romish priesthood, especially in Italy, and commenda-
tory of the study of the Bible instead of ecclesiastical traditions, were
exhibited against him. To these he answered in writing, acknowledg-
ing them as far as they really represented his doctrine ; but pleading,
that as a Council had been assembled for the very purpose of discuss-
ing and revising the Articles of Faith, and as he had understood that
the Bishop of Utrecht and Archbishop of Cologne f wished him, with
some others, to go to that Council, he had felt it his duty to investi-
gate the truth, had come to those conclusions, and written those
manuscripts. The Priests themselves ought to have supported a
brother in the exercise of so reasonable a liberty ; but what had they
to do with liberty ? He was accused of all sorts of misdemeanours,
carried to the Hague, and thrown into a common gaol ; and there the
deputy Inquisitor, Sonnius, haunted him again with dogmatical
disputations, but could not succeed in drawing him from the only
safe ground of argument, — the word of God. During a protracted
imprisonment, his friends and foes exerted themselves, on the one
hand, to procui-e his release, and on the other, his destruction ;
of which the only result was that the Queen-Governess wrote to the
Court of Holland, in order that the rigour of imprisonment might be
abated. After much reluctance, they caused him to be transferred
from the dungeon to a convent, a better sort of prison. But this
indulgence soon came to an end ; the decision of his cause being re-
ferred to Tapper, Inquisitor-General, who proceeded to finish what his
deputy had begun. Tapper posted to the Hague, placed his prisoner
in closer confinement, and, having constituted an inquisitorial court,
* Liturgical uniformity was then unknown, and variations were everywhere allowed.
This must be understood, or the innovation of Merula might seem scarcely justifiable,
t Who held the doctrine of the Reformation.
ANGEL MERTJLA. 347
brought Lira before it to answer to another set of articles, now reduced
to the number of one hundred and eight, and permitted him to say
of each no more than I believe, or I believe not, a process which only
occupied one hour. Afterwards, during a whole month, either orally
or in writing, he defended the articles acknowledged with an invin-
cible steadiness and eloquence, to which his adversaries could bring
no refutation. They did everything in their power to baffle him ; and
he sometimes appealed for protection from gross injustice to the civil
Justiciaries present ; but they merely replied that they were only
there as witnesses, not Judges.
This done, they again threw him into the gaol, and, after many
noisy arguments, which wrought no effect in him, commissioned one
van Nieuland, titular Bishop of Hebron, an old man, to use his
utmost efforts to bring him to recantation. On the other hand, the
people became impatient, and crowds flocked into the Hague from all
parts of the country, intending to attempt his rescue on the day of
expected execution. Here was a grave occasion of alarm. To oppose
an enraged multitude would be impossible. The Magistrates, however
servile, would scarcely consent to employ force against the public for
the sake of the Inquisitors. Tt was, therefore, determined that
Bishop Nieuland should take full licence to solve the perplexity by
any means that his ingenuity could compass. No time waa to be
lost. The Assembly of the States manifested compassion towards the
aged Minister, venerable and beloved for learning, eloquence, piety,
and charity. They remembered that he had bestowed his fortune in
works of benevolence. A hospital at Briel had been erected and
maintained by himself alone. The poor of his neighbourhood
lamented that they were bereft of their father, patron, defender, and
only trust in times of necessity. The lawyers joined in a cry
of detestation, declaring that the Inquisitors were acting in violation
of the laws. But the Inquisitors had set their hearts on that wealth
which their victim had used as an instrument of so much good ; and
the Bishop of Hebron, trembling between hope and fear, undertook
the execution of a stratagem.
The inquisitorial court assembled, and Merula, now seventy-five
years of age, nearly deaf, and emaciated with disease and trouble, was
led into their presence. Hebron, also aged, bared his head, threw
himself at his feet, and, with folded hands and tears gushing from his
eyes, besought him to hear his supplication. He told the Pastor how
much they all appreciated his learning, so far superior to their own,
and gave him credit for the best intentions : they would even now
rejoice if he could overcome them by force of truth, for they would
yield readily to conviction. The differences between them, he said,
were but slight, many of them relating to ceremonies and discipline
which the Church might alter or abrogate as her governors thought
fit. But they ought all to avoid tumults and factions. The people
were irritated, and they were at that moment in danger from the
mob. Why, he asked, why should he involve them ah1 in the guilt
of his death ? Die he must, if he persisted in opposing the Church ;
and so would they, most probably, die by the fury of the mob if they
2 Y 2
348 CHAPTER V.
put him to death. Why should they both die ? Why could not
they all live together ? And, after all, when much blood had been
shed, and the people had time to cool, they would say that he had
caused tumult and loss of life merely to satisfy a thirst of martyr-
dom, and the whole calamity would be laid to his charge, as an
obstinate and reckless man. But, if he would save himself and them,
they would acknowledge their debt to him as long as they lived ; for
their life then hung on his determination. He could easily save
them. Just by a small matter, setting aside the weightier articles
of faith, which they would, on both sides, leave untouched : " only
acknowledge," said the old Bishop, " that you have imprudently and
unseasonably endeavoured to abolish a few indifferent points, customs,
and ceremonies, and say you are sorry for it. Do this, and live, and
we shall live with you." With these words he gave one hand to the
prisoner, and laid the other on his breast, as if to confirm the
proposal by an oath.
Merula, moved by the apparently sincere overture, and especially
by the exclusion of every article of faith from the concession he was
desired to make, asked the President of the Council, Heer van
Assendelft, who was present, what he thought he should do, and
received the proper answer : " Ask your conscience within, but
nobody without." After a few moments he consented to make the
slight acknowledgment proposed ; and, considering the extreme cau-
tion with which he had ventured to make even the slightest change,
we can easily suppose that, at such a moment, with the alternative
of a mere concession as to ceremonies, or the horrors of civil war
placed in view, he would think it his duty to prefer the former.
From the Court of Inquisition he was taken out to the scaffold,
around which the people were waiting, expecting to witness the
ceremony of his degradation ; and there a paper was read, containing
an entire recantation of his doctrine, and declaration that he abjured
and execrated all heresies, as well of Luther as of others, and all
errors repugnant to the faith and doctrine of the Church of Rome,
with many expressions of penitence and submission. This was pro-
nounced hurriedly, in front of the scaffold, and amidst the murmuring
of the multitude, who were amazed and dissatisfied, while he was
kept in conversation by the Inquisitors ; and thus, what with dis-
tracted attention and dulness of hearing, he knew not a sentence
of the document when the reader had finished, and a pen was given
him to affix his signature. He wished to read it ; but they told him
that they must make haste and quit the place, because of the clamour
of the people, and because there was yet more to be done. He signed
the recantation, not knowing to what his hand was set. The people
saw, as they conceived, the fall of a Minister on whom they had
placed reliance for every Christian virtue. From that moment he
found himself deserted, and, to his amazement, condemned to per-
petual imprisonment.
In the dungeon he received from a nephew full information of
the deception that they had practised ; and, although his conscience
was good, the thought of having been made to appear as a denier
ANGEL MERULA. 340
of Christ before the world, threw him into a state of profound dejec-
tion, and brought on a fit of sickness, which induced the Lords
of the Council to remove him to the convent of St. Mary Magdalen.
There he wrote a confutation of the inquisitorial sentence ; and that
new offence brought on him again the wrath of Tapper, who managed
to have him taken to Louvain, under pretext of a conference with the
Doctors. And many conferences were held with him in the Uni-
versity, alternated with cruel treatment and threatenings in the
prison ; but no sophistry, no torment nor threat, impaired his con-
stancy, until the Doctors themselves began to relax their bigotry, and
admire the magnanimity that no suffering could subdue. One of the
Professors openly commended him ; and Tapper, fearing that his
doctrine, too, would find acceptance, sent for the Doctor, and bade
him say as much evil of him as he had said good, under peril of being
also treated as a heretic. Then they sent him from prison to prison,
and, at last, threw him into a most filthy dungeon in the castle of
Mons. His nephew, not knowing the place of his confinement, went
to Brussels, and ascertained from Tapper himself that he was at
Mons under sentence of death, and that it was scarcely probable that
he would be able to reach the place in time to see him alive. Nor
would he, if something had not occurred to delay the execution.
About ten o'clock in the forenoon (July 27th, 1557) young Merula
rode into Mons, and perceived preparation for the burning of a
heretic. Proceeding towards the castle, he saw a procession issue
from the gate, and move towards the fatal spot. Scarcely could he
recognise his venerable uncle. Covered with filth and vermin, scarcely
able to totter onward, and too loathsome for any to support him,
leaning on a staff", he slowly crept towards a heap of faggots. But
the young man caught his eye, and, for a moment, the flame of life
seemed to kindle up again as he threw himself into his arms, and, in
the hearing of his pitiless guards, addressed him in such words as
these : — " My son, the last hour which I have so long wished for is
now come. In this hour that great God gives me opportunity to
seal with my blood what I have so often testified to his enemies in
public and in private out of his holy word, and openly to declare that
none of the things produced against me in the Court of Holland are
true. I have been forced out of my native land, dragged from place
to place, and at last brought hither, where I am entirely prepared to
be offered up a pure sacrifice to Christ my Saviour. My soul longs
to be with God. My adversaries say that it belongs to Satan, and
tell the people that my doctrines are heretical, although they are
according to the word of God, and have not been refuted. They
have cruelly handled me, as this disfigured body shows. Thieves and
murderers are treated more mercifully than I. Go, tell our friends in
our dear country what you have seen and heard. You have assisted
me faithfully as long as they would suffer it, and all that I possess
would have been yours ; but let me entreat you to bear the loss
of your property with the same fortitude as I endure the loss of my
life." He then gave the young man some instructions and advice ;
but an allusion to the cruelty of the Inquisitors provoked them to
350 CHAPTER V.
interrupt the conversation, and force him to go on. Still he gave
utterance to the emotions that the unexpected interview had excited,
and ended by predicting that his blood would not quench the fire
thus kindled by the persecutors against themselves ; but that it would
soon break out into a greater flame, which neither they nor their
posterity would be able to extinguish. The martyr was then sepa-
rated from his nephew ; but provoked the Monks, as he went forward
between a Franciscan and a hangman, by exhorting the people in
French — a language which they thought they did not understand — to
meditate on the merits of the death of Christ, and not trust in their
own works ; and told them that a chief cause of his being put to death
was that he had maintained that worship should be paid to God alone.
The train reached the outside of the town, and came to a place
where lay a great heap of combustible materials, into which he was to
be thrown, and there he begged permission first to offer prayer.
Leave being given, he knelt down, and prayed earnestly ; but in a
few moments fell on the ground. They thought he had swooned
from terror ; but found that He who holds the keys of life and death
had withdrawn his servant from their grasp. Exhausted by five
years' imprisonment, with incessant aggravation of his sufferings, the
toil of that day had been too severe for endurance, and the flash
of life so brightly quickened for a moment was suddenly extinct.
The executioner, astonished, refused to throw the body into the fire,
thinking that by death the law was satisfied. But their vengeance
was not sated, and the remains of Angel Merula were shortly after-*
wards burnt to ashes.
The Netherlands, we must observe, were but united with Germany
under Charles V., because he was hereditary Sovereign of those States
as well as elected Emperor of Germany; therefore, the liberty allowed
to the German Protestants was not extended to the Reformed (as we
prefer to call them) and the Anabaptists in Belgium and Holland.
But they were to have it. The persecution under Philip exasperated
the popular disaffection into revolt, and the governments of the States
were eventually separated from the crown of Spain, adding a memo-
rable instance of the impolicy of persecution to those with which the
history of Christendom abounds. Indications of this event now
became unquestionable. Two weavers had been burnt at Haarlem,
one for selling prohibited books, and the other for buying them, and
the officers were proceeding to burn their books also, when the people
rose on them. They fled to save their lives, and left the books to be
dispersed and read with impunity. Learned Dutchmen in Germany,
following the example of their English brethren, published good
books under fictitious names. The books were abundantly circulated,
and prepared the people in secret for an almost simultaneous rejection
of the old superstition. Magistrates began to differ on the bench
while examining persons accused of heresy, dismissing cases as far as
they could venture to do so without incurring suspicion, excusing them-
selves in other cases, and throwing the blame on the edicts which com-
pelled them to burn tteir townsmen. The accused were often transferred
from one court to another, when the reluctant Judges could make out
REACTION. 351
any ground of doubt as to jurisdiction, and evade the odium or guilt
of a judicial murder.
" Master John," an evangelical Priest of Enkhuisen, denounced
by the neighbouring Priests to the Bishop, was protected by the
Magistrates, who deputed a Burgomaster to go to Utrecht and answer
for him, and made so significant a remonstrance that the Bishop
thought it most prudent to dismiss the charge. A hangman at Dort
refused to kill an Anabaptist, saying that he would rather lay down
his office than drown one by whom his wife and children had often
been fed and clothed ; and the condemned man was taken back to
prison, and drowned privately at night by another hand. Benevolent
Magistrates sent their servants to warn congregations whom the
Inquisitors had required them to take by force ; and even Tapper,
Inquisitor-General, found it expedient to allow a Reformed Pastor
of Alkmaar to go free, who had come before him and his assessors
surrounded by a company of Burgomasters. One of the Magistrates
of Antwerp, after fighting hard against his conscience, by affecting
great zeal in the condemnation of some Christian people, was smitten
with remorse while yet in court, carried home sick, and died, crying
that he had been guilty of shedding innocent blood. Yet the sur-
viving colleagues, feeling no such compunction, redoubled their
diligence for the suppression of the Gospel, offered eight hundred
guilders for the head of each Minister, and fifty for that of each
Deacon or other official member of a " conventicle," who should be
brought to them. Executions were consequently numerous ; but, at
last, public sympathy rose so high, that when the martyrs sang
psalms, hundreds of the spectators joined with their voices : the
companies of psalm-singers became so formidable that the officers
were afraid to proceed to public executions, and at last strong com-
panies of citizens avowed themselves, and threatened to rescue the
victims. For example : — Adrian, a painter, given up to the Inquisi-
tors by his own father, and Bokhalt, a tailor, members of a secret
congregation, when led to the stake at Antwerp (January 19th,
1559), exclaimed that they were not going to suffer for any crime,
but only for the confession of the true doctrine of the Gospel. The
officers endeavoured to put them to silence ; but the mob shouted,
the hangman fled, the Schout, or Sheriff, hid himself in a church, the
shops were shut, the Governor of Antwerp was alarmed, and knew
not what to do ; but the good men had been hurried back to prison
in the tumult, and were afterwards put to death.
Dutch wits had been accustomed to entertain the people in both
towns and villages by recitation of poems or verses, and by the exhi-
bition of plays in which they exposed prevailing vices, sometimes
merrily and sometimes with gravity, exercising a sort of popular
censorship ; leading public opinion, as we say, and yet with so much
good taste and moderation that the Magistrates encouraged those
diversions as an ancient and salutary practice. But now the vices
of the Priests and the absurdities of Popery fell under this dramatic
discipline. The vulgar laughed aloud, those of higher degree laughed
in their sleeve ; but King Philip issued a proclamation, forbidding all
352 CHAPTER V.
shows or interludes, all acting, singing, or rehearsing, either in public
or in private, wherein mention was made of any religious or ecclesias-
tical matters. Plays acted for the honour of God and the saints*
were to be previously licensed by the civil and ecclesiastical authori-
ties. Transgressors of this edict were to be punished arbitrarily,
exemplarily, and severely.
The idea of a crusade now possessed the mind of Philip, who con-
cluded a treaty of peace with the King of France (April .3d), with a
secret article, or, at least, a verbal understanding,-]- that both Kings
would unite for the suppression of heresy in France, the Netherlands,
and throughout all Christendom ; not by the Inquisition and secular
tribunals, whose acts irritated rather than subdued, but by force
of arms, after the precedents of the Albigensian and Waldensian
crusades. Indeed, Philip began to think the services of Tapper — the
Bonner of the Netherlands — to be almost superfluous, and roughly
refused him another edict, although he had come to Brussels to ask
for it. The refusal thus made extremely mortified the Inquisitor,
who now found his work too hard for him : he went from the King's
presence to the house of a friend, was there seized with apoplexy, and
died (March llth, 1559). Committing the government of the States
to his illegitimate sister, Margaret, Duchess of Parma, Philip went
into Spain, there to put down the Reformation, which was rapidly
spreading, and instructed her to spare no effort in the prosecution
of the same object. But when she met the States General at Ghent,
to be recognised as Regent, and exhorted them to defend the Church
of Rome and extirpate the new doctrine as " a monster of impiety
and sedition," they answered her by expressing dislike and dread
of the Spanish Inquisition, and an opinion that heretics might be
overcome by persuasion more easily than by force. The Prince of
Orange, too, afterwards eminent for promoting the Reformation, when
attending Philip on board the fleet, on his embarkation for Spain,
received orders to put to death some honourable persons who were
suspected of participation in that cause, but gave them private notice
that they might escape. A Bull of Pius IV. (January 8th, 1560)
confirmed the creation of three archbishoprics and fifteen bishoprics,
and empowered each Bishop to bestow prebends on nine Canons
of his church, each of whom should assist him in the business of
inquisition, providing, also, that of the nine Canons thus to be pro-
moted two should always be Inquisitors. On the new Archbishop
of Mechlin the Pope bestowed a Cardinal's hat, to give greater dignity
to the new establishment. And to confer on these Bishops a title to
seats in the Assembly of the States, the lands of several convents were
attached to the sees for their support. These and other similar
arrangements made it evident that the design was to destroy the
independence of the provinces, and bring them into utter subjection
to the Church of Rome, like Naples and Milan ; and opposition to
* Those exhibitions were universal in Spain, and are not yet discontinued. The
author has seen one church, at least, fitted up with scenery, ad a theatre, the Priests
being, most appropriately,. the performers.
t Thuaui Histor., lib. xxii., sec. y.
PREACHERS RESCUED. 353
Bishops, as well as to Inquisitors, became national. The inhabitants
of Antwerp prepared to emigrate on the first appearance of the new
Prelates ; the Magistrates sent a deputation into Spain to implore the
King to spare them from the dreaded visitation ; and Philip conde-
scended to promise that, until after his return, a Bishop should not be
set over them.
The martyrdoms continued, although in diminished number ; and
it is worthy of observation, that the Archbishop of Canterbury, with
the Bishop of London and some others, remonstrated on behalf of
three members of the Dutch congregation in London, who, venturing
over to their native country, were condemned to die. The remon-
strance was treated with contempt. They were strangled, scorched,
and their bodies hung in chains ; but their brethren gave them Chris-
tian burial.
Congregations multiplied. Five or six thousand persons assembled
in a forest near Antwerp, were surprised by the Drossart, or criminal
Judge, but one only was beheaded. Then began another kind of
public psalm-singing, the echo of those martyr-songs which people
could no longer hear in silence, and which gave a peculiar character
to the worship and proceedings both of the Reformed and others.
Two preachers, Philip Maillard and Simon Taveau, had preached
openly in Valenciennes, and were apprehended ; but the Marquis
of Mons, within whose jurisdiction the alleged offence took place, did
not proceed to execution, but left the town. The Duchess of Parma,
hearing of his delay, commanded him to go and perform his duty ;
but he boldly answered that the putting heretics to death was neither
consistent with his duty nor his inclination. Thus passed away seven
months, the preachers being kept in prison, and the number of their
followers increasing daily. Letters were received by the Magistrates,
warning them not to commit any violence on the prisoners ; and the
prisoners heard the voices of their friends calling to them from the
street at night, advising them to behave like men, and assuring them
that no help should be wanting if their death were attempted. But
the Governess insisted ; they were condemned to the fire ; and, as
the wool-combers and weavers were used to retire to the villages on
Saturdays, and return on Mondays, partly for diversion, and partly to
avoid going to mass, it was determined to execute the sentence early
on a Monday morning. Before sunrise, therefore, they were taken to
the market-place ; but the people were toe watchful to be deceived,
and no sooner were the prisoners on the ground than they crowded
around them and filled the place. Taveau, on arriving at the stake,
began to pray ; and no sooner did the bystanders hear his voice, than
they rushed to the stake, tore it up, scattered the wood, and pelted
the officers with stones, who ran away as fast as they could, dragging
both the preachers back again to the prison, under a heavy shower
of stones. The people, headed by a singer, then walked about the
city, singing psalms, until their number increased to about two
thousand, when they returned to the market-place ; the precentor
mounted a stage raised for the purpose, and two thousand voices,
responding in chorus, sounded like a war-cry in the ears of the
VOL. ITI. 2 z
354 CHAPTER V.
Magistrates, who bid themselves at home. The first impulse of the
multitude was to attack the Dominican monastery ; but they were
diverted by some who represented the folly of spending strength in
riot, while their brethren were left in prison, perhaps to suffer the
death there, from which they had been delivered in the market-place.
This raised another cry, " To the prison ! to the prison ! " whither
the mass moved, and, in a few moments, the two Ministers were at
liberty ; but, leaving the other prisoners in custody, the leaders
of this novel demonstration informed the Magistrates that, having
released Maillard and Taveau, they were satisfied, and would thence-
forth refrain from further tumult if suffered to enjoy the exercise
of their religion in peace (A.D. 15C1).
While the people of Valenciennes gave the signal for insurrection,
some of the Magistrates of Amsterdam continued to manifest reluct-
ance to do the work imposed on them. When informations of heresy
were brought, or a search was to be made, they would contrive to let
it be known to persons in their confidence, and some one of the
Reformed brethren would hear and pass on this sentence : " He took the
young child and his mother, and departed into Egypt." Many used
to quit the city while search went forward ; and, as soon as it was
finished, another by-word, whispered from the same source, would
recall them to their homes : " They are dead who sought the young
child's life." Yet, even in Amsterdam, other Magistrates zealously
enforced the placards ; and many were beheaded, drowned, or stran-
gled. The people of West Friesland began to follow the example of
the Flemings, but more quietly. A Pastor who had preached evange-
lically, having been summoned by the Dean to appear before him at
Horn, and made prisoner in the deanery, a party of burghers placed
themselves under the window of the chamber where he was known to
be confined, and the lighter being mounted on the shoulders of the
stronger, they framed a living ladder, down which the captive returned
to his bodily freedom ; and the utmost satisfaction that could be
obtained by the Dean was the imposition of an easy fine on the persons
who had broken prison.
The Reformed, while martyrdoms both of their brethren and
of Anabaptists incessantly placed death before their eyes in all the
states, corresponded with each other for the purposes of confession
and mutual defence. Guido de Bres, assisted by Adrian Saravia, and
a few others, published " a confession of the faith, generally and
unanimously maintained by the believers dispersed throughout the
Low Countries, who desire to live according to the purity of the holy
Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ." The persecutors, on the other
hand, frequently tied their victims neck and heels together, and
drowned them in tubs of water, privately, to avoid the tumults which
they feared would attend public executions. And both Romanists and
Reformed so generally desired that power might be taken from the
Clergy, who were, in fact, a body of Inquisitors, that they demanded
an Assembly of the States to put an end to the differences now prevail-
ing. To this the Duchess of Parma would not consent, the King
having commanded that the states should not assemble in his nb-
REFORMATION ADVANCES IN HOLLAND. 355
sence ; but fearing that the religious war rising in France might
extend into those territories, she assembled the Knights of the Golden
Fleece, and the Stadtholders of some provinces, who deputed the Lord
of Montigny to go to Madrid (A.D. 1562) and represent the state of
affairs to Philip. He went, told the King of the universal discontent
caused by the appointment of the new Bishops, and the projected
establishment of a complete and formal Inquisition, and returned with
the vague answer, that by multiplying Bishops Philip did not mean
to establish an Inquisition. But a real Inquisition was organized
effectually, and the stream of persecution flowed unchecked, with
greater art and not less cruelty than ever.
It became evident to the Inquisitors, whose knowledge of the state
of public feeling was exquisitely correct, that the spirit of religious
reformation had attained greatest strength in Holland ; and the geo-
graphical position of that country, bordering on Germany, where the
Confession of Augsburg was legally admitted, indicated the necessity
of bold strategy in the warfare against the Gospel which Philip and
his Church were resolved to wage with renewed earnestness. Their will
was communicated in a placard sent from Brussels (March 29th, 1563),
but sixteen days after the appointment of a sub-Inquisitor, specially
for the provinces of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Guelderland, Friesland,
Groningen, &c., commanding, under pain of death, that none of the
inhabitants of the southern states — the present Belgium — should be
allowed to settle anywhere in Holland, unless certified by Priest and
Magistrate as " good Catholics," free from taint and suspicion of
heresy. All who had come thither within four years past were to be
examined, especially as to the baptism of their children. Midwives to
be sworn to cause new-born children to receive Romish baptism, or
inform against refractory parents. Gossips, happening to assist in
bringing infants into the world, to be placed under the same obliga-
tion. Women delivered away from home to bring home baptismal
certificates. All Pastors and Curates to keep registers of baptism, for
inspection by authorities, whenever desired, in order to ascertain whose
names were not there. People were to go to church on feast-days,
and send their children to church and school, under pain of arbitrary
punishment. Here began the separation of Holland from Belgium ;
and an element of national exclusiveness came into action from which
the commercial policy of Europe has not yet perfectly recovered.
Queen Elizabeth presided over the affairs of Reformation in England,
and — ostensibly for fear of plague — English cloths were excluded
from the Netherlands until after Candlemas. And efforts were made
to create a dislike of England by circulating exaggerated complaints
of both privateers and merchants.* Thus King Philip and his Priests
would place the Gospel under quarantine.
The Cardinal de Granville, favourite Counsellor of Philip, as he and
his father had been of Charles V., was deputed by the King to assist,
or rather to direct, the Duchess of Parma in her government, and had
fully represented his master in urging forward persecution. Him the
* Strype, Annala of the Reformation under Queen Elizabeth, chap. 38.
2 z 2
356 CHAPTER V.
Stadtholders, in common with the inhabitants of the states, regarded
•with extreme dislike. Unable to submit to his control, William
of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and the Counts of Egmont and Horn,
absented themselves from the Council of State, and wrote to Philip,
telling him that if he did not recall the Cardinal he would lose the
Netherlands. They professed faithful submission to the Church
of Rome ; but assured him that the nobility alone preserved the
Netherlands in connexion with that see, the common people being
" entirely corrupted with the contagion of heresy." And not content
with epistolary remonstrance, the nobles most zealously opposed to
the Cardinal put a badge on their sleeves, and entered into a formal
confederacy. Philip therefore found employment elsewhere for his
representative ; but the confederacy continued, ready to defend their
country against the Inquisition. The Prince of Orange and his friends
then resumed their places in the Council.
To supply the void which he conceived the withdrawal of the Car-
dinal must have left in the counsels of the Governess, and mindful
of ancestral glories won in the service of the Church, Philip himself
assumed the functions of Inquisitor ; and the Spanish couriers carried
letters without end to Brussels, written with his own hand, instruct-
ing the Duchess how she might best discover, worry, and consume the
heretics. Lists of names were furnished ; descriptions, that might
shame the inaccuracy of a modern passport, marked every peculiarity
of personal appearance, stature, and apparel, with notice of their places
of abode, and, which was of all the most important to his servants,
the extent and value of their estates.
Yet neither the caution nor the authority of the royal Inquisitor
could prevent resistance. The civil authorities of Antwerp found the
people ready to rescue a Christian Minister from the stake. They
sang psalms until he was bound, when they drove Marquis, Sheriff,
and soldiers off the ground, and would have saved their Pastor, had
not the hangman already buried a hatchet in his skull. The Magis-
trates of Bruges discharged a heretic, so called, whom the Inquisitors'
officers had arrested, and imprisoned the officers themselves. Inflic-
tions of death for religion continued, but rescues multiplied. The
Sheriff (Scout) and Magistrates of Horn, in spite of the mandates
of government and the solicitation of their Bishop and his Dean,
would not be guilty of destroying life ; and were rewarded by such a
degree of prosperity as never had been known even in the Nether-
lands, the chief seat of European commerce. Merchants, who appre-
hended persecution, came to Horn from all the other states, followed
by thousands of humbler persons ; the harbour became too small to
receive the shipping, and they were proceeding to enlarge it. But,
" Send away all the heretical skippers," said a monkish preacher,
"and I warrant you your harbour will hold all the rest." The skip-
pers laughed ; and from that day the men of Horn called the Monk
" Haven-widener."
But the affairs of the Netherlands rapidly approached their crisis.
In a meeting of the Council of State (latter part of 1564) called to
consider grievances complained of, the Prince of Orange spoke with
MISSION OF THE COUNT OF EGMONT. 357
still greater freedom than he had ventured on before. They had
agreed to send the Count of Egmont into Spain, to submit their judg-
ment to the King ; and Viglius, President of the Council, had read
the draught of a report to be presented to His Majesty ; but the Prince
pronounced it insufficient, and said, that, if they would save the
country, they must demand deliverance from the sanguinary placards,
the Inquisition, the new Bishops, and the decrees of the Council
of Trent ; and that, although he adhered to the Roman Catholic reli-
gion, he could not approve that Princes should attempt to exercise
dominion over the souls of men, or deprive them of liberty in matters
of religion and faith. He spoke long, earnestly, and with a torrent
of eloquence that overpowered opposition, until seven o'clock in the
evening, when the Duchess of Parma declared that she must get her
dinner ; the Council separated, and Viglius went home terror-smitten,
ruminating over the threatening aspect of affairs. All night he lay
awake, and next morning suffered a fit of apoplexy, which incapaci-
tated him from again throwing much energy into his work. The
Duchess allowed his substitute to soften the report a little, and the
Count of Egmont set out for Spain.
His reception at court was magnificent, and no pains were spared
to detach him from the confederated nobles ; but he made good use
of private audiences, and honestly counselled the King to enter on a
new line of government. Philip summoned a company of divines to
confer with the Dutch envoy, and desired their advice, — asked the
wolves how to ensure the safety of the fold. Yet, like Spaniards
of good sense, although Priests, perceiving that liberty of conscience
alone could satisfy the just demands represented by Egmont, they
most of them maintained that, without sinning against God, he might
grant them some degree of religious freedom. " I may" said he,
"but must I ?" Well did he know that they durst not say that he
must give a licence to heresy. They could not venture so far. Then,
falling on his knees in their presence, he addressed the following
prayer to a crucifix erected in the apartment : — " I beseech thee, O God
and Lord of all things, that I may ever continue in this mind, never
to be King, nor to be called King, of any country where thou art not
acknowledged to be Lord."
Persecution still raged, and that more hotly. But resistance also
grew more bold. Already the Governors and the governed were in a
posture of hostility. Philip had spoken a few soft words to Count
Egmont, but atoned for the momentary irresolution by sending orders
for the execution of several Anabaptists, and other dissidents. As for
the Council of Trent, the Clergy of those states were by no means
agreed that its acts ought to be received ; but he caused them to be
promulgated, notwithstanding the opposition and disgust of his sub-
jects, especially in Holland;* and answered their complaints of his
* The Court of Holland strennoiisly objected to the following sentence: (Cone. Trid.,
Sessio xxv., De Reformat., cap. 3 :) — " Nefas autetn sit sseculari cnilihet Magistratui
prohibere Ecclesiastieo judici, ne quern excomihunioet, aut mandare ut latam excommu-
iiicationem revocet," &c. This gives uncontrolled power to the ecclesiastical Judge over
all persons, leaving none to " any secular Magistrate."
358 CHAPTER V.
continued cruelty by coldly saying that he had indeed thought it
might be desirable to execute heretics in private, since the condemned
persons gloried in dying for their religion ; but that, whoever might
advise the contrary, there should be no abatement of severity : for as
often as there had been any relaxation in the punishment of heretics
they had grown insolent, and all wise men had ever thought it absurd
to lessen penalties when crimes increased. Viglius feared to publish
such an answer, but the Duchess insisted ; and the power of the King
of Spain over the Netherlands received its death-blow.
The Prince of Orange and confederates reclaimed ; the chief towns
of Brabant refused to publish the King's letters, and so did some
others ; the King, the Duchess, the Inquisitors, and Clergy insisted,
and urged on the murderous executions. Prisoners were now again
drowned privately. The Reformed protested that they did not desire
to raise, nor to encourage, sedition ; but the press, which could no
longer be bound, teemed with anti-Romish publications. The public
mind was ready for resistance. Then it was that about twenty gen-
tlemen first met privately in the house of one named Kulenburgh, in
the horse-market in Brussels (November 2d, 1565), and concerted a
plan for seizing on the city of Antwerp, and soliciting the alliance
of the German Protestant states. But the Prince of Orange, to whom
they communicated the project, dissuaded them with a promise
of endeavouring to effect their object, the suppression of the Inquisi-
tion, without force. This he endeavoured to do, by pleading in the
Council of State, where he and his associates were furnished with
materials for their addresses by a Frenchman, who was as yet unknown
to most of them, even by name. Their learned correspondent was
Francis Junius, who also wrote to the King in favour of liberty
of conscience ; but he was discovered by a spy who had pretended to
be converted, found a place in private religious meetings in Antwerp,
traced him to his lodgings, and, being an artist, sent his portrait and
his address to the Governess at Brussels. Her Highness confided the
picture to the Marquis of Antwerp, with instructions to make sure
of the original. Junius escaped ; but with unremitting diligence and
zeal laboured in the cause of Christ, and in one instance even preached
at Antwerp while they were burning some of his brethren, and the
glare of the flames flashed into the room where the congregation \vas
assembled.
But the Prince of Orange could not prevail in Council. The Duchess
wished to employ the army to repress heresy, and asked the Count
of Egmont to undertake the command ; but he told her that he would
not fight against any man living in defence of the placards and the
Inquisition. Their deliberations were quickened by the appearance in
Brussels of the Lord Brederode, chief of the confederated noblemen,
with two hundred horse. Then came Count Lewis, brother of the
Prince of Orange, with a numerous train, and the Counts of Berg and
Kuilenberg. These were all assembled by Brederode, who represented
to them the terror of the Inquisition, and their duty to resist it, by
standing to the league into which they were compelled to enter. They
exclaimed with one voice, " Let him be accounted a traitor who for-
CONFEDERATION OF THE " GUEUX." 359
sakesit;" and agreed to a memorial to the Duchess, pointing out
that insurrection would certainly follow if the King persisted in
tyranny and persecution, and praying that a deputation might again
be sent to bear him the remonstrance of the states. At the head
of three hundred * armed noblemen and gentlemen, all dressed in
brown, and carrying the memorial in his hand, Lord Brederode pre-
sented himself to the Duchess, who could not conceal her alarm at the
approach of so formidable a company, as, in profound silence, they
filled the hall. A zealous royalist who happened to be present,
concealed his trepidation under a jeer : " Ce n'est qu'un tas de gueux"
" This is only a pack of beggars." However, their appearance extorted
a mild, although evasive, reply, with a promise that their memorial
should be forwarded by a deputation to the King ; and they with-
drew to watch its progress, taking for a distinctive title the appella-
tion given them in contempt. Their cry was, " Beggars for ever," f
and their badge a medal, having the King's head on one side, and on
the reverse a beggar's wallet between two right hands, with the motto,
" Faithful to the King, even to beggary." £ The Duke of Arschot
and his servants, on the other side, made a procession to a shrine
of the Virgin Mary, with her image on their hats, which image
received the Pope's blessing ; and thenceforth there were two factions,
the one under Papal benediction, and the other strengthened by abhor-
rence of Papal wrongs. The deputation were the Marquis of Mons
and the Baron of Montigny, whom Philip did not receive as before,
with endeavour to overcome by kindness, but had one of them
poisoned, and his colleague put to death in prison.
Reformed congregations now appeared simultaneously in several
of the provinces, especially in Brabant and Flanders, so numerous, and
often so well armed, that their enemies could not venture to disturb
them. In vain did the Duchess of Parma command the Magistrates
to disperse all such meetings, and hang the preachers ; and the Coun-
cil of Antwerp strengthened the general resistance of this mandate by
roundly refusing to obey. To pacify Antwerp, where adverse parties
threw the city into great confusion, the Prince of Orange was made
Governor ; and under his prudent administration the Reformation
advanced more peacefully. But open violence, intrigues, and inqui-
sitorial severities, compelled the confederates to consult for their own
safety, as well as for the liberties of the Netherlands ; and from fifteen
hundred to two thousand horsemen assembled in council at St. Truy
(July, 1566), and determined to demand liberty of worship, as well as
deliverance from the Inquisition. Philip heard with amazement
of great congregations, remonstrant Magistrates, confederates in arms,
and the perseverance of all, both Romanists and Reformed, in reject-
ing half concessions. Instead of yielding, he disapproved the trifling
show of leniency made, for a moment, by the Duchess, and, supported
by his courtiers, resolved to allow no other worship than the Romish,
either public or private ; no relaxation of penalties on heresy, nothing
* Thuanus says four Imndred. f " Vive les Guenx."
I " Fidelles an Roi, jusques a la heaace."
360 CHAPTER V.
but death to every recusant. He ordained processions and litanies
throughout his dominions, to implore of God and the saints victory
over heresy ; and mocked his subjects by offering an indemnity, from
which all offenders on account of religion were excepted.
This aroused a tempest of popular fury which the leaders of the
Reformation could not restrain. The lowest of the people, headed by
a few desperate men, first in West Flanders (August 14th, 1560),
broke into convents and churches, and demolished images, pictures,
pyxes, altars, and ornaments. Not unfrequently persons of rank joined
in the devastation. Magistrates accepted the requisitions of mobs,
and sent carpenters and smiths to remove the idols from their shrines.
None could stem the torrent. Protestant preachers argued and
besought in vain. Papists shut themselves up in their houses, while
the multitudes spent their vengeance, not on Magistrates nor Inqui-
sitors, but on shivered statues, showing, amidst much real profanity
and much unjustifiable violence, that their hatred of Popery was cor-
dial, and that the mawmets of the mass-house had never been
regarded with veneration by the thousands who almost instinctively
annihilated what they had so long despised and worshipped. " Look,"
cried a man in the midst of a large congregation in the old church
of Amsterdam, " there hang those blasphemous verses." Near the
pyx,* which was enclosed in a glass case, hung a board with these
words : " Jesus Christ is locked up in this box : He is truly God and
man, being born of the Virgin Mary : whosoever does not believe this
is damned." Taking up the heavy case with both hands, he dashed
it on the pavement, the roof rang with the crash ; the Priests de-
camped ; and volleys of stones and strokes of staves brought down all
the gods of the place. Such scenes were repeated almost wherever
the Papists ventured to leave the churches open to their own people,
who seemed to be carried away by the spirit of iconoclasm.
Two hundred thousand people were under arms, and declared that
they would not lay down their arms until they had liberty of worship.
The militia was called out ; but the militia refused to fight for the
Inquisition. A royal placard, equally foolish and wicked, circulated
from Brussels, declaring that every one was authorized to kill the
breakers of images ; and that to murder them would be laudable and
pious. But the Inquisition could not now engage a Netherlandish mob
to murder ; murder being eminently reserved for execution by the
Holy Office. The Prince of Orange, hoping to prevail with the
Government by a display of impartiality, signified his sincere disap-
probation of the tumults in Antwerp, by hanging three image-breakers,
and banishing a few others ; but he allowed churches to be built for
Reformed worship, and in most of the towns churches were given for
its celebration, or new ones were permitted to be built.
The Duchess, in alarm, had made some such concession to the
Reformed in Utrecht and Antwerp, but she recalled it by a placard a
few days afterwards. In this way provocations were incessantly
repeated, and followed by fresh outbreaks ; but, worst of all, a plot
'* Containing the host, or wafer.
THE DUKE OF ALVA. 361
was laid in the Spanish court to turn these disturbances to a political
account. Philip, it was designed, should endeavour to restore peace
by fair means first, so as to appear in the character of a pacifier
of civil war, and then change the government of the Low Countries
into an absolute monarchy, which he had long desired. This being
done, he would fulfil an oath he had made so to punish the Nether-
landers for their disobedience to him and to God, that the ears of all
Christendom should tingle, though it were at the hazard of losing all
his dominions. The Prince of Orange had found means to discover
this nefarious project, and assembled the confederate nobles, who
determined to stand peaceably on the defensive, give every possible
proof of constitutional submission to the King, and endeavour to
repress tumults. They kept to this engagement, punished some of
the most turbulent, and loyally rertlonstrated with their Sovereign,
who knew not that his plans had been discovered. They even offered
him, in return for liberty of worship, a present of thirty tons of gold,
besides ordinary contributions, and began to collect the money ; but
the Spaniards treated their proposal as insolent, as a bravado of wealth,
made for the sake of inducing foreign Princes to join their confe-
deracy, and the Duchess levied new troops. War began. The Re-
formed towns were threatened. Valenciennes was besieged, and fell.
About two hundred persons were hanged for religion after the capitu-
lation (A.D. 1565). Several other towns followed, and persecution
unto death raged again.
By the artfulness of the common enemy dissensions rose between
the Lutherans and the Reformed ; many became weary of the contest,
and by their defection discouraged others ; and the Prince of Orange
desired to resign his stadtholdership, and retire to Germany, where
personal affairs required his attention. But his services in preserving
order at Antwerp were too valuable to the Duchess for her to accept
his resignation. Just then it was heard that she was raising a great
army, and that Philip had appointed a Spaniard, the Duke of Alva,
for General. The forces already collected were employed to hunt
down Reformed congregations ; and the Inquisitors wreaked vengeance
on an innumerable multitude of martyrs, who endured extreme tor-
ments and death with a constancy as signal as the horrors of the time
were appalling.
The Duke of Alva crossed the frontiers with twelve hundred horse,
and between eight and nine thousand foot, resolved on a war of extir-
pation ; but the confederates had not force enough to meet him.
He marched into Brussels with part of his troops (August 28th, 1567),
and cantoned the remainder in the neighbouring towns. The country
was mute with terror, and it was computed that not fewer than one
hundred and twenty thousand fled. Germany, Sweden, and Denmark
were open to them, and many came over to England, and settled all
over the country; but especially in Norwich, Colchester, Sandwich,
Canterbury, Maidstone, Southampton, London, and Southwark,* to
contribute by their industry to the prosperity of our nation. The
* Strj-pe, Elizabeth, chap. 52.
VOL. III. 3 A
362 CHAPTER V.
Duchess issued a placard, exhorting the people not to emigrate ; but
this only accelerated the flight. A "Council of Tumults" was
formed in Brussels by the Duke of Alva, and directed by Juan de
Vargas, another Spaniard, reputed to be the most bloodthirsty man
living, although that distinction might have been disputed by the
Duke himself. Their fury fell on all without distinction of religion,
according to a barbarous sentence * of Vargas : " The heretics have
broken temples ; the good have done nothing against it : therefore
they must all be hanged." The moans of the tortured and the dying
ceased not by day nor night. Gallows, wheels, stakes, trees in the
highways, were laden with dead bodies, or mangled and dissevered
limbs, of persons hanged, beheaded, or roasted to death. The air was
polluted with the stench ; and the knell of death sounded heavily
from every belfry. Alva gloated "over the carnage; and the Duchess,
although base of birth, heartless, and cruel, shuddered with disgust,
dropped the reins of government into the hands of the Spaniard, and
departed for Italy. She sent a last warning to the King that he would,
by those proceedings, lose the Netherlands. The Prince of Orange, and
such confederates as Alva had not ensnared and imprisoned on his
arrival, also fled. His first act had been to send for Egmont and
Horn, smile, and throw them into prison.
Philip imagined his glory to be nearly consummated, and convened
the Council of the Inquisition to give him their advice (February
16th, 1568). They counselled him to take the shortest method by
declaring all Netherlanders, excepting those whom he should spare
by name, to have been guilty of treason, and to deal with them
accordingly ; that is to say, that he should depopulate that country
by the sword. They, and others, assured him that the Pope would
release him from his oath to maintain the rights of those states, and
allow him to treat the Netherlands as a conquered country, left to his
discretion.-)- How shall we designate this counsel? Came it not by
an inspiration from beneath? Ten days afterwards Philip com-
manded it to be put into execution without respect of persons ; and
our forefathers thanked God that Philip had not succeeded Mary on
the tin-one of England !
The forests of West Flanders became the retreat of thousands who,
houseless and starving, grew savage with misery. But even to these
did God, in his mercy, eventually give a commission for the good
of their desolated country. These "wild beggars," (r/ueux,) as they
were called, after infesting the neighbouring villages by nocturnal
depredations, seizing and cutting off the ears and noses of as many
Priests and Friars as they could lay hands on, and carrying on a
predatory warfare with the parties of Spaniards, that were sent to
subdue them, largely contributed to man ships of war sent off the
coast by the Prince of Orange, aided by his confederates and allies in
Germany. These were the " water-beggars," who, after rendering
* " Hseretici fraxerunt temple, boni nihil faxerunt contra ; ergo debent omnes pati-
bnlare." The Latin, if that be the language, is quite good enough for the sentiment.
t So says Thuanus, a careful observer of those events, who speaks of having wat.-'urtl
them with anxious attention. Histor., lib. xl., cap. 3.
THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. 363
good service in this war, impressed a character of bravery and enter-
prise on the Dutch fleet, so famous in the history of commerce and
colonization. The noble Prince sold his jewels, plate, and furniture,
and, with their price, began a levy of troops, for which he issued a
commission at Dillenburg, in Germany (April 16th, 1567); and,
notwithstanding many failures of success, his brother Lewis raised
force enough to march into Guelderland for " liberty of nation and
conscience," and defeated the Spaniards at Heiligerlee. Alva, morti-
fied at the loss, vented his rage in a renewed slaughter of the Dutch ;
and new methods of torment were invented for the entertainment
of the soldiers and the Priests.*
The Prince of Orange himself then entered the country with a
considerable army, who had now to expel an enemy hated and loathed
by all except the Church ; for the fury that wasted the Netherlands
was even felt in Spain. Don Carlos, Prince of Spain, had displeased
his father, by disapproving, as is generally supposed, of his treatment
of the Netherlands ; and Philip, not deigning to disclose the cause
of his displeasure, threw him into prison (January 18th, 1568), and
either wore him to death by excessive cruelty, or had him despatched
at once.f Pius V. extolled the piety of Philip in not sparing even
his own son, and sent Alva a Christmas present of hat and sword as
a mark of peculiar admiration. To maintain and satisfy his troops,
the Spanish General found it necessary to levy exorbitant taxes on
the half-deserted country ; but it was difficult to recover the money,
or even to find persons willing to undertake the employment of col-
lectors. The Court of Holland, now touched more sensibly than ever
before, appointed prayer to be made that God would vouchsafe to
soften the hard and cruel heart of the Duke of Alva, that he might
hearken to reason and equity. Even the Franciscans of Amsterdam
exclaimed against him as a tyrant ; the most rigid Romanists desired a
revolution, and turned for help towards those whom they had lately
persecuted. The Duke enforced his demand for money with the
utmost rigour of military law, combined with the bitterness of fana-
ticism ; and so utterly wearied were the people of Utrecht, that some
of them offered, if the Prince of Orange would attack their city, to set
fire to their own houses, to hinder the garrison from opposing him.
The Anabaptists in Germany, now recovering from their earlier follies,
* One of these was to screw irons on the tongue of the person to be put to death,
and then burn the tip with a red-hot iron. This caused the tongue to swell, the anguish
being increased by the compression of the irons. It would then roll in the mouth, and
the cries of the sufferer becoming shrill, and unlike those of a human being, the
Spaniards would make themselves merry at his singing.
t Even Mariana (Ano 1568) and Miiiana (lib. vi., cap. 8) confirm the fact, which
they gently relate as a thing suspected. Llorente tries to vindicate Philip, but has not
succeeded. The death of Philip's son was soon followed by that of his young and lovely
wife, Elisabeth, daughter of the savage Catherine of France. She had been at the
French court, at the same time that the Duke of Alva and Catherine, Queen-mother,
were holding secret conferences for the extirpation of the Huguenots, but showed no
sympathy with persecutors. Her mother always treated her harshly. Philip was
brutish towards her from their first interview. She was really pregnant — not like his
former wife, Mary; and the physicians, who had drugged Carlos, treated her as drop.
f-irttl. She died under their hands ; and, in the opinion of many historians, is also held
to Lave been a victim of rage against heretics and their abettors.
3 A 2
364 CHAPTER V.
generously contributed money towards the assistance of the Prince
of Orange, the Reformed generally did the same, and affairs began to
assume a different aspect.
The head-quarters of Alva were in Brussels, where, as in many
other places, he failed to collect the taxes he had required. The
shopkeepers shut their shops, declaring that they had no goods to sell,
nor any money to give. To obtain money, which was then what he
wanted above all things, he determined to turn the soldiers on the
inhabitants, hang some of the citizens before their own doors, and,
amidst the terror so produced, extort as much cash as possible.
While he was making a list of persons to be hung, news came that
the Briel, a town on the coast of Holland, was taken by the " water-
beggars" (April 1st, 1569) under the command of Admiral Vander
Mark, whose fleet of six-and-twenty ships had been driven to that
shore by contrary winds. Great part of the Spanish garrison had
vacated the place, to do execution at Utrecht, and, in their absence,
the wind of heaven brought deliverers. It is remarkable that Vander
Mark, at the instance of Alva, was obliged to quit England, where he
had taken refuge, and where, after all, Alva would rather he had
stayed. The town was soon stormed, the burghers welcomed Vander
Mark, whose men turned their violence on the Clergy, and joined the
inhabitants in clearing the churches of their images. Alva could not
stay to hang the shopkeepers at Brussels, but marched away in haste
to encounter the " beggars ; " but the beggars beat him on his arrival
at the Briel, and he could only march back again covered \vith shame.
On his return-march Dort shut her gates on him, lest, if he got in,
he should force money from the inhabitants. At Rotterdam his army
were refused transit, except in small numbers, and he made his case
the worse by massacring many of the inhabitants, and chastising the
people in some other places ; but the men of Flushing, animated by
the exhortations of a Romish Priest, having driven out the garrison,
also repulsed him. And now the tide was turned. Town after town
declared for the Prince of Orange, and the petty tyrants who had
served Alva were in profound dismay. In Gouda, for example, which
was taken by sixty men, a Burgomaster ran for refuge to the house
of a widow, who kindly put him into a cupboard. " Am I safe
here ? " whispered he through the key-hole ; " am I safe here ? "
" O yes," said the good woman : " my husband has been often hidden
there when you were seeking for him, and the keeper of the prison
stood there before him." So did the cupidity of Alva, and his get-
ting Vander Mark sent out of England, turn the tide of war against
himself. He was caught in the net that he had spread.
The States of Holland met at Dort (July loth, 1569), and declared
the Prince of Orange lawful Stadtholder, or Viceroy, and Alva an
enemy of the country. One of the members, representing the Prince,
expressed his desire that both Romanists and Reformed should enjoy
the public exercise of their religion, under such regulations as might
be duly made ; and Vander Mark, as his Lieutenant for Holland, was
instructed accordingly. Meanwhile Alva had besieged Mons ; but,
unable to reduce that town, withdrew his men from Rotterdam and
ALVA BEATKN. 365
some other places to join him before Mons, leaving Rotterdam to be
occupied by the Admiral. About that time the Prince of Orange
came with his newly-recruited army from Germany, and for more
than three years the whole country was exposed to the horrors of war,
in which some of the Dutch leaders, especially Vander Mark, were
not guiltless ; but the Spaniards added butchery to war ; until Philip
himself saw that main force, being insufficient to conquer, might
provoke his subjects to cast off his authority as well as that of his
General, and transferred the command to Don Luis de Requesens.
Alva, Don Federico, his son, and Vargas, left Brussels (December 2d,
1572) ; the ex-Governor boasting that he had passed eighteen
thousand heretics under the hand of the executioner, besides the
uncounted thousands whom he had destroyed in war. Vargas com-
plained that the Low Countries were lost by foolish compassion !
Not by compassion nor by leniency, but (on the relief of Leyden from a
dreadful siege, which it endured amidst the horrors of famine) by the
" water-beggars," whose fleet floated down the dykes, — the country
being flooded, and thousands of Spaniards drowned, — Holland was
delivered from " the Spanish fury," but still acknowledged Philip
as King (A.D. 15/5). The war continued in the southern pro-
vinces without abatement, yet with gradual advantages in favour of
the States, until they united (November 8th, 1576) at Ghent in a
league for the expulsion of the Spaniards. As some of them had
been royalist, and others had acknowledged the Prince of Orange,
their union was called the pacification of Ghent. Still Don Juan
fought under consecrated banners, hoping, by virtue of the Cross, to
conquer heretics, as, by the same sign, he had vanquished Turks ;
and Gregory XIII. encouraged his army by a Bull of crusade, grant-
ing the soldiers plenary indulgence, and remission of all sins, in
reward for killing heretics.
At last, patriotism and religious reformation being associated in the
conception of the people, and absolute government having fallen
by its own severity, the States of most of the provinces of the
Netherlands declared, by proclamation (June 2b'th, 1581), that the
King of Spain had forfeited all right and title to the government.
Their proclamation affirmed that the people were 'not created by God
for the sake of the Prince, to submit to his commands, whether pious
or impious, right or wrong, and be his slaves ; but that the Prince
was created for the people, to feed, preserve, and govern them in
justice and equity, as a father his children, or a shepherd his flock ;
that whoever pretended to enslave his subjects, should be deemed a
tyrant, rejected, and deposed, especially by virtue of a resolution
of the States of the nation, if the subjects could not obtain redress by
supplication and other means. The Sovereign of those provinces,
they said, had sworn to govern according to their rights and privi-
leges, and, by breaking his oath, forfeited the sovereignty. They
then recapitulated the unlawful acts of Philip, and for them rejected
him, and ordained an oath of abjuration. War lingered, much blood
continued to be spilt, but Philip had lost the Netherlands ; leaving
the annals of that war, with its conclusion, as n monition to all such
3C6 CHAPTER V.
persecutors of the vanity and mischief of attempting to establish, or
to destroy, any religion by fire and sword.
But Philip could not submit to the decision of war, although he
had pretended to confide his cause to God and the saints. Now that
Alva and his successors had failed, he endeavoured openly to do what
he had often secretly attempted, and offered a reward of twenty-five
thousand ducats for the head of the Prince of Orange, with a patent
of nobility for the assassin. One of his servants shot him, but the
wound was not mortal : another shot him with deadly effect, and,
only able to ejaculate a prayer, " My God, have mercy on me, and on
the poor people," he expired. The tale is briefly told by Mariana,*
in a style which well expresses the spirit of the deed. " In Antwerp
a Biscayan youth, called Juan de Xauregui, resolved to kill the Prince
of Orange." — But the Jesuit says not a word of the rewards offered
for that service. — "With this resolution, one day, after clearing the
table after dinner, he gave him a pistol-shot. This did not kill him,
but passed through his cheek, leaving a bad wound. The youth was
then cut to pieces, and all who had any knowledge of the conspiracy
were put to death. More happy was another youth, a Burgundian,
who, having engaged himself as servant of the said Prince, soon
found a favourable occasion, and killed him in Holland." He had
revealed his design to a Jesuit at Trier, who consulted three of his
brethren on the subject, and then assured him that, if he lost his life
in consequence of the murder, he should be ranked among the
martyrs. A Franciscan also encouraged him, and gave him his bless-
ing, which he first proceeded to merit by pretending to be the son
of a martyr, and very religious ; in token of which he always carried
a Bible, Psalm-book, or some pious treatise, in his pocket. Thus he
made his way into the service of the Prince.
War still continued, until, twenty-seven years after this murder,
the Spaniards, weakened by the loss of their great Armada, fitted out
for the invasion of England (A. D.* 1588), and by the declension of
their affairs in general, concluded a truce of twelve years. f Holland
then became independent and prosperous ; but the Spanish Nether-
lands, as they were called by way of distinction, had neither inde-
pendence nor prosperity. £ A successor to the Duke of Alva could
not be found in the service of the Church ; and for many years we
do not find that any more of the Reformed were put to death, until
A.D. 1596, when two ladies and their servant-woman were accused
of heresy, and imprisoned in Brussels. Yielding to fear of death, the
ladies pleaded ignorance, asked for pardon, returned to the Romish
communion, and were allowed to live ; but their servant maintained
her constancy. Being a woman of mean condition, she told the
Judges, she could not be suspected of stirring up sedition, and, as
she thought, had right views of religion ; but if not, her error was
* Mariana, Ano 1582.
t It does not come within the purpose of this work to relate the unsatisfactory history
of the Dutch churches while quarreling over points of discipline and confessions, and
endeavouring to enforce conformity by laws.
I Brandt's History of the Reformation, &c., in and about the Low Countries, i« the
original authority for this sketch of the religious war.
SPAIN. 3G7
her misfortune, and ought not to be imputed to her as a crime : but
if she were to violate her conscience by saying, through fear, what
she did not believe, even truth, so spoken, would be offensive in the
sight of God, and men ought not to punish her for error, but leave
that to God. Her case was referred to the Council of Government,
where the Archduke Albert of Austria is reported to have recom-
mended that she should be punished according to the placards.
She was, accordingly, condemned to be buried alive. They took her
to a place in the neighbourhood of Brussels, on the canal of Heijfelt,
and laid her in a pit, or grave, surrounded by Jesuits, who seemed
half afraid of the consequences of their own deed. Instead of being
suffocated at once, the earth was thrown in by shovels-full, beginning
at her feet, and so gradually covering the whole body. At each stage
of the slow burial, the Jesuits asked if she had re-considered, and
offered her mercy ; but she cried, " They that seek to save their lives
here shall lose them hereafter." The earth was now scattered over
her body, up to the neck ; her face was then covered, and the execu-
tioner leaped into the grave, and stamped on the half-buried woman,
whose moans made the bystanders shudder. Thus did Anna vanden
Hove join the glorious company who had gone before ; and, although
assassinations were sometimes attempted, and but too successfully,
and imprisonments and banishments were frequent, few more were
put to death judicially.
Our starting-point was the edict of Augsburg (A.D. 1530). We
there saw Charles V. resolved to enforce conformity to the Roman
Church throughout the empire, if possible ; and, by the example of
the Netherlands, have seen that he also resolved to make an end
of all religious diversity in that part of his hereditary dominions.
We shall also have to trace the same attempt in regard to the
Utraquists and " the Brethren " in Bohemia and Moravia ; but our
attention must now be directed towards Spain, a kingdom which the
Sovereign could govern absolutely, without the hinderance of any
constitutional restriction.
Charles conceived, or, if he did not conceive, admitted, the idea
of following up that edict by a grand effort of religious persecution.
Not only Protestants, Reformed, Hussites, Brethren, but Jews and
Moors, or rather new Christians, persons who had been compelled to
submit to baptism and make a profession of such Christianity as was
current, — a profession that was too reluctant and imperfect even to
induce the outward appearance of proselytism, — these were to be
made the subjects of a terrible coercion. Judaism was all but extinct ;
and the Inquisitors had nearly exhausted the property belonging
to the Judeo-Christian families who remained after massacres, emigra-
tions, banishments, and the great expulsion of 1-192. The Moors, or
Moriscoes, of Valencia, first compelled to submit to that spurious
Christianity, were then goaded by innumerable vexations, until they
laid their complaints at the foot of the imperial throne, and were at last
quieted by fire and sword. But the humbler classes of the Granadan
population were almost entirely Moorish ; and measures having been
already taken for the obliteration of every trace of their national
368 CHAPTER V.
origin, by prohibiting the language, dress, and customs which they
had cherished with an intense enthusiasm, the Inquisition was planted
in Granada (A.D. 1530), and its operations began. As yet there were
no Lutherans in Spain ; but good books had found their way into
the country, if we may believe those Inquisitors who took the civil
power into their own hands, and published two orders from their
Supreme Council, the one prohibiting utterly the printing of books,
and the other commanding their servants to visit and examine all
public libraries, — although those libraries, being ecclesiastical, should
rather have been expurgated by the Bishops than by the Inquisition,
— and requiring all persons to give information of those whom they
believed to have possessed or read such books. Thus began at once
the suppression of the Reformation, and the expulsion of the
Moriscoes. For the latter purpose proceedings were vigorous, for the
former but preliminary ; and Charles, busied with the affairs of Ger-
many, left both to be executed by his son. The neighbouring king-
dom of Portugal was not impervious to rays of truth ; the King,
John III., represented to the Court of Rome that several converted
Jews had become Protestants, and Clement VII. favoured him with
the appointment of an Inquisitor-General, Diego de Silva, who entered
Lisbon amidst the execrations of the people ; but King John had
already overcome " grave difficulties," their murmurings were awed
into silence, and an abundant harvest the year following (A.D. 1535)
was declared to be a boon of heaven to reward Portugal for the
admission of the Holy Office. All this notwithstanding, Don Diego
could not venture to exercise his functions until two years' perse-
verance had brought him another Bull, Lutheran doctrine gaining
ground meanwhile, both in Portugal and Spain.
Even in the court of Charles V., and subsequently in the vice-
royal palace of Naples, Juan Valdes, a learned, devout, and evangelical
Spaniard, laboured in the preparation of treatises * calculated to open
the eyes of his countrymen to some fundamental articles of Christian
faith. While a young man he had imbibed many scriptural ideas
from the writings of Tauler, a German mystic, which were confirmed
by conversing with enlightened men, and by studying the word of
God with prayer. He taught that the holy Scriptures, not the
Fathers, are the rule of faith ; that men are justified by a lively faith
in the passion and death of Christ ; that it is possible for the justified
to attain to certainty as to their acceptance with God. Other writers
partook of a similar elevation of theological sentiment ; but the living
voice was not yet heard, until one who appears to have owed little or
nothing to human writings, without an earthly master, and taught by
God alone, broke silence.
Rodrigo de Valero, a native of Lebrija, figured at Seville in the
most brilliant scenes of gaiety and fashion. While yet his health was
unbroken, and his fortune unimpaired, he suddenly withdrew into
ne
Scriptu
Jint das.
RODRIGO DE VALERO. 369
solitude, laid aside his equipage, relinquished all care of personal
appearance, and, shutting himself up iu his chamber, devoted himself
entirely to reading and meditation. His book was a Latin Bible ;
and over its pages he bent, night and day, familiarizing himself with
the language, committing sentences to memory, and comparing
spiritual things with spiritual. He had turned his back on the
formalities of the Church as well as on the follies of the world ; and
while learning the first elements of Christianity, these elements grew
up within his soul into a body of lively truth that he could no longer
hide in secrecy. Emerging from retirement as unexpectedly as he
had gone into it, he appeared suddenly in society again, courting the
company of Priests and Friars, and conversing only on religious
topics. They heard his arguments with the embarrassment of novices,
and his reproofs with impatience, when he pointed out their impuri-
ties and dishonesty of conduct no less freely than the errors of their
doctrine. To their rote authorities he opposed the veritable authority
of the word of God. They withdrew from his society ; but he pur-
sued them. In public companies, and on public walks, he joined in
their conversations, and confronted them with the unanswerable text
of the neglected Bible. Disdainfully they asked whence he had
derived his knowledge, how he could dare to teach them, and what
were the pi-oofs of his new mission. His Bible, he affirmed, was the
source of all knowledge, and the Divine Author of that book the
authority on whom alone he relied while endeavouring to dispel their
ignorance. They presented him to the Inquisitors ; but he felt no
fear, and argued against the triers with the same earnestness and
self-possession as if he had been pacing the Alameda with familiar
friends. The Inquisitors fancied him to be mad ; some whom he had
already brought over to his views designedly encouraged them in the
fancy, and the fathers contented themselves with depriving the insane
babbler of his property. This he took joyfully ; and, although death
awaited him, could only be persuaded to cease from public conversa-
tion for a time, and employed the interval in expounding the Epistle
to the Romans to a secret congregation. But secret ministrations
became wearisome. He believed that he ought to confess Christ openly,
at whatever cost, and was seen and heard again in public as before.
Again the Inquisitors had him brought into their presence (A.D.
1541), and condemned him to wear the sambenito, — saco bendito,
" blessed sack ! " — and to be imprisoned for life. He was thus made
one of a company of " penitents," and marched with the shameful
vesture on him, with shorn head and bare feet, to hear sermons in
the church of S. Salvador,* in Seville ; but he manifested neither
* If the traveller in Seville will go to the church of S. Salvador, he will see an inscrip-
tion, on marble, on the outside of that building. It is an old law, which, mutatis
mutandis, the ecclesiastical authority would wish to have enforced at this day : — " The
King, Don Juan, Law 11. The King, and every person who shall meet the most holy
sacrament, shall come down from his horse, although it be in the mire, under penalty
of six hundred maravedis of that time, according to the laudable custom of this city, or
he shall lose his equipage. And if it be a Moor, fourteen years of age, or upwards,
he must kneel down, or lose all the clothes that are on him, to be given to the accuser.
This stone was erected by the arch-fraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament of this collegiate
church, in the year 1714.'' — Copied on the spot by the author.
VOL. III. 3 11
370 CHAPTER V.
shame nor sorrow ; and once, unwilling to lose the opportunity of
again publishing the truth, addressed a numerous congregation,
after the preacher had left the pulpit, warning them not to give heed
to anything that could not be proved by the word of God. This act
sealed his earthly doom. From that time he was hidden from every
eye, save that of God, and the inmates of a monastery in the little
town of S. Lucar de Barrameda, on the edge of the Guadalquivir,
where he died at about fifty years of age. His sambenito, according
to custom, was hung up as a trophy in the cathedral church of
Seville, surmounted by these words : — " Rodrigo de Valero, citizen
of Lebrija and Seville, apostate, a false Apostle, who pretended
to be sent of God." We shall find a nobler memorial of this
confessor,
By channels, of which there is no trace remaining, the truth found
entrance into the city of Valladolid. In the confidence of friendship,
among persons who found themselves alike influenced by a hungering
and thirsting after righteousness, the verities of Christianity found
frequent utterance ; and a lively desire to discover the doctrine that
freer nations had welcomed, and that martyrs again died for, pervaded
the public mind, but lay covered in silence. At length it was noised
that an auto de fe was to be celebrated ; and, at the appointed time,
the usual procession walked towards the hearth, — quemadero, — as the
Spaniards correctly call the ordinary place of execution. A sad train
of penitents were made to stand in order around the spot, and one,
wearing a sambenito and cap, with red flames and devils painted from
head to foot, was led out of the train, and chained to the stake. A
crowd of Friars beset him with offers of life if he would accept recon-
ciliation with the Church, but could not extort a sentence. He stood
erect and placid, waiting for deliverance ; but when they presented
him an image of the Saviour, fixed on a lofty rood, he averted his eye
with sorrow from the idol. The people saw, for the first time, a
Lutheran taken in the clutches of the Inquisition, and waited, with
breathless attention and fixed gaze, to catch every syllable and watch
every gesture. But, still and peaceful, he answered not a word.
When the fire was applied, as the flame first laid hold on his
body, he shrank involuntarily ; and the Friars, mistaking the move-
ment for a signal of surrender, shouted that he was penitent, and bade
him be taken from the stake. Then he spoke, loud and clear, "Do
you envy me my happiness ? " The Friars revoked their order, the
martyr finished his course with joy, the penitents were taken back to
endure the remainder of their penalties, and the inhabitants went
home, repeating the single sentence, " Do you envy me my happi-
ness ? " The same day a proclamation rang through the city,
forbidding any to pray for his soul, or to speak a word in his praise.
But there were thousands who would not be silenced : they loudly
praised the man who could find happiness in martyrdom ; several
soldiers of the imperial guard came openly to the place, and gathered
up the ashes ; and even the English Ambassador, being in the city at
the time (A.D. 1544), obtained a relic from his half-burnt bones.
The guards were imprisoned, and the representative of Henry VIII. —
THE GOSPEL SPREADS IN SPAIN. 371
•who knew that his master was weary of barbarity like that now
renewed in Spain — was prohibited from appearing at court.
Then the citizens of Valladolid repeated the history of the martyr.
His name was Francisco San Roman, son of the old Alcalde of Bri-
biesca. He had gone young into Flanders, on commercial business ;
and, having been sent by his employers from Antwerp to Bremen,
where the Gospel was known, had heard Spreng, of whom we have
already spoken, a good Prior of the Augustinian monastery of Antwerp
who had to flee to save his life. Awakened by that sermon, he called
on the preacher, and obtained an introduction to a circle of pious and
learned Christians. Exulting in the treasure newly found, he made
allusions in letters to his employers which betrayed the change he had
undergone, and, on his return, was seized by some Friars, who
searched his luggage, found Lutheran books, and threw him into
prison. On powerful intercession, the clerical authorities allowed him
to be released after eight months' confinement ; but his love to Christ
was not extinguished. For a time he submitted to restraint, at the
earnest^entreaty of his friends and brethren ; but being at Eatisbon at
the time of the inconclusive Diet that was held there, and encouraged
by hearing of the growing power of the Reformed, he obtained an
audience of Charles V., to whom he deplored the state of religion in
Spain, and begged His Majesty to restrain the cruelties of the Inqui-
sitors. Emboldened by a mild reply, he ventured to ask for a second
hearing, and then spoke so freely that the attendants would have
flung him into the Danube at once, but Charles commanded them to
reserve him for trial. They threw him into irons, and thus he was
carried in the retinue of the Emperor from Germany to Italy, from
Italy to Africa, from Africa back to Spain, and delivered over to the
Inquisitors at Valladolid. His last audience were the Inquisitors,
who heard him confess faith in the only meritorious death of the
Lord Jesus Christ, and pronounce the mass, auricular confession,
image-worship, saint-worship, and purgatory, to be all blasphemy
against the living God. Neither witnesses nor torture were necessary
to prove that he was none of theirs ; and they sated their own anger
and the displeasure of Charles by throwing him into the fire.
Witnesses now multiplied, in spite of Emperor and Inquisition.
He had imprisoned Encinas at Brussels ; but a friendly guard, or per-
haps a more friendly Providence, without any intentional human
intervention, left open the prison-door, the prisoner escaped, and
became eminent as a translator of the Bible into Spanish.
Seville, also, became a seat of evangelical communion and prayer ;
but the Christians there were compelled to hold their conversations
and meetings in profound secrecy, probably acquiring a habit of con-
cealment that afterwards exerted an injurious influence on the charac-
ter of those churches. An auto de fe in that city * admonished
them of danger (A.D. 1552) ; and in the neighbouring kingdom the
irrepressible zeal of an Englishman gave the Inquisition a momentary
advantage, and served as an occasion for terror to all who shared in
evangelical opinions.
* Probably of persons burnt for Judaism or witchcraft.
3 B 2
372 CHAPTER V.
William Gardiner, a pious young man, native of Bristol, well edu-
cated, went out to Lisbon as a supercargo, and eventually settled
there as correspondent of a house in Bristol, learnt Portuguese,
became well known, and held private intercourse with many persons
— whether English or Portuguese, or both, the narrator * does not
say — who experienced the reality of religion. On occasion of a mar-
riage between the son of the King of Portugal and a daughter of the
King of Spain, Gardiner, in common with a great multitude, went to
witness the ceremony. " The hour being come, they flocked into the
church with great solemnity and pomp ; the King first, and then
every estate in order ; the greater the persons, the more ceremonies
were about them. After all things were set in order, they went for-
ward to the celebrating of their mass ; for that alone serveth for all
purposes. The Cardinal did execute, with much singing and organ-
playing. The people stood with great devotion and silence, praying,
looking, kneeling, and knocking ; their minds being fully bent and
set, as it is the matter, upon the external sacrament." The young
Englishman shuddered at the idolatry that marred the spectacle ; he
pitied the King and chief nobility of the kingdom, who rendered the
homage of a nation to the wafer ; and fain would he have borne some
testimony against their deed. From that scene he returned to his
lodgings, fell on his knees, wept, prayed God to have mercy on the
guilty, and besought guidance that he might clear his conscience.
Scarcely could he take food or sleep for some days, until the Sunday
following, when he dressed himself with exceeding care, so as to be
admitted into the body of the church where the King, with the royal
bridegroom and bride, and the same train of Cardinals, Bishops,
Princes, and Lords, were to close the nuptial festivities with a solemn
mass. Gardiner made Mray to the high altar, took his station, and
stood reading a New Testament during the ceremonial, until mass.
But then he stirred not. The Cardinal " consecrated, sacrificed, lifted
up on high." The people knelt down and beat their breasts ; but the
Englishman stood still, fixing his eyes only on his book. At last, at
that part of the ceremony where they used to take the host and toss
it to and fro round the chalice, Gardiner sprang on the Cardinal, with
one hand snatched away the wafer and trod it under foot, and with
the other dashed the chalice to the ground. For a moment, the
glittering assemblage was struck silent with amazement, but only for
a moment. The aggressor stood still, and was seized by those nearest.
One wounded him with a dagger, but the King prevented further
violence ; and after he, and one Pendigrace, his fellow-lodger, had
suffered torture, in order to discover whether he had been employed to
commit the act, — Edward VI., a reputed heretic, being then King
of England, — he was first mutilated by the amputation of both hands,
and then swung over a fire, to be slowly burnt to death. The Clergy
afterwards appointed a solemn fast to placate the divinity which they
said Gardiner had profaned. It is not necessary to spend time in
considering whether the doer of such an act should be blamed or com-
* Foxe, (Acts and Monuments, book ix.,) who received his information from Tendi-
grace, the companion of Gardiner.
GOOD BOOKS IN SPAIN. 373
mended. Those who reverence Romish idolatry will, of course, cen-
sure his excessive zeal, deeming that complaisance is to be rendered to
every sort of religious form ; but some there are who will honour the
spirit of the man who, in a strange country, and with certainty of
most cruel death, could dare to use that awful moment to bear wit-
ness against the abominable sin of changing the glory of the incor-
ruptible God into so insignificant an object of adoration. Others have
attacked Priests with weapons of death, and committed needless
violence ; but, at least, it must be said of William Gardiner, that
every known circumstance of his life until that time defends him from
the suspicion of wanton fanaticism.
To return to Spain. A remarkable oneness of purpose actuated
the leading evangelists of that country. They were not at first so
much indebted to Germany as might be supposed. The religious
wars and persecutions of their own country had provoked reflection.
Not only the Koran, but the Old Testament, had been a household
book through long ages of trial. Prevalent idolatry and fiend-like
persecution had closed the heart of the afflicted Jew against the evi-
dences of Christianity. How could he compare the superstition and
malign violence of Romanism with any prophetic description, and
take it to be the religion of Christ ? Yet the pure morality of that
blessed volume was learned by the afflicted sons of Jacob in Spain
perhaps better than in any other country ; for there they were more
learned, as well as more oppressed ; and their integrity sustained
them in the estimation of the laity, even while the Clergy wreaked the
utmost fury of bigotry and cupidity upon their heads. Here was a
peculiar moral element in the Spanish character, as long as Jewish
blood, with the domestic traditions and customs of that people,
retained their influence. Following in the track of the expatriated
Hebrews, the more learned disciples of Valero and his first com-
panions left Spain ; but they went in order to prepare materials for
its conversion. Not only the Bibles and Catechisms of Encinas and
Perez, but many other books, were proceeding from German, and
Swiss, and Venetian presses, and diffusing sacred knowledge through-
out Spain, in spite of prohibitions. Pope Julius III. (A.D. 1550)
told the Inquisitors that he had been informed of great quantities
of heretical books in the hands of booksellers and private persons ;
and officers were stationed at all the sea-ports and along the frontiers,
to search the luggage and person of every one entering the kingdom.
But the barrier could not be kept unbroken. Prohibited books were
sought after with avidity ; and among the most daring importers was
Julian Hernandez, amanuensis of one of the translators (Juan Perez)
at Geneva, who managed to convey two large casks full of books from
the city of Calvin to the house of one of the Reformed in Seville, who
quickly dispersed their contents over the kingdom. Muleteers carried
parcels of books within skins of wine from one place to another.
The Christians of Valladolid were refreshed (A.D. 1556) by the visit
of a brother who had endured severe trial. Dr. Juan Gil, or Egidio,
had been for three years imprisoned at Seville, where he once did
open penance at an auto de ft. The period of imprisonment being
3/4 CHAPTER V.
expired, he travelled to visit this congregation ; but the effort was
more than his attenuated frame could bear, and he died of fever
immediately after his return.* When Valero began his labours in
Seville, Dr. Egidio was Canon Magistral, or preacher of the cathedral ;
but, although deeply imbued with scholastic science, and of high repute
for learning, exceedingly unpopular, and scarcely less unhappy. While
mortified and perplexed, he met with Valero, who told him plainly
whence a preacher may draw life, and set him to read the word
of God. Egidio applied himself to the new study, and soon began to
put forth pungent sentences, stirring appeals, and, at length, such
torrents of novel, heart-awakening oratory, as drew popular attention,
and brought crowds into the half-deserted edifice. With admirable
prudence he tempered his discourses to the state of the people, rather
instructing them than attacking the abominations of the Church, and
at once taught them to trust in the atonement, and to bear the cross
of Christ. When he was already the centre of a numerous company
of persons, whose great care was for their personal salvation, two
of his former fellow-students joined him in the work of preaching
Christ. One was Dr. Vargas, who read lectures to the learned, ex-
pounding in order the Epistle to the Romans and the Book of Psalms.
The other was Constantino Ponce de la Fuente, an eloquent preacher,
who assisted in the pulpit. These three were for a time the sup-
porters of the cause of God in Seville ; and, after their public labours
during the day, were used to join parties of brethren in private
houses, and familiarly teach inquirers the way of life. This society
peacefully multiplied in the city, and ramified into other places ; but
they were soon to feel the weight of persecution, as well as their
brethren in Valladolid, and elsewhere. Vargas died. De la Fuente
removed into the Netherlands, as Chaplain to the Emperor, who, in
admiration of his lesser excellencies, overlooked his greater, as did he
the real doctrine of Dr. Egidio, whom he nominated to the vacant
bishopric of Tortosa. This appointment aroused the envy of several
aspirants to the same dignity, who charged the Bishop elect with
heresy, and had him thrown into a secret prison of the Inquisition.
The Emperor wrote in his favour to the Inquisitor-General ; the
Chapter of Seville interceded for him ; so did many other persons ;
and for a moment the Inquisitors relaxed their grasp. Yet he was
not quite free. The stain of heresy remained on him, and by a pre-
tence of extraordinary consideration, he was excused from examination
by the ordinary calificadores, or triers of the tribunal, and permitted
to nominate an arbiter, of whom the Judges approved, and Domingo
de Soto, a Dominican from Salamanca, sat down with him to review
the doctrine he had been accused of preaching. After many confer-
ences the two divines seemed to have come to an agreement ; and as
public expectation ran very high, it was arranged that both Egidio and
Soto should appear in the cathedral, and each read a paper, previously
agreed to by the other, explanatory of their judgment on the points in
* That visit was known after his death, and regarded as evidence that he was still a
" Lutheran." The case was tried over again, his body was exhumed, he was burnt in
effigy, and his property confiscated.
JULIAN HERNANDEZ. 375
question, especially as to justification, wherein the Dominican had
professed to coincide. At the hour appointed they went to the
cathedral, where two pulpits were placed, but so far apart, that one
could not distinctly hear the other. Each, however, was heard by a
considerable part of the intervening congregation, who found that,
notwithstanding the pretended coincidence of Soto, they pronounced
contrary doctrine. This difference was made the ground of a gecond
process, and Egidio was imprisoned, with penance, for three years ;
and here was the first blow that fell on the infant church in Spain.
That church now extended to Seville, Valladolid, and their neighbour-
hoods ; many villages in the kingdom of Leon, in Toro, Zamora and
its neighbourhood, Palencia, Soria, Logrono, the provinces of Gra-
nada, Murcia, Valencia ; and with great strength in Aragon, at Zara-
goza, Huesca, and many other towns. Priests, nobles, officers, and
entire communities of Monks and Nuns, had become Reformed.
Egidio was removed from the field of labour ; but the Inquisitors
found that the work spread, notwithstanding. Julian Hernandez,
informed against by a man to whom he had given a New Testament,
was thrown into prison (A.D. 1557), and put to the question, to discover
his brethren. During three years' durance his courage never drooped ;
and after baffling his tormentors by silence in the torture-chamber,
when dragged back again to his cell, he would beguile the anguish
of his racked limbs by chanting, in one of those airs that inimitably
express the spirit of Iberian romance, —
" Vencidos van los Frayles, vencidos van ;
Corridos van los lobos, corridos vau."
" There go the Friars, there they run ;
There go the wolves, the wolves are done."
The secret that all the apparatus of torment could not extort from
brave Julian Hernandez was brought to the Inquisition at Seville by a
familiar in disguise, — as all familiars are,* — who had pretended to be
a convert, and took part in the private meetings ; and in Valladolid
by the wife of one of the members, who traced her husband, and then
went straightway to the Inquisition with the desired intelligence, for
which those scorners and corrupters of nuptial fidelity rewarded her
with an annuity for life. These two informations gave the clue for
further discoveries. The Council of the Supreme instructed the
inferior tribunals, who undertook a general search, observing profound
secrecy, and registering every suspicion. Then, at one stroke, the
brethren at Seville and at Valladolid were seized ; and as informations
multiplied, hundreds more were added to the captives. Eight hun-
dred persons were in custody at Seville, crowding the castle of Triana,
the common prisons, the convent prisons, and even private houses.
Many fled ; yet few of them could escape out of the country, being
pursued and overtaken. Some, desperate, ran to the Inquisition and
informed against themselves, asking for mitigated punishment ; some,
even iu foreign countries, were ensnared, and brought back again.
* are where the Inquisition still exists, hut no longer in Spain.
3/6 CHAPTER V.
An entire community in Seville was threatened. The Monks of San
Isidro had long possessed a stock of Bibles, and, in the privacy of that
house, had thrown aside all Popish observances, and given themselves
to the word of God and prayer. How to flee, or whether to remain,
they were not able to decide. For a whole society to escape at once
would be impracticable : so each member of the community was left
free to follow his reason and conscience. Twelve of them left the
monastery, and, taking different routes, got safely out of Spain, and
at the end of twelve months were united to the Church of Geneva.
The monastery of San Isidro fell under suspicion, and the remaining
community was involved in the common persecution. Charles V., who
had now retreated to a monastery, sent messages and letters to his
daughter Juana, Regent of Spain, to the President of the Council
of Castile, and to the Inquisitor- General, exhorting them to burn all
the Lutherans ; to make them Christians first, if possible, but to for-
give none ; bemoaning his former sin in not burning Luther, but
keeping faith, with a heretic whom he should not have suffered to live
when he had caught him at Worms, notwithstanding the safe-conduct.
Finding themselves in possession of so great a number of victims,
mafcy of them persons of rank and eminence, Philip II. and Valdes,
the Inquisitor- General, represented the affair to the Pope, and solicited
instructions equal to the grandeur of the occasion. Paul IV. gratified
them with a Bull (January 4th, 1559), authorizing the Inquisitor-
General to deliver to the secular arm, to be burnt, all dogmatizing
Lutheran heretics, even if they were not relapsed, and those of the
sincerity of whose repentance there might be any doubt. This was a
shameless excess, beyond the Inquisition itself; contrary to a maxim
of Canon Law,* that " the Church closes her bosom to none that
return," and has excited the indignation of Romanists themselves. A
second Bull (January 6th) commanded, in addition to the exertions
of the Inquisitors, all Confessors to interrogate all persons confessing
as to their knowledge of Lutheran books ; and to bring all such
information to the Inquisition, breaking, at once, the seal of confes-
sion, in open contempt of another law of the Church. And a third
Bull (January 7th) provided further, that as the Lutheran heresy,
propagated in Spain by many illustrious, noble, and mighty persons,
had been checked by the Inquisitor-General, who had taken many
delinquents, multiplied Inquisitors, dispersed them over the provinces,
and instructed them how to prevent the flight of many ; and seeing
that he had been obliged to incur much expense by keeping relays
of post-horses, maintaining the poorer prisoners, and so on, beyond
the existing resources of the Holy Office, and fearing that, for the
future, similar expenses would have to be incurred, the Pope gave the
Inquisition a canonry from each metropolitan, cathedral, and collegiate
church, and (by an additional brief) an extraordinary subsidy
of 100,000 ducats of gold out of the ecclesiastical revenues. All
this was resisted by some of the Chapters, who could not comprehend
how the immense confiscations of estates of heretics should be insuf-
* • Ecclesia nulli claudit gremium redeunti,"— Sexti Decretalium lib. v. ; De Hxret.,
Tit. 2.
AUTO DE FE AT VALLADOLID. 3/7
ficient to pay the expenses of their capture ; but the majority yielded
in a fervour of delight at the expected extermination of the Lutherans,
which began dreadfully in earnest.
Early in the morning of Trinity Sunday, 1559, the sound of bells
was indistinctly heard in the cells of the Inquisition of Valla-
dolid, and the officials brought out the prisoners to meet their
doom. The penitents, as they are called, had heard their sentence
the evening before. Of those there were sixteen. At midnight,
Confessors had entered the cells of fourteen others, awoke them to
announce that the next day they were to burn, and offered them the
indulgence of being strangled first, if they would be reconciled to the
Church. The prisoners had been shaven, and their hair cut off, in
consideration of the uniformity required, or to signify that they were
reduced to a state resembling bald and naked infancy, as children of
wrath, and were now made to put on the last livery of the Church.
Each victim took a loose yellow dress, or cowl, and pasteboard cap,
the zamarra and coroza, prepared according to his fate. For those
•who were to be burnt alive the emblems on both were small black
devils, and ascending flames, with the figure of a human head
burning in flames, painted low on the front. Inverted flames,
without the devils or the head, symbolized the gentler chastise-
ment and lesser ignominy of the reconciled persons, who were to be
hung, and their bodies burnt after extinction of life. These persons
were also permitted to carry a taper and a rosary. So were the
penitents, each receiving a sambenito marked with a St. Andrew's
cross. Thus attired, they met each other in a common room, but in
sepulchral silence, as if the power of articulation were lost ; for none
of them durst speak, nor sob, nor groan. Fixed like statues, not
a limb moved, but their eyes only. They were subdued, spirit-crushed,
and stupified with fear and grief, or, if not so, silent because even a
breath would have provoked some new aggravation of torment. There
was a sumptuous breakfast prepared, but little of it eaten ; for every
one revolted from the mockery of a feast in such an hour. A few
who had confessed Christ most boldly were now gagged, lest they
should disturb the ceremonial of the day, or enlighten the bystanders
with confession of their Lord ; the whole company was drawn up in
order in the prison-yard, and, those condemned to die being placed on
asses, and their hands bound, they moved towards the gate, where a
band of soldiers on the outside waited to lead the way. A body
of Priests in robes had fallen into the order of procession, which was
already formed, and after them a numerous band of singing-boys in
surplices, who joined in the chorus of a litany as soon as the prison-
ers appeared, intonating the response, " Ora pro illis" " Pray for
them." The sixteen penitents, wearing sambenitos, walked first, each
with an armed familiar at his side. The remaining fourteen were
mounted. The corpse of one who had died in faith was also carried ;
and her effigy, imitating life, that, with her dead body, it might burn.
Two familiars and as many Monks led each beast, with a heretic wear-
ing the zamarra, the coroza covered with flames and devils, and a rope
trailing from his neck. To the sound of litany they advanced,
VOL. in. 3 c
378 CHAPTER V.
followed by the chief Magistrates of the city, officers of justice, officers
of state, and noblemen. Next in order came the Clergy of the diocese,
each in his proper place, the dignitaries of the chapter, and the Pre-
lates, regular and secular, bringing up the rear. After these the red
silken banner of the Holy Office, bearing a cross, with sword and olive-
branch, and the legend, " Exsurge, Domine, etjudica causam tuam :"
"Arise, 0 Lord, and judge thy cause;" and, on the other side, the
Papal arms. Over the banner glittered a silver crucifix, overlaid with
gold, and filled, as the populace were taught to think, with an indwell-
ing Divinity. The Fathers of the faith, Lords of the Holy Office,
elate with the glories of that day, followed in step ecclesiastic with
fixed gravity, and robed in black. A train of horsed familiars, men
who had often scoured the surrounding plains in chase of heretics,
bestrode impatient steeds, thus to separate their masters from the
promiscuous rabble that followed at their heels.
The vanguard soon entered the great square by the church of St.
Francis, where a temporary amphitheatre had been erected for the
accommodation of the personages concerned in the celebration of this
act of faith. A splendid platform, on one side of the area, received
the Inquisitors, who sat under a stately canopy. On another were
Dona Juana, sister of the King, Governess of Spain during his absence,
and Don Carlos, Prince of the Asturias, his son, whose miserable death
has been already related, and their suite. A magnificent altar was
prepared for mass, and a pulpit for the sermon. The convicts of the
Church were seated together, under guards, on one side in a separate
gallery, not far from the Inquisitors, whose first act, after mass, was
to go to the royal persons and adjure them to support the Holy Office,
and give notice of everything that had come, or ever should come, to
their knowledge, spoken or done against it. Don Francisco Baca,
Inquisitor of Valladolid, administered the oath to the Queen- Governess
and her nephew, as if they were merely presiding Magistrates, whom
the law required so to swear on such occasions. Young Carlos,
although but fourteen years of age, felt the humiliation while he took
the oath : already he disliked the man who exacted it, from that
moment hated the Inquisition, and eventually became a victim to its
malice, without, however, passing through its forms. The same oath
was taken by all the civil officers present, and the sentences of the
prisoners were then read. Melchor Cano, Bishop of the Canaiies, a
Dominican, severe and vehement, delivered the sermon, exhorting all
present to render faithful obedience to God, the Church, and the
Inquisition ; and, this ended, the condemned were delivered over to
the secular magistracy with the usual form. Having the holy Gospels
open before him, Francisco Baca condemned the Christians to the
flames. " With God," said he, " before our eyes, with the holy Gos-
pels placed before us, that our judgment may proceed from the face
of God, and that our eyes may look upon equity." The Magistrates
of the city then took the condemned without the walls, and burnt
them to ashes.* The penitents remained in the hands of the Inqui-
sition, first to be scourged with rods, then to undergo protracted
* Twelve were strangled first, the other two were burnt alive.
AUTO DK FE AT VALLADOLID. 379
penance, and ever to be branded with infamy, and their children after
them.
M'Crie has compendiated the history of these sufferers with so
great fidelity and clearness, that we will borrow from his pages.*
" The greater part of the first class," — the penitents, classed first by
the Inquisition, — " were persons distinguished by their rank and con-
nexions. Don Pedro Sarmiento de Rojas, son of the first Marquis de
Poza, and of a daughter of the Conde de Salinas y Ribadeo, was stripped
of his ornaments as Chevalier of St. James, deprived of his office as
Commander of Quintana, and condemned to wear a perpetual sambenito,
to be imprisoned for life, and to have his memory declared infamous.
His wife, Dona Mencia de Figueroa, dame of honour to the Queen,
M'as sentenced to wear the coat of infamy, and to be confined during
the remainder of her life. His nephew, Don Luis de Rojas, eldest
son of the second Marquis de Poza, and grandson to the Marquis de
Alcaiiizas, was exiled from the cities of Madrid, Valladolid, and Palen-
cia, forbidden to leave the kingdom, and declared incapable of suc-
ceeding to the honours or estates of his father. Dona Ana Enriquez
de Rojas, daughter of the Marquis de Alcanizas, and wife of Don Juan
Alfonso de Fonseca Megia, was a lady of great accomplishments,
understood the Latin language perfectly, and, although only twenty-
four years of age, was familiar with the writings of the Reformers,
particularly those of Calvin. She appeared in the sambenito, and
was condemned to be separated from her husband, and spend her
days in a monastery. Her aunt, Dona Maria de Rojas, a Nun of St.
Catherine in Valladolid, and forty years of age, received sentence
of perpetual penance and imprisonment, from which, however, she
was released by an influence which the Inquisitors did not choose to
resist," — by the intercession of the Queen of Portugal. " Don Juan
de Ulloa Pereira, brother to the Marquis de la Mota, was subjected to
the same punishment as the first-mentioned nobleman. This brave
chevalier had distinguished himself in many engagements against the
Turks, both by sea and land, and performed so great feats of valour
in the expeditions to Algiers, Bugia, and other parts of Africa, that
Charles V. had advanced him to the rank of first Captain, and after-
wards of General. Having appealed to Rome against the sentence
of the Inquisitors, and represented the services which he had done to
Christendom, Don Juan was eventually restored to his rank as Com-
mander of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Juan de Vibero
Cazalla, his wife Dona Juana Silva de Ribera, his sister Dona Con-
stanza, Dona Francisca Zuiiiga de Baeza, Marina de Saavedra, the
widow of an hidalgo named Juan Cisneros de Soto, and Leonor de
Cisneros, (whose husband, Antonio Cisneros, was doomed to a severer
punishment,) with four others of inferior condition, were condemned
to wear the sambenito, and be imprisoned for life. The imprison-
ment of Anthony \Vasor, an Englishman, and servant to Don Luis
de Rojas, was restricted to one year's confinement in a convent.
Confiscation of property was an article in the sentence of all these
persons.
* Making, however, some verbal corrections.
3 c 2
380 CHAPTER V.
" Among those who were delivered over to the secular arm, one
of the most celebrated was Dr. Agustin Cazalla. His reputation, and
the office he had held as Chaplain to the late Emperor, made him an
object of particular attention to the Inquisitors. During his confine-
ment he underwent frequent examinations, with the view of establish-
ing the charges against himself and his fellow-prisoners. Cazalla was
deficient in the courage requisite for the situation into which he was
brought. On the 4th of March, 1559, he was conducted into the
place of torture, when he shrank from the trial ; and, promising to
submit to his Judges, made a declaration, in which he confessed that
he had embraced the Lutheran doctrine, but denied that he had ever
taught it, except to those who were of the same sentiments with him-
self. This answered all the wishes of the Inquisitors, who were
determined that he should expiate his offence by death ; at the same
time that they kept him in suspense as to his fate, with the view
of procuring from him additional information. On the evening before
the auto de fe, Antonio de Carrera, a Monk of St. Jerome, being sent
to acquaint him with his sentence, Cazalla begged earnestly to know,
if he might entertain hopes of escaping capital punishment ; to which
Carrera replied, that the Inquisitors could not rely on his declarations,
but that if he would confess all that the witnesses had deposed
against him, mercy might perhaps be extended to him. This con-
vinced Cazalla that his doom was fixed. ' Well then,' said he, ' I
must prepare to die in the grace of God ; for it is impossible for me
to add to what I have said, without falsehood.' He confessed him-
self to Carrera that night and next morning. On the scaffold, seeing
his sister Constanza passing among those who were sentenced to
perpetual imprisonment, he pointed to her, and said to the Princess
Juana, 'I beseech your Highness, have compassion on this unfortunate
woman, who has thirteen orphan children.' At the place of execu-
tion he addressed a few words to his fellow-prisoners in the character
of a penitent, in virtue of which he obtained the poor favour of being
strangled before his body was committed to the fire. His Confessor
was so pleased with his behaviour, as to say he had no doubt Cazalla
was in heaven. His sister Dona Beatriz de Vibero, Dr. Alonso Perez,
a Priest of Palencia, Don Cristobal de Ocampo, Chevalier of the Order
of St. John of Jerusalem, and Almoner to the Grand Prior of Castile,
Don Cristobal de Padilla, and seven others, shared the same fate as
Cazalla. Among these were the husband of the woman who had
informed against the meeting in Valladolid, and four females, one
of whom, Dona Catalina de Ortega, was daughter-in-law to the Fiscal
of the royal Council of Castile.
The two who had the honour to endure the flames were Francisco
de Vibero Cazalla, parish Priest of Hormigos, brother of Agustin, and
Antonio Herrezuelo. They gave no sign of weakness on the fatal day, and
bore the fire without shrinking. Herrezuelo, an Advocate of Toro, con-
ducted himself with surpassing intrepidity. His courage remained
unshaken amidst the horrors of the torture, the ignominy of the public
spectacle, and the terrors of the stake. The only thing that moved
him was the sight of his wife in the garb of a penitent ; and the look
CEREMONIAL OF THE AUTO. 381
which he gave — for he could not speak — as he passed her to go to
the place of execution, seemed to say, ' This is more than I can bear.'
Enraged to see such courage in a heretic, one of the guards plunged
his lance into the body of Herrezuelo, whose blood was licked up by
the flames with which he was already enveloped."
Never before had martyrdom been attended by such a pageant.
The ceremonial, so to speak, had varied, according to the circumstances
of the persecution, and the state and customs of the country. As
an army, a mob, the magistracy, or the Inquisition, executed the plea-
sure of the Church, the rigour of justice or the fury of passion
predominated on the scene of death ; but the more firmly the
Church held the reins, so much the more pompously was her sentence
executed. In Toulouse, for example, a country bordering on Spain,
after the crusades against the Albigenses had seemed to suppress
external manifestations of their faith, and the remnants of that perse-
cuted people could only hold secret communion, Popery being abso-
lute, the sentences of the Inquisition were pronounced with greater
public solemnity ; Magistrates were sworn to defend the Inquisition,
and the prisoners were brought out into open view. There was no
apprehension of rescue, the Inquisitors ventured to parade their
victims, and secret executions, being unnecessary, were never resorted
to, as in the Netherlands, before the coming of Alva. There were
processions of penitents, led out of prison with crosses,* and the cere-
monial stripe, laid at first on penitents at the time of their absolution,
was changed into a cruel scourging, to be inflicted on them on the pave->
ment of the holy cathedral church of St. Stephen, in presence of the
royal court, the Consuls of Toulouse, a multitude of Clergy, and a
throng of people. f At length the idea of a solemn spectacle was
fully realized in Spain. During the imprisonment of the persons
detected in religious meetings, the civil and ecclesiastical authorities
of Spain held consultation with the court of Rome, obtained sanction
for the alienation of certain ecclesiastical revenues to the Inquisition
in order to the maintenance of a pompous and expensive establish-
ment, invented a new set of robes to be worn by the victims to be
exhibited, and, continuing the ceremonies observed by the elder Inqui-
sition, added to them the procession with zamarra, covered with
flames, rising or inverted, an advance on the red tongues, faggots,
and other badges of ignominy already in use, the sambenito, tapers,
&c. ; the amphitheatre, for receiving a multitude too large to be
assembled in any church with equal convenience, and a circus for the
act of faith, (a forensic term newly employed,) just as they had a
circus for bull-fights. By giving the people the entertainment of a
spectacle, they bribed them to acquiesce in the deadly sentence ; and,
not to have the show spoiled by any interruption, the martyrs were
generally, perhaps uniformly, gagged. Here the power and artifice
of the Inquisition unite and culminate. They can rise no higher.
* " Educti e niuro cum crucibus."
t " Peniteutias suscepernnt in ecclesia catliedrali Sancti Stephani Tholose, pre-
seute curia regali, et consiilibus Tholosanis, et multitudine cleri et populi copiosa."
—Liber Seutentianun Inquisitionis Tholosanw. Sermu Cactus, A.D. MCCCIX.
382 CHAPTER V.
And by these contrivances, be it observed, the pleasures of an enter-
tainment were made to predominate over emotions of pity, until, iu
a few years, the very mob that had surrounded a felon with expres-
sions of sorrow, would beset a martyr with the same sanguinary
delight as if they were looking on a baited bull. Tauromachy and
heretic-burning were now both conducted with so much art as to
fascinate the multitude, and create a demand for human as well as for
brute objects of attack. The circus had its costume and order, and
so had the hearth.
The first auto de ft took place while Philip was at Brussels, mak-
ing peace with France, and preparing for a more vigorous persecution
of the Reformed. The reader will remember that he embarked at
Flushing, and that on dismissing the Prince of Orange who had
attended him on board, he gave him a list of gentlemen who were to
be put to death for heresy, an order which William of Nassau was
careful to evade. After a voyage of fourteen days the fleet gained
sight of Laredo, in the Bay of Biscay, where a storm suddenly arose,
and wrecked most of the ships ; and the King, having landed with diffi-
culty, vowed to show his gratitude to God by a signal act of vengeance
upon heretics. This vow was to be fulfilled in Valladolid ; but in the
royal city of Seville, Lutheranism, as it was called, had made greater
progress than at Valladolid, where was the residence of the Inquisitor-
General ; and a Sub-Inquisitor was therefore occupied in Seville in
preparing for the consummation of Romish vengeance on the prisoners,
— a vengeance which did not linger. An auto was celebrated in the
square of San Francisco, in the presence of four Bishops, the mem-
bers of the royal court of justice, the chapter of the cathedral, some
grandees of Spain, many titled persons, and among them the Duchess
of Bejar, and other ladies. Twenty-one persons were condemned to
die, one to be burnt in effigy, and eighty to do penance (September
24th, 1559).
The effigy represented the licentiate Francisco Zafra, beneficed
Presbyter of the church of San Vicente, a man deeply learned in the
holy Scriptures, and so highly esteemed by the Inquisitors themselves
as to have been often consulted by them in doubtful cases. While
acting thus as Trier of the Holy Office, lie had saved many of his
brethren from trouble, no one suspecting him to be a member of their
society. A servant of his, also one of their number, having become
insane, had been confined to her room, and in a paroxysm of madness
made her escape, went to the Inquisitors, and gave them three hun-
dred names of persons whom she affirmed to be heretics, including
her master. But Don Francisco hastened after her, and persuaded
the Fathers to reject the delation of the maniac, and, if it were but for
their own credit's sake, not to be set in motion by a mad woman. But
now they perceived that some credit was to be given to her list ; and
when discoveries began, they apprehended Zafra, but he managed to
escape amidst the confusion of preparing temporary prisons without
sufficient notice, and found his way to Germany.
Don Juan Ponce de Leon, son of the Count of Baylen, and related
to the Duchess of Bejar, and several others of the nobility then pre-
AUTO DE FE AT SEVILLE. 383
sent, overcome by terror, submitted to confess to a Priest, in reward
for which he was humanely strangled, instead of being burnt alive.
His body was consumed, and his family declared infamous. The last
part of the sentence was afterwards cancelled, by dint of great
interest, in favour of his son, whom the Sovereign permitted to inherit
the estates and title of the family. Dr. Juan Gonzalez, descended
from Moorish ancestors, but a true Christian, and one of the most
famous preachers of his day, with two sisters, made an unequivocal
confession of their faith, and were burnt ; their mother and two bro-
thers remaining behind in prison. Four Monks of the convent of St.
Isidro mocked the threatenings of their persecutors, as did Fernando
de S. Juan, Master of the College of Doctrine, and Dr. Cristobal
Losada, a Physician, and, after having studied under Egidio, also
Pastor of the Reformed Church at Seville. Some Friars were so impru-
dent as to enter into a theological dispute with him at the place of
burning ; and the people listened with so much interest to his argu-
ments that they changed their language, and bade him speak in Latin,
which he did, and in good style too, although standing at the stake.
Ladies displayed equal fortitude, because sustained by that grace
which made life not dear to them. Dona Isabel de Baena, a rich matron
of Seville, who had opened her house for religious meetings, was one.
-Dona Maria de Virues, Dona Maria Cornel, and Dona Maria Bohor-
ques, endured the flames. The last of these had not completed
twenty-one years of age when she was thrown into a dungeon of the
Inquisition. Her instructer in religion had been Dr. Egidio ; but she
had also received an excellent education, could speak Latin admirably,
and had some knowledge of Greek. She could recite a great part
of the New Testament from memory, and possessed a well-read library
of the works of the Reformers. She argued calmly with the theolo-
gians who visited her in prison, maintained against them the truths
of justification by faith and holiness of life, and contended that they
should rather follow her example than punish her for heresy. They /
put her on the rack, and extorted some words which served as a clue
to discover her sister, Juana ; but her faith did not waver for an
instant. A practice of delivering addresses to prisoners in order to
their " conversion " was just then introduced ; and two Dominicans
and two Jesuits delivered her their harangues, but left the dungeon
amazed at the wisdom, as well as the constancy, of the young Chris-
tian lady. On the night before her death, a company of Ecclesiastics
made their final effort : she received them with cheerfulness, but
assured them that argument was useless ; that they could not desire
her salvation so heartily as she — the person directly concerned — de-
sired it ; that she would have yielded to them if she had entertained
the slightest doubt ; but, being fully assured of the truth she had
received, submission to their doctrine was impossible. At the quema-
dero (hearth) itself, one who had recanted came to advise her to be
persuaded by the preachers ; but she called him ignorant, foolish,
babbler, and told him that there was no time then to be spent in
words, but in meditating on the passion and death of the Redeemer,
thereby to revive more and more her trust in Him by whom alone we
384 CHAPTER V.
can be justified and saved. The iron was then placed on her neck, and
some Priests and Friars, struggling with a manhood that should have
bidden them pluck her from the stake, begged her to recite the Creed,
that they might, by strangulation, spare her from the severer pain of
burning. She consented to recite the Creed ; but that this might not
be misunderstood, began to explain the articles of " the Holy Catholic
Church " and " the resurrection of the body " evangelically. Not-
withstanding this boldness, they showed her pity by strangling ; and
death ended her confession among men, made in the certain hope that
the Lord Jesus Christ would confess her before the angels of heaven.
But Philip's vow was not fulfilled in the auto of Seville, inasmuch
as he had not taken part in it. The honour was reserved for Valla-
dolid (October 8th, 1559), where the Inquisitors had thirteen persons
to be burnt alive, a dead body and its effigy to feed the flames, and
sixteen to be reconciled by penance. " Some causes," says Llorente,
" had been concluded since the month of May ; so that there can be
no doubt that the execution was deferred in order to gratify the most
pious King with a spectacle that horrifies me while I read and write
of it." Philip himself was there, his son Carlos, his sister, his cousin
the Prince of Parma, three French Ambassadors, the Archbishop
of Seville, the Bishops of Palencia and Zamora, with several Bishops
elect, the Constable, the Admiral, the Dukes of Nagera and Arcos, and
others, too many to be enumerated. High ladies, Prelates, and Coun-
cillors of all sorts filled up the stage. The Bishop of Cuenca preached,
his brethren of Palencia and Zamora performed the degradations that
will be mentioned, and the Inquisitor-General, Valdes, Archbishop
of Seville, called upon the King to swear. His Majesty rose, drew
his sword to signify, what was already too well known, his readiness
to shed blood for the Church, gave his royal rubric to the oath, and a
Reporter of the Council of the Inquisition read it aloud. Among the
victims were, —
Don Carlo di Sesso, an Italian, native of Verona, son of a Bishop
of Piacenza, forty-three years of age, who had been much in the service
of the Emperor, and become related by marriage to some of the high-
est nobility of Spain. At Toro, where he was Corregidor, or Mayor,
at Zamora and at Palencia, he had promoted the Reformation by oral
instruction and the circulation of books ; and in Logrono and the
surrounding country had laboured in the same cause with eminent
success. For nearly a year and a half he had been confined in a secret
prison in Valladolid ; and, on the evening before this auto, was bidden
to prepare for death. The Friars, as usual, exhorted him to avert
the extreme penalty by a full confession and exposure of all he knew
or could remember, relating either to himself or others. Not allowing
himself to be drawn into controversy, he asked for pen and paper,
and recorded his confession of faith. That, he added, was the true
doctrine of the Gospel, not such as the Church of Rome taught,
which, he affirmed, had been for many ages perverted from the truth ;
in that belief he would die, offering himself up to God through living
faith in the death of Jesus Christ. With inimitable energy and self-
possession he filled two sheets of paper, and then placed the docu-
AUTOS AT TOLEDO, MURCIA, AND SEVILLE. 385
merit in the hands of his visiters. Through all the night, and until
day dawned, they persisted in preaching to him, when the shameful
scapulary was placed over his shoulders, and the cap upon his head,
and he was carried, with a gag in his mouth, to the scene of the
former auto, endured the mass, the sermon, and the publication of
sentence, and was taken thence to the stake, and chained. Then they
removed the gag, and exhorted him to confess ; but he only answered
their importunity by crying aloud : " If I had time, you should see
how I would demonstrate that you who believe not as I do, condemn
yourselves. Kindle the fire at once, that I may die." The execu-
tioners applied the brands, and he expired.
Pedro de Cazalla, a parish Priest, and Domingo de Rojas, son of the
Marquis de Poza, were also distinguished in the first class. In pass-
ing the royal platform, De Rojas appealed to the King : " Canst thou,
Sire, thus witness the death of thy innocent subjects ? Save us from
so cruel a death ! We die for the faith of the Gospel." " No," said
Philip, " I would rather carry wood to burn my own son, if he were
such a wretch as thou." * Juan Sanchez had escaped to Brussels, but
was brought back a prisoner to Valladolid. The ropes that bound
him to the stake snapped in the flame, and unconsciously in his agony
he broke away from the fire, and leaped on a platform prepared for
those who would consent to signify conformity by confessing to a
Priest ; the Priests ran to receive his confession, half burnt as he was ;
but, recovering himself, he ran back into the fire, crying, " I will die
like Di Sesso." The archers, indignant at his impiety in refusing to
confess, pierced him with arrows. A Nun was burnt, only because
she would not make a confession after the taste of the Inquisitors,
although she was not even thought to be a Lutheran ; and so were
others, on trifling evidence.
At Toledo, on occasion of the marriage of Philip II. with the
French Princess, Elisabeth de Valois, thirteen years of age, for her
entertainment, and in presence of the Cortes, then assembled there,
all the grandees of Spain, many Prelates, and representatives of cities,
was celebrated an auto, wherein several Lutherans were burnt
(February 25th, 1560). The inhabitants of Murcia were edified with
another (September 8th), when five Lutherans shared the discipline
of penance with Jews, Mohammedans, and polygamists.
The Inquisitors of Seville, hoping for the presence of Philip, had
prepared another exhibition. Their patron, indeed, did not gratify
them, but the ceremonial was performed (December 22d, 1560).
Fourteen were burnt in person, three in effigy, and thirty-four sen-
tenced to penance, which was but living death. Julian Hernandez,
the indefatigable circulator of good books, could not speak his
confession, being gagged; but he thrust his bare head into the
faggots, to signify his readiness to burn, and then knelt down to
pray. Fancying that that gesture was intended to denote submission,
a Priest removed the gag ; but he disappointed them by confessing
* The idea of destroying his own son seems to have been familiar to him. His
unhappy son was then at his side, and could not have forgotten the saying, which was
verified in a few years afterwards.
VOL. HI. 3 D
386 CHAPTER V.
Christ aloud, and rebuking the Priest himself for denying the
truth after having once professed to believe it. Rodriguez, galled at
the reproach, called out, " Executioner, do your office." He lit the
fire, and the guards plunged their lances into his body. Eight females
suffered death at this time by fire, and one had been murdered in
prison. This was Dona Juana de Bohorques, sister of Maria, already
mentioned, and wife of Don Francisco de Vargas, Baron of Higuera.
Her only offence was that she had heard her sister converse about
religion without expressing disapprobation. Being six months gone in
pregnancy, Dona Juana was permitted to remain in a public gaol
until after her confinement, when she was taken to the chamber
of torture, put into an engine called del burro, with cords passed
round her limbs, and stretched with such violence that they cut
through to the bones, and blood gushed in streams from her mouth
and nostrils. She was carried away to a cell insensible, and died
in a few days. The Inquisitors endeavoured to atone for the
murder by declaring her innocent ; and the nobility of Spain were
so despicably enthralled that they suffered the monsters to conti-
nue those atrocities without presuming to resist, or scarcely even to
complain.
The laws of the Church of Rome being held paramount over the
right of nations, three foreigners were burnt at this time. Nicholas
Burton, a citizen of London, had traded with Spain in a vessel of his
own, and, about two years before, being at Cadiz, was arrested by a
familiar of the Inquisition. His alleged offence was having spoken
something contrary to the religion of the country to some persons in
Cadiz, and at S. Lucar de Barrameda. What this something was
does not appear ; but the real cause of his arrest was his being the
owner of a fine ship, and, as the Inquisitors believed, of all the cargo,
and other valuable property. Surprised at finding himself arrested
by an Alyuacil (Sergeant) without a word of accusation, he demanded
the reason ; but, answered only with threatenings, was dragged to
the common prison, kept in irons fourteen days, and, not imagining
himself to be there as a heretic, but on some false accusation of
another kind, unconsciously supplied his persecutors with material for
their purpose, by exhorting the prisoners to repentance, and explain-
ing to them the word of God. Witnesses to his heresy being thus
made, the way of the Inquisitors was clear. They conveyed him to
Seville, laden with irons, and threw him into a secret prison in the
Triana.* There he must have lain for two years, at least ; and now
he appeared in the attire of an obstinate heretic, " his tongue forced
out of his mouth with a cloven stick fastened upon it, that he should
not utter his conscience and faith to the people ; " and whatever were
the torments he suffered, or the confession he made before his tor-
mentors, we know them not. The ex-Secretary of the extinct Spanish
Inquisition found records to the effect that he was a " contumacious
Lutheran heretic," and that " he remained constant in his sect, and
was burnt alive ; the Holy Office of Seville taking possession of ship
* Across the Guadalquivir is the Triana a town or quarter so called. — the South wark
of Seville.
BURTON BURNT AT SEVILLE. 387
and cargo."* To recover that ship and cargo, a Bristol merchant, in
part owner, sent his attorney, John Frampton, to demand restoration.
Frampton spent four months at Seville in useless legal formalities ;
and finding, at last, that his powers were pronounced insufficient, he
came back to England for a more ample commission. Thus fur-
nished, he landed a second time at Cadiz, where the servants of the
Inquisition seized him, set him on a mule, " tied him with a chain
that came under the belly of the mule three times about, and, at the
end of the chain, a great iron lock made fast to the saddle-bow."
Two familiars, well armed, rode beside him ; and thus he was taken
to Seville, crossed by the bridge of boats to the Triana, alighted
within the walls of the old prison, and was thrown into a dungeon,
where he found some Spaniards under treatment for heresy. Next
day he was interrogated as to his name, calling, travels, and relations,
and, lastly, required to say the " Hail, Mary." His recitation did
not include the Romish addition, " Holy Mary, mother of God, pray
for us sinners ; " and this sufficed to prove that he might be kept in
prison as an English heretic, that the course of law might be inter-
rupted, and ship and cargo remain, by consequence, in possession
of the Inquisitors. After this he was subjected to torture ; and, at
the end of fourteen months' confinement, brought out in a sambenito,
under sentence of loss of goods, and ordered never to quit Spain,
under pain of death. Burton saw his baffled advocate among the
" penitents," but without any knowledge of the fact that it was he ;
and Frampton, having seen Burton burnt, was taken back to prison
for another fourteen months, and then released under the usual
humiliating injunctions, with the additional obligation to abide in
Spain ; but a favouring Providence restored him to his country, where
he divulged the whole. He lost £760 cash, and understood that the
gains of the Inquisition on that single auto were above 5650,000. It
is to be noted that in this year, 1560, the Spanish refugees in London
obtained the occupation of a church for Reformed worship. William
Brook, a mariner of Southampton, and Barthelemi Fabianne, a French-
man, were burnt on the same hearth. The effigies were those of Dr.
Egidio, Constantino de la Ponce, once a Chaplain of the Emperor, and
Juan Perez. Mark Burges, an Englishman, master of the " Minion "
merchantman, was burnt at Lisbon, some time in the same year.
* Llorente also says, that " such cruel proceedings were so prejudicial to the com-
merce and prosperity of Spain, that these would have been annihilated, if the iniquity
practised on Burton, and other similar examples, complained of hy foreign courts, had
not so pressed the court of Madrid that Philip IV. had to prohibit the Inquisitors from
troubling merchants and travellers on account of religion, provided that they so con-
ducted themselves as not to propagate heresy : and even this prohibition was insufficient ;
for the Inquisitors often cloked their conduct under the pretence that heretical books
had been introduced, or that conversations had taken place, calculated to propagate
error ; and so it has been necessary for the Government to be careful in this matter, on
to the times of Charles IV., by renewing, on every complaint of persons concerned, or
of the Ambassadors of their courts, opportune provisions for repressing acts of injustice,
covered with the veil of religious zeal." (Llorente, Hist. Crit., cap. xxi., art. 2.) The
Inquisition is abolished, and with it those prohibitions are become null ; but the law
of Spain for burning heretics continues, tribunals are established with power to punish,
— the penalty might be commuted, that is all,— and in Spain, at this hour, a Protestant
has no guarantee of human protection : nor yet at Rome, nor in any other state where
Popery is dominant.
388 CHAPTER V.
The strength of the Spanish Reformation was thus broken, and no
other name of great eminence remains on our records. A few more
surrendered their lives, for Christ's sake, at Toledo (A.D. 1561 and
1565), Seville (A.D. 1563), and at several times in Logrono, Valla-
dolid, Barcelona, and Zaragoza. The rebellion, as they were pleased
to call it, of the Moriscoes was subdued in Granada by force of arms,
simultaneously with the suppression of the Reformation ; and Spain,
having rejected Christ, seems to have been left almost without a
witness. The Inquisition thenceforth reigned absolute throughout
the Spanish dominions in both hemispheres ; and (A.D. 15/4) the
first spark of evangelical religion in Mexico was quenched, to human
appearance, in the martyrdom of an Englishman and a Frenchman,
while others, suspected of Lutheranism or Calvinism, were silenced
under penances. Haifa century later (A.D. 1620), William Lithgow,
a well-known traveller, was imprisoned and tortured in Malaga ; as
was Isaac Martin in Granada nearly a century later again (A.D. 1714).
William Lambert, an Irishman, was burnt in Mexico (A.D. 1659), as
one infected with the errors of Luther, Calvin, Pelagius, Wycliffe, and
Huss ; as guilty of all imaginable heresies. Even in the present
century there have been victims in Spain. -Don Miguel Juan Antonio
Solano, Vicar of Esco, in the diocese of Jaca, a man eminently learned
and benevolent, but disabled by disease from pursuing his usual active
occupations, applied himself closely to theological study. Wisely
taking the Bible as chief authority, he formed for himself a system
of doctrine such as that in which the churches of the Reformation
generally agree, and, being unwilling to teach it covertly, drew up a
statement of his belief, and laid it before his diocesan ; but, receiving
no answer, submitted it to the theological faculty of Zaragoza. The
Divines of that University answered him by an arrest, and he found
himself in a cell of the Inquisition in that city. Some friends
enabled him to make his escape, and he actually passed over the
frontier into France ; but, on reflection, thought it wrong so to seek
his life, resolved to confess the truth at any cost, and voluntarily
returned to the inquisitorial prison. The tribunal heard his doctrine
and his arguments, and decided that he should be given over to the
secular arm. The Inquisitor-General, being his friend, endeavoured
to save him by interposing objections and delay ; but, the hardship
of imprisonment being more than he could bear, he died before they
could take him to the stake (A.D. 1805).* Three years after the
death of Don Miguel, Napoleon Buonaparte invaded Spain. His first
act was to abolish the Inquisition and the Council of Castile ; and as
soon as the constitutional Cortes saw the French driven from their
territory, they confirmed the abolition by a legislative enactment ;
and it was only revived for a short time, and unsuccessfully, by
Ferdinand VII. (A.D. 1813.) Still, tribunals protective of the" faith
were permitted to do what the Inquisition had done, although •svith-
, Strype's Aimals during
the Reign of Elizabeth.
THE SPANISH QUAKER. 389
out being intrusted with its instruments, or permitted to adjudicate
in secret ; and the Bishops, no doubt, trod in the track of their
predecessors. The last martyr known to have suffered in Spain was
hanged in Valencia, July 31st, 1826. The author has stood on the
spot where he was executed, and heard frequent confirmation of the
following statement, written for him by an eye-witness, now living,
(as he believes,) and discharging the priestly functions in Madrid : —
" On the outskirts of the city of Valencia there is a village named
Bnsafa. In this village was a schoolmaster, who, although born a
Spaniard, professed in private life the religion of the Quakers. He
was accused at the Tribunal of the Faith, and imprisoned in the city,
in the prisons (so called) of St. Narcissus. The patience and meek-
ness of this poor Quaker excited the admiration of the Alcaide and
jailers. Some fellow-prisoners of the worst description, who were
used to put his patience to the test, one day threw a cricket-ball with
violence at his face, which inflicted a wound on his cheek ; but this
Spanish Quaker calmly picked up the ball, and, with the most perfect
mildness, put it into the hand of the person who had thrown it.
When clothing or food was distributed among the prisoners, he inva-
riably sought oat some other prisoner who appeared more necessitous
than himself, to whom he might impart a portion of what had fallen
to him. The Senores of the Tribunal of the Faith endeavoured to
induce him to make a solemn recantation of his belief as a Quaker ;
but he said that he could not do anything against his conscience, nor
could he lie to God. They condemned him to be hanged ; and he
was transferred to the condemned cell, and resigned himself fully to
the will of God. On July 31st he was taken from the prison to the
scaffold, displaying the most perfect serenity. The crosses were
removed from the scaffold. He was not clothed in the black dress
usually put on culprits when brought out to execution, but appeared
in a brown jacket and pantaloons. With a serious countenance and
firm step he ascended the scaffold, conducted by Father Felix, a bare-
footed Carmelite Friar, exhorting him to change his views ; but the
victim replied in these words, which were almost all he uttered from
the time of his entering the condemned cell, — ' Shall one who has
endeavoured to observe God's commandments be condemned '?' When
the rope was adjusted, he desired the hangman to wait for a moment,
and, raising his eyes toward heaven, he prayed. In three minutes he
ceased to live. This fact occurred but a few years ago, and was
witnessed by all the inhabitants of Valencia. The hangman who
executed the sentence, the Friar who attended him, and his fellow-
prisoners, are yet alive (in 1837) ; and there is no one but knows
that he was an honest man, and speaks of him as the Quaker school-
master who gave good instruction to the children, and who was
condemned to be hanged because he was a Quaker." * And with
him closes our brief sketch of the Spanish martyrology.
* A writer to the Courrier Franyais, quoted in the " Gentleman's Magazine " for
December, 1826, gives his name as Rissole; and says that a Jewwaa burnt at Valencia
shortly afterwards at an auto def£.
390
CHAPTER VI.
FRANCE, from 1530, the date of the Confession of Augsburg, tothe Death of Charles IX ,
includina the earlier Persecutions, the civil War, and the Massacres in Paris
and the Provinces.
EVERY earthly power contributed in Spain to blight and consume
the nascent Reformation. Before the Reformed could unite for mutual
protection or defence, the two great Councils of the kingdom over-
whelmed them by main force ; and while as yet the young converts
had not risen to any settled standard of practical confession, they
were betrayed into a habit of concealment bordering, to say the least,
on dissimulation. There were many true martyrs ; but the masses
had not been sufficiently imbued with just conceptions as to the spirit
of Christianity for many to confess their Master o'penly ; and thus
the Spanish Reformation, sincere and earnest as it was, failed to
obtain the victory of faith. It could not overcome the world.
In France the diffusion of truth was more gradual, more broadly
extended, older than the Inquisition, revered in the memory of
myriads, and interwoven with national traditions. One might say
that it sprang up again on soil irrigated by the martyrdoms of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, of which much lay within the
boundaries of modern Aquitaine. There the Sovereigns of Navarre
protected evangelical preachers, encouraged changes in the forms
of worship, suffered inmates of monasteries to cast off the fetters
of their orders, and afforded refuge to the persecuted. In France
reputed heretics were put to death with frequency, not a year
passing without the martyrdom of some ; but this was almost a
matter of routine, and drew little observation amidst the barba-
rism of Europe, when laws were sanguinary, and human life held
cheap, until the executions multiplied beyond endurance. On the
other hand, a concurrence of circumstances tended to favour the
Reformation. The example of Navarre was sustained by the more
complete examples of Switzerland and Germany. In the eastern
states men saw their neighbours boldly and hopefully contending for
religious liberty ; and even at Paris the Reformation had a royal
advocate. Marguerite de Valois, Queen of Navarre, the much-loved
sister of Francis I., — she who had presented herself in the Imperial
Court to entreat Charles V. to deliver the captive Sovereign, and
whose intercession was crowned with success, — promoted the Reforma-
tion ; and both Francis and his subjects being bound to her by ties
of real gratitude, he could scarcely make her friends the subject
of persecution. Still, he feared the consequences of attachment to
opinions reputedly subversive, and invited her to visit him in Paris,
hoping, as it is said, to disengage her from the snare.
She came, and, although branded with the stigma of heresy,
received every mark of brotherly affection. She answered his expos-
tulations by such powerful arguments, that he almost extended his
patronage to those whom Margaret commended to his favour. She
CALVIN IN PARIS. 391
even induced him to hear a sermon from Cocq, Curate at St. Eusta-
chius, who preached from the words of St. Paul : " Seek those things
which are above, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God," not
on the altar, but in heaven, adored and trusted in by Christians
whose faith contemplates a Kedeemer glorified, not one transubstan-
tiated in the host. While the preacher cried, " Sursum corda" " Lift
up your hearts," and expatiated on the majesty of Jesus Christ,
Francis received new views of sacramental mystery, and afterwards
admitted him, with Margaret, to hold free conference on a doctrine
that became almost his own. Even his Confessor, either bowing
to conviction or to royalty, translated " the Hours " into French,
omitting many objectionable passages. Margaret herself wrote and
published a work in French rhyme, entitled, " Mirror of a sinful
Soul," free from the errors of saint-worship, merits of good
works, and purgatory, describing only the effectual purgatory of the
blood of Christ, and applying the Salve Reffina, a prayer hitherto
addressed to the Virgin Mary, to her divine Son alone. The Rector
of the University, already instructed in secret by John Calvin, then a
young man at Paris, actually pronounced a discourse in the church
of the Mathurins, written by that learned, and afterwards so
eminent, Reformer. The Sorbonne rose in alarm to contradict the
truthful innovations, and condemned the Queen's performance as
heretical. Cop, the Rector, disavowed the censure, and the field
seemed open for fair controversy. But at the cry of heresy the
University deserted their Rector ; his friend fell under accusation, and
would have been arrested had he not escaped by letting himself down
by sheets from his chamber-window. Cop fled to Basle, and Calvin
to Saintonge ; but, encouraged by Margaret, three excellent preachers
supplied the place of the two who had absconded. These were Girard
Ruffi, a Doctor of the Sorbonne, and two Augustin Monks, Bertault
and Courault. Calvin, also, returned the year after (A.D. 1534) ; and,
although their superiors closed the pulpits against them, they commu-
nicated in the form of lectures the doctrine that might not be delivered
in sermons, until subsequent proceedings put them all to silence.
The personal influence of Margaret, and, not improbably, the
example and friendship of Henry VIII. of England, might have dis-
posed Francis not only to listen to Reformed preachers and allow the
circulation of good books, but to encourage any movement calculated
to humble the Clergy, and lead to a transfer of wealth from their
hands to the coffers of the state. Another class of motives, however,
gained strength with him at this time. Clement VII. had spared no
effort to conciliate the King of France, hoping by his means to coun-
teract the power of the Emperor ; and, succeeding far beyond his
expectation, negotiated a marriage. His niece, Catherine de' Medici,
was wedded to Henry, heir-apparent to the throne ; he had conde-
scended to visit Francis at Marseilles in the autumn of 1533, where
he enjoyed the festivities of nuptials that were to strengthen the
Roman See in a time of religious revolution, and conferred with his
royal relative as to measures for extinguishing the Reformation in
that kingdom. From that time the King withdrew his patronage
392 CHAPTER VI.
from the cause that Margaret of Navarre so earnestly promoted,
showing himself, at least, indifferent, if not utterly alienated from it.
While thus giving way under the weight of a pontifical alliance, an
incident occurred that suddenly changed him into as determined a
persecutor as the Spaniard himself, and plunged the infant churches
into a flood of sorrows. Some of those who fled from Paris
when the Sorbonne and the Clergy demanded vengeance on the
innovators, had taken refuge in Switzerland, and, at Neufchatel, one
of them wrote a paper containing " true Articles on the horrible,
great, and insupportable Abuses of the Papal Mass ; " but abstained
from every expression of disrespect towards the King, although Romish
writers are pleased to affirm the contrary.* Yet even in those days
of rugged controversy it must have seemed intemperate to the
hierarchy of the Romish Church, whom it censured, and most con-
temptuous towards their doctrine of the eucharist. Copies of the
articles, printed on a broad-sheet, were brought to Paris for circula-
tion : the more prudent objected strongly to such a proceeding ; but
the counsel of some who deemed an impulse of zeal too sacred to be
resisted prevailed, and, on one fatal night, those placards were affixed
to the church-doors of Paris, posted up at the street-corners, and
even placed on the gates of the King's palace at Blois. Next morn-
ing the city was in an uproar, the people read and repeated sentences
which passed for blasphemy, and Francis, not unwillingly, caught at
the occasion for disentangling himself from the abettors of " new
doctrine." He was, or seemed to be, enraged at the presumption
of zealots who had defiled his palace-gate with a Lutheran defiance :
the courtiers made the most of the occasion to inflame his anger.
Jean Morin, Lieutenant-Criminal, a man noted for boldness in the
apprehension of delinquents, and ingenuity in convicting them, and
not less notorious for the grossest immorality, received a royal com-
mand to search out and imprison heretics and their accomplices.
Calvin had eluded his pursuit, and he now determined to be compen-
sated for that disappointment. A heartless renegade, who knew the
Reformed well, and could point out places wherein he had often
assembled with them, betrayed multitudes of his former brethren, and
the prisons of Paris were crowded in a few days. This took place in
November, 1534 ; and the year following is distinguished in the
ecclesiastical history of France as " the year of placards."
Rejoicing in the successful diligence of Jean Morin, the King
awaited the termination of the usual formalities, and then came to
Paris to assist in a general procession and litany in honour of the
Holy Sacrament, blasphemed, as they said, by the exhibition of those
placards. After an early breakfast (January 21st, 1535) His Majesty
went to the church of St. Genevieve, patron of Paris, whose image,
only brought forth in times of public distress or peril, was most
* The contimiator of Floury says that it was " full of injurious language against the
person of the King;" (cxxxiv., 170 ;) but not a sentence of the kind is found in the
articles themselves. It is, indeed, said of the Priests, that " ils ont desherite Princes
et Rois, seigneurs, marchans, et tout ce qu'on peut dire, soit mort ou vif," (Gerdes,
Evang. Renov., torn, iv., Mouumenta, num. xi,,) which is rathur loyal than otherwise.
THE "HOLY SACRAMENT" AVENGED. 393
appropriately surrounded by a company of butchers, its bearers
by a prescriptive right, being -washed clean for the occasion, and
prepared for it by fasting. Panting under their burden, the hungry
devotees carried the idol on their shoulders ; others bore aloft relics
of the same saint, as well as of Saints Germain, Merry, Marceau,
Opportune, Landre', Honored and perhaps of others also, that had
reposed in their places unmoved since the funeral of St. Louis.
Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, and other hierarchs, followed in full dress.
" The Holy Sacrament," whose divinity had been denied, was carried
under a gorgeous canopy, that, in order to the placation of his
displeasure, he might witness the amende of worship. The uncrowned
King, bare-headed, as if to own the presence of a superior Majesty,
and carrying a large waxen taper, walked behind the host, and the
Queen, the Princes of the blood, two hundred gentlemen, the royal
guard, the Court of Parliament, and officers of law and justice,
followed him. The body of Ambassadors added their splendour to
the train which pressed through a kneeling crowd along the chief
streets of Paris, attended by bands of martial music, with singers
from the churches. Six times the procession halted near a temporary
altar, and, having blessed themselves, the great men witnessed an act
of vengeance, in honour of the sacrament. At each station there was
a hot fire burning, and near it a huge machine, or crane, having a
projecting beam, and from the beam swung a " Sacramentarian,"
whom they lowered over the flame so as to be scorched, then raised,
and then again lowered into the fire. This was repeated until life
became nearly extinct, when he was dropped into the hearth amidst
the shouts of the spectators of every degree.* The mob had already
signified their zeal by endeavouring to seize the Lutherans, that they
might tear them to pieces ; but the soldiers kept them to be immo-
lated for the gratification of their royal master. The martyrs of the
day were Barthelemi Milon, a paralytic, Nicolas Valeton, receiver
of Nantes, Jean de Bourg, merchant-draper of Paris, Etienne de
Laforge, a rich and charitable gentleman, resident in Paris, a school-
mistress, named La Catelle, and Antoine Poille, a native of Meaux.
But the total number of martyrs at that time was eighteen. When
the royalty, nobility, and high clergy of France had finished their
sanguinary devotions, the Priests restored St. Genevieve and the relics
to their niches and sanctuaries, the court assembled at a banquet,
and, after dinner, at the moment when men are apt to be most
prodigal of words, Francis I. arose, told the company that he had
commanded the severest punishments to be inflicted upon heretics,
and required all his subjects to denounce them and their accomplices,
without respect of kin, friendship, or alliance. For himself he pro-
tested, that if one of his limbs were infected with the Sacramentarian
heresy, he would pluck it from his body ; and made the fashionable
boast, that if one of his own children were found guilty, he would
yield him up as a sacrifice to God. A week afterwards he issued a
* There must have been some etiquette in the use of this balanpoire, or swinging-
machine ; for it seems to have heen first erected in honour of crowned heads. It was
made use of also in Lisbon, when Gardiner suffered (A.D. 1552) by order of the King.
VOL. III. 3 E
394 CHAPTER VI.
decree for the extermination of " Lutheran and other heresies,"
framed after the accustomed fashion, offering the fourth part of con-
fiscations and fines to the informers.
Many of the best men in France were driven away by that tempest,
and, amongst others, Calvin and Olivetan, who devoted themselves, at
Neufchatel, to the best of all works, a new translation of the holy
Scriptures into French. The fires continued to burn, both in the
metropolis and the provinces ; but the number of sufferers cannot be
calculated. Foreign Protestants remonstrated, and respect for the
League of Smalcald gave their expostulations some weight with the
temporizing Monarch, who told them that, contrary to his inclination,
he had been compelled so to deal with a few who troubled the state
under pretext of religion ; * while Calvin's Institutes, published at the
same time, served as a book of reference for ascertaining the doc-
trines entertained by the Swiss and French section of the Reforma-
tion. The utmost, however, that Francis did, was to publish an edict
(July, 1535), exempting from death such as would abjure ; and suc-
cessive events show that even that mockery of mercy was not
observed. A custom characteristic of this persecution, borrowed from
the Vandals, was that of rooting or cutting out the tongues of per-
sons condemned to death, that they might not be able to spread
their doctrine by oral confession ; and the violence of mobs towards
those who publicly surrendered their lives as witnesses of the Lord
Jesus Christ, is another evidence of the ferocity and fury of the French
population in those days, which the Clergy were careful to inflame
and make use of against the " new religion," as they were wont to
designate revived Christianity.
As yet, indeed, the persecution was not general ; but here and there
a martyrdom tested the constancy of Christians, and sustained the
terror of the Church. Among others, Alexandre Canus, otherwise
called Laurent de la Croix, who, from being a Jacobin,-)- as Beza says,
had become a Christian, was arrested at Lyons, where he had been
preaching for some days to a few goldsmiths, and others of the city.
They took him thence to Paris, tortured him so violently that one of his
legs was broken, and he was then burnt, after making a full confes-
sion of his faith. A woman of Rochelle, named Marie Becaudelle,
having been instructed in the truth, offended a preaching Friar by
some freedom of rebuke, and was burnt at Poitou, displaying admira-
ble constancy. Jean Cornon, a labouring man, quite unlettered, but
BO conversant with the word of God that he put all his troublers to
silence, died in like manner at Mascon.
In the years following, even during hot war with Charles V., perse-
cution was continued until the death of Francis I., by all the Parlia-
* The German Princes were not able to deny this. They reminded the representa-
tive of Francis, however, that accusations of political misconduct were frequently made
in order to get rid of good men. In reply to this it was easy to put them off their guard
by descanting on the republican principle of Calvinism in France, aud contrasting it
with the conservative policy of Lutheranism in Germany. And this was done. Gerdes,
after Sleidan and Freherus, discloses the tact of this King. Evang. Reaov., iv., 109,
seq.
t Monk of the order of St. Dominic, so called in France.
PERSECUTION IN THE PROVINCES. 395
ments,* notwithstanding their endeavours to conceal it from the
Germans. Persons whose names never were recorded, nor confessions
heard, because their tongues had been cut out in prison, were thrown
into the fires. We can only mark a few of the more notable exam-
ples. In the year 1536, the Waldenses of Piedmont sent two of their
brethren, Jean Girard and Martin Gonin, to confer with Farel in
Geneva. The latter of these, in returning through France, had nar-
rowly escaped death by poison at Grenoble ; and after having openly
resisted the adversaries of the truth in such a manner that the people
of the city began to show him favour, the Inquisitor, not daring to
have him executed by day, contrived to have him drowned secretly in
the night (April 26th). Philbert Sarrasin, a learned, virtuous, and
God-fearing man, who had enjoyed the friendship of persons of noble
rank, came to Agen in Guienne, to establish a school, but soon fell
under suspicion of Luthcrerie, as they called it ; and with him the
whole town seems to have been suspected, for the King sent thither
one Rochez, a Dominican Inquisitor, to investigate the disposition
of the inhabitants, accompanied by a Councillor of the Parliament
of Bordeaux. Sarrasin saved himself by timely flight ; but the inqui-
sition went forward, and a large number of persons were thrown into
prison, and condemned to do penance in the principal church, standing
in their shirts, with tapers in their hands. They endured the penance,
which was not a little aggravated by a pompous sermon from the lips
of the Inquisitor, while they stood half naked in the congregation ; and
it deserves to be noticed that two Priests were among them. It would
have been more consistent with Romish wisdom to have killed those
persons, for they could never forget that day, nor their children
either ; and in the next generation an evangelical church flourished in
Agen. A learned nobleman, Jules Cesar de 1'Escalle, who had favoured
the martyr Caturce, and placed one of his sons under the care
of Sarrasin, was also accused ; but, by means of the Councillor him-
self, and other persons of influence, found indulgence. The truth, as
we have seen, obtained a lodgment in Agen, and shortly afterwards
the Bishop's prisons received a converted Dominican, Jerome Vindocin,
who boldly answered every question of the official that examined him,
underwent degradation at the hands of the same official, contrary to the
Canons, and although he had appealed to the Parliament for protec-
tion. Delivered to the secular arm, he heard, forthwith, the accus-
tomed sentence ; and one day after dinner, a very usual time for such
doings, when the magisterial persons to be employed were warm with
wine, they took him into a meadow on the bank of the Garonne, and
burnt him (February 4tb, 1539). As it was the first spectacle of the
kind ever exhibited in that place, a great multitude had come to see ;
but Agen was too far south for the effect to be produced on which
the Priests had calculated. Some of the Reformed at Beume, in
the duchy of Bourgogne, were compelled to save themselves by flight
about this time ; and at Nonnay, where the martyr Renier had
* The French Parliaments were not legislative, but judicial, courts. It was their
business to accept, and then to administer, the laws. The metropolis and provinces hud
their respective courts. That of Paris claimed to be supreme.
3 E 2
396 CHAPTER VI.
laboured, a man named Andre" Berthelin was burnt alive, only because
he had not bent his knee before an image set up on the highway.
A poor labourer of the village of Recorder in Dauphiny, named
Stephen Brun, was barbarously put to death ; and in Paris, Claude le
Peintre, a goldsmith, passed through the fire without a groan (A.D.
1540). A little church in Agenais derived honour from the intrepidity
of its Pastor, Aymon de la Voye, who presented himself willingly
to the apparitor who came to apprehend him, refusing to play the
mercenary and false prophet by forsaking his flock, as some had
advised him to do, and declared himself ready, not only to be bound
at Bordeaux, but to seal his doctrine with his blood. While expecting
to be apprehended, he had made a confession of faith in three ser-
mons, exhorting his flock to abide therein ; and it was during the
delivery of the last that they made him prisoner. After nine months'
imprisonment, beset incessantly by disputatious Monks, again and
again interrogated concerning the eucharist and other articles of doc-
trine, and as often repeating a clear confession of Christ, he was
numbered with those who resist even unto death (August 21st, 1541).
He walked out of prison, for the last time, cheerfully singing the
114th Psalm: "When Israel went out of Egypt," &c. At Rouen,
a good man named Constantine, with three of his brethren, was con-
demned to the fire, and carried thither in a scavenger's cart, — a mark
of contempt usually shown to persons taken to execution on account
of religion. But to him this was an occasion of joy, and drew forth
these remarkable words : " Truly, as the Apostle says, we are the
oiFscouring of the earth, offensive now to the nostrils of men of this
world. But let us rejoice. The odour of our dying will be sweet to
God, and he will preserve our brethren." (A.D. 1542.) Pierre Bon-
pain, a wealthy manufacturer of Meaux, having removed to Aubigny,
devoted himself there to the extension of the kingdom of God, and
was soon surrounded by a congregation consisting of the richest
merchants of the place, who used to read the Scriptures together and
pray. The Lord of Aubigny, a native of Scotland, coveting the fruits
of confiscation, caused him to be seized and carried to Paris, where
he was burnt alive (A.D. 1544). The inhabitants of Metz, then a
German town, had a foretaste of the bitter persecution which their
future masters, the French, would shortly exercise on multitudes toge-
ther. The Protestants of that town having been permitted to hear
sermons, but not to partake of the eucharist, about two hundred
of them, men and women, went to the castle of the Count of Furst-
enberg, at Gorze, to communicate at the hands of Fare], invited
thither for that purpose ; and on their return were attacked by a body
of French cavalry, who killed one old man, drove many into the river
Moselle, where they were drowned, and the women were seized and
subjected to brutish violence. The leader of this iniquitous assault was
Claude de Lorraine, Duke of Guise ; and the King made himself an
accomplice by refusing even to express disapprobation. This took
place in Easter, 1543. About the same time, by order of the Parliament
of Rouen, an apothecary of Blois, Guillaume Husson, suffered for
having distributed some tracts during the assemblage of that court.
WALDENSES OF MURINDOL, &C. 397
His offence having come under the cognisance of that high authority,
it behoved him to die by the balancoire, swung in the air, and dipped
into the fire. But as they alternately lowered and raised him, he
directed his eyes towards heaven, and resisted the torment by the
energy of prayer. The multitude gazed on him first with wonder,
then with awe, while his prayerful silence preached the power of his
faith : God heard him, and an answer to his intercession appeared in
the conversion of many who, without having listened to any preacher,
now believed the truth, and hastened to unite themselves to the afflicted
church in Blois, the place of his abode, and scene of his martyrdom.
Notwithstanding the brutality of mobs, often prepared by their
superiors for adding insolence and tumult to judicial executions, the
ashes of those victims were as a living seed, scattered over France no
less than over other lands, rendering hopeless the labour of attempt-
ing to subdue the cause of Christ by now and then murdering one
of his servants. The project of a crusade seemed far more feasible ;
and although no crusade, nor succession of crusades, had utterly
destroyed either the Moslems or Christians of any country, it was
remembered that they had suppressed, for a time, powers adverse to
the Church. It was either too late or too soon to attempt a crusade
on the Christians in France ; but there was a little tract near the
frontier of Italy where such an experiment, it was thought, might be
tried with impunity. A small colony of Alpine Waldenses, towards
the end of the thirteenth century, had been introduced by the Lords
of Cental and Rocca Sparviere into their waste lands in Provence, in
hope that by their industry, so successful in the High Alps, those
lands might be brought into cultivation. Their expectation was fully
answered ; the villages of Merindol, Cabrieres, Lourmarin, and some
others, gradually rose where the presence of man had scarcely dis-
turbed the solitude, and the entire region flourished under their cul-
ture. Corn, wine, oil, honey, and almonds were the produce ; and
the grazing-lands were covered with herds. The neighbouring markets
were indebted to them for supplies ; the people of Provence did not
eye the Waldenses with suspicion or dislike on account of the religion
which they had exercised peacefully among themselves ; and if the
zeal and orthodoxy of their Barbs had declined after ages of ignorance,
if they had been more intent on agriculture than on worship, they
were on that account the less to be dreaded by the Church of Rome,
with which they prosecuted no controversy.
But when they heard that, by the grace of God, a religion similar
to that of their fathers had been received by multitudes in Germany,
and in Switzerland, they sent Georges Morel of Freissiniere, in Dau-
phiny, a Minister who had been educated at the public expense, and
Pierre Masson of Bourgogne, to confer with CEcolampadius at Basel,
with Capito and Martin Bucer at Strasburg, and with Berthold Haller
at Berne. Aroused by this communion to endeavour a restoration
of true religion among themselves, they sent messengers to Calabria to
invite their brethren there to unite in the holy purpose ; and after-
wards, when Calvin and Olivetan had translated the Bible into French,
defrayed the cost of an impression, that the sacred volume, hitherto
398 CHAPTER VI.
almost sealed to France,* might be distributed. These movements
irritated the Romish Clergy, who began to trouble them again ; but
they appealed to the King, who was induced to inhibit their Par-
liament from persecution by letters dated July 16th, 1535. But the
persecutors appealed in turn ; and by other letters, issued May 31st,
153(5, they were required to abjure within six mouths. The result
of this was, that several of them were summoned to appear before the
Parliament of Aix, and some put to death, others branded, and others
deprived of their property. The body of the people, however, were
not assailed until 1540, \vhen, at the solicitation of the Bishop of Aix,
and other Ecclesiastics, the Parliament summoned fifteen or sixteen
of the principal persons ; and they failing to appear, an edict, equal-
ling in barbarity any that ever saw the light, consigned them to the
flames as contumacious, declared their children, servants, and relatives
to be proscribed and infamous, and announced that Merindol should
be rased to the ground, and its surrounding plantations laid waste.
Even the caves and vaults where their fathers had been wont to hide
in times of persecution were to be filled up, that the ejected popula-
tion might have no place of shelter. But the President of the Parlia-
ment, Barthelemi Chassanee, and several of the members, objected to
the execution of the order, which was confided to the ordinary Judges
of Aix, Tournon, St. Maximin, and Apt. Others would have preci-
pitated the execution ; and the Bishops of Aix and Aries urged him
to lose no time, but proceed at once against the rebels with an armed
force, promising for themselves and other Prelates a large sum
of money towards the expenses of the work. While they were dis-
puting with great warmth, a gentleman of Aries, Nicholas, Lord of
Allenc, a friend of the President, reminded him, that when, in the
earlier days of his professional life, a sentence for the excommunica-
tion of a swarm of mice had been applied for by the country people
near Autun, and the Bishop would have the crier of the civil court to
publish three citations of the mice, which might then have been pro-
ceeded against for contumacy if disobedient to the summons, he had
undertaken to plead for them, and obtained that the Curates of the
parishes should set them a more distant day for trial. He appealed
to a book the President had published, containing pleasant arguments
that proved his ingenuity in pleading for those insignificant clients ;
arguments drawn from Scripture, too, which ought now in earnest to
be repeated on behalf of a threatened human population.-)- Glad to
* Because either not to be had printed in French, or badly translated. As to versions
previously existing, Beza says that, " quant a la traduction des Bibles Francaises, aupa-
ravant imprimees durant les tenebres de 1'ignorance, ce n'etait que faussete et barbarie."
t Thuanus (lib. vi.) formally, and at length, relates this circumstance, which haa
appeared to some too ridiculous to be credible. They therefore suppose that the pro-
ceeding in the court of Autun, was nothing more than a piece of pleasantry played off
at the expense of the Priests. But there is nothing improbable in it ; and the author
believes that, if he could submit to waste time in such researches, he could produce
examples of the like folly from many sources. He will content himself, however, with
translating an authorized form of conjuration for the expulsion of mice without the aid of
cats. After six versicles and two prayers, follows the exorcism, thus : — " I exorcise you,
O ye mice, that stand and vex this place, (or this house,) by the living -f God, by the
true + God, by + God who created all things out of nothing ; and 1 command you ia
WALDENSES OF MERINDOL, &C. 309
be entreated, Chassanee dismissed the troops which were already
assembling, and referred the matter to the King, with a request that
he would cause further inquiry to be made as to the conduct of those
Waldenses. Meanwhile, the people of Merindol, unable to defend
themselves by any material weapons, committed their case to God in
prayer, and awaited the issue of events, expecting to be led as sheep*
to the slaughter.
Francis, aware of the diversity of opinion respecting the justice
of the edict, instructed his Lieutenant for the territory of Piedmont,
the Baron of Langey, to inform himself of the whole case, and send
him a report. Perquisition being made, the Lieutenant reported that
those Waldenses had hired, about three centuries before, a rocky and
uncultivated part of the country, which, by dint of constant tillage,
they had made very fruitful. He described them as patient of labour
and of want, abhorrent of contention, kind to the poor, punctual in
payment of rent and taxes, exact in the exercise of their own wor-
ship, and unblamable in conduct. But he also reported that they
seldom entered the churches of the saints, except incidentally, when iu
any of the towns : that when in them they paid no adoration to the
images of God and the saints, brought no tapers, no gifts, nor pur-
chased masses for the dead, nor crossed themselves, nor used holy
water ; but, looking towards heaven, addressed their prayers to God
alone. Moreover, he related that they never went on pilgrimages,
nor uncovered the head before crucifixes erected by the way-side ;
that they strangely prayed in their vulgar tongue, paid no honour to
Pope nor Bishop, but had Priests and Doctors of their own. On
receiving this report, Francis sent a letter to the Parliament (February
8th, 1541), requiring them to suspend the execution of the edict,
pardoning the persons condemned for contumacy, and desiring the
court not to proceed in future with so extreme rigour ; yet commanded
the Waldenses to make a solemn abjuration of their errors within
three months. The Parliament, however, presumed to suppress this
document, until publication was extorted from them by repeated
solicitations ; and even then they added a requisition of their own,
that all of them, men, women, and children, who were suspected of
Lutheranism, should appear to undergo examination at Aix. The
inhabitants of Merindol represented the impossibility of all appearing
the name of the Lord, that ye quit this place, (or this house,) and remove to those places
where ye will not be ahle to injure any person. Which may He deign to grant who
shall come to judge the living and the dead, and the world by fire. Amen. Christ +
conquers, Christ + reigns, Christ + commands you hurtful animals, that ye flee from
this house, and do 110 more mischief in it. Pray for us, blessed Gregory, that we may
be made worthy of the promises of Christ." Then follows another prayer : — " We
beseech thee, O Lord, trusting in the prayers of St. Gregory, thy confessor, that this
house may he cleansed from the stains of sinners, and delivered from the plague of
mice ; through Christ our Lord. Ainen." Then the rubric directs : — " He shall sprinkle
holy water." (Manual para Sacerdotes, &c. Escrito por el P. Fr. Nicholas de Jesus
Belando, &c., &c., en Valencia, por Salvador Pauli, Ano 1773. With licences,
approbations, and censorship of all the authorities.) St. Gregory, the confessor, being
the accredited mouse -expeller of the Apostolic See, it was not beneath the gravity of the
Justices of Autun to cite mice to answer for themselves. And the living mice were
quite as likely to obey the citation as any deceased heretic that was ever summoned in
like manner.
400 CHAPTER VI.
at Aix in person, and at last obtained permission to send two repre-
sentatives, Francois Chay and Guillaume Armant. They came, but
could not obtain so much as a copy of any document that had
appeared against them, and therefore appealed to the King, who
required them to be furnished with copies and duplicates of all such
dcts ; revoking an order of the Parliament to all clerks, notaries,
and other officers, not to give them any sort of written information.
Having obtained this documentary assistance, they employed a notary
to put into due form a confession of their faith, and defence of their
conduct (April 6th, 1541).
The only answer to this was, that ten of them might come, to declare
whether or not they would accept pardon of the King. The people of
Cabrieres and its neighbourhood, being of the old county of Veuaissin,
under the sovereignty of the Pope, sent the same articles, with a more
ample declaration, to the Bishop of Cavaillon, and Cardinal Sadolet,
Bishop of Carpentras. Sadolet received them kindly ; and, yielding
to an impulse of benevolence, and, perhaps, also to the force of con-
science, promised to interest himself in their behalf at Rome, and
endeavour to bring about a reconciliation between them and his
Church. Such a reconciliation he might have known to be impos-
sible. The Archbishop of Aries, and the Bishops of Aix and Cavaillou,
on the other hand, clamoured for the execution of the edict, unless
the Waldenses would make a solemn abjuration ; and the Parliament,
not being unanimous for the severer measure, sent a Councillor and
Secretary, the Bishop of Cavaillon and a Doctor of Theology, to
attempt in person the suppression of heresy in Merindol. The Bishop
and his Doctor hastened to work without waiting for the others ; but
his Lordship was mortified to hear the Doctor acknowledge, after
examining the articles of their confession, and without attempting to
dispute, that he had not learnt so much of the holy Scriptures in all
his life, as during the week then spent in comparing those doctrines
with the sacred text. The Bishop then brought four Monks from the
University of Paris ; but one of these frankly acknowledged, that in
all the disputes he had carried on, or witnessed, in the Sorbonne, he
had not heard so much that was good as in the answers of the little
children of Meriudol when catechised. When the entire deputation
came, they proceeded to hold a formal disputation, or pretended so to
do ; but the Bishop would only speak into the ear of the Commis-
sary ; and the Doctor, who came last, would not condescend to speak
at all, except in Latin, so that a conference could not be effected ; the
deputation returned without having dared to confront the people,
whose children displayed greater wisdom than all the wise ones of the
University ; and, through the favour of the humane President, it
pleased God to preserve those Christians in peace for that time.
But those who presumed to thwart the purposes of the Church
seldom attained to long life. Chassanee died suddenly. To him, as
President over the Parliament of Aix, succeeded Menyer, Baron
D'Opede, a notoriously bad man, oppressor of his tenantry, and
troubler of his neighbours. Against his tyranny the inhabitants of
Merindol soon had to appeal again to the King, who, knowing their
D'OPEDE SLAUGHTERS THE WALDENSES. 401
innocence, quashed the proceedings of the Parliament, and evoked to
himself (October, 1 543) the execution of his edict. The Ecclesiastics
had then no other instrument than falsehood left for compassing their
design ; and this they did not hesitate to use. The Cardinal de
Tournon employed one Courtain, an apparitor of the Parliament, to
report that the Waldenses of that district had levied a force of fifteen
thousand men, who were already assembling at head-quarters with
unfurled banners, and intended to march on Marseilles, take posses-
sion of that city, and set up a republican canton like those of Swit-
zerland. The King chose to credit the report, sent letters to the
Privy Council (January 1st, 1545), empowering them to execute the
long-suspended edict, and commanding them to employ the ban and
arriere-ban of the country,* with the veteran bands of Piedmont,
who were then said to be preparing for a voyage to England. On
receiving these letters, D'Opede laid them aside until the Baron de
Grignan, Governor of Provence, a better man than he, should have
gone abroad, and left the entire management in his hands, so that
they were not published until three months afterwards, when the exe-
cution was committed to chosen officers, and war proclaimed with
sound of trumpet at Aix and Marseilles.
On the 13th of April, 1545, those officers and their men met at
the little town of Pertuis, where they found one Captain Volegine, who
had been plundering the cattle of the Merindolese for about a month
before, without resistance from the peasantry, who, far from having a host
of fifteen thousand, had not one man in arms to withstand his depre-
dations. Next morning they advanced to Cadenet, where the veterans
collected forage, and on this day D'Opede, with his staff and a strong
contingent, joined them and entered on command. On the morning
of the 16th, one Poulain began the dreadful work by destroying the
villages of Cabrierette, Papin, La Mothe, and St. Martin, the property
of the Baron of Cental, then a child, and therefore unable to help his
tenantry, who were utterly defenceless, and slaughtered without
resistance. The soldiers not only killed men, but violated women,
murdered pregnant women and children, and cut off the breasts of living
mothers, leaving them and their infants to perish together. D'Opede
exulted in this beginning of glory ; and, amidst the shrieks of the
peasantry, caused a crier to proclaim that no one should give food or
shelter to any fugitive under pain of death. The villages were pil-
laged and then burnt down, covering with ashes the bodies of the
slain ; Poulain having first of all selected the most able-bodied youth
for service in his galleys. After a night's repose, D'Opede himself
would have led the veterans to a similar achievement ; but the villages
of Lourmarin, Villelaure, and Treizemines were deserted, and he could
only burn cottages without the satisfaction of shedding blood. On
the opposite bank of the Durance, the Baron de Rocque, with a few
Catholic auxiliaries, burnt down Gensson and La Rocque, which were
also utterly deserted. On the 18th, D'Opede entered Merindol, at
* " When those who held of the King were summoned to attend him in his wars, they
were the ban, and tenants of the secondary rank the arriere-ban." — Bonn's Cyclopaedia
of Political, &c., Knowledge.
VOL. III. 3 F
402 CHAPTER VI.
about nine o'clock in the morning, but found that place also empty
of inhabitants. One person alone remained, and he an idiot. He
had surrendered himself to a soldier, who demanded twelve francs for
his ransom. The brave General disbursed the francs for the satisfac-
tion of the captor, tied poor Morisi Blanc to a tree, and shot him.
His troops emptied the two hundred houses of Merindol of all that
they could carry away, then burnt them down, and destroyed the
blossoming orchards around the town, according to the letter
of the edict. On the 19th, the marauders environed Cabrieres, a
slightly-walled place in which some of the inhabitants unfortunately
tried to stand a siege, and the next day opened a breach, and offered
the defenders their property and life, with justice, if they would admit
them without more resistance. There were but sixty men, and thirty
intrepid women, who had resolved to fight for hearth and altar,
but now saw that Cabrieres was lost. Others had fled away to the
caverns in the neighbouring mountains, and the church was filled with
women and children. Their leader, Etienne le Marroul, capitulated
honourably; and they were in the act of marching out, unarmed,
when the President and his crew rushed on them, and made them
prisoners. About thirty were taken into a meadow, and hacked to
pieces, limb from limb ; and the others were taken to Marseille, Aix,
and Avignon for justice. D'Opede, however, had not ended his day's
work. He caused the thirty women to be shut up in a barn, and then
set fire to the building at the four corners. A soldier, in pity, opened
a door, or \vindow, that they might escape ; but his comrades ran to
the spot, and pitched them back again into the flames with their pikes
and halberts. Meanwhile parties of ruffians had gone to the caverns,
and dragged out fugitives, whom they brought into the castle-hall,
where, driven together like a flock of sheep, they were surrounded by
soldiers, while two Captains, Yalleron and Gaye, entertained D'Opede,
and acquired a stock of merit, by murdering them all. To the troop
of Avignon was assigned another service. Their Captains led them to
the church, where they found eight hundred women and children ;
but in a sanctuary of heretics there could be no refuge, and they were
slaughtered as rapidly as the butchers could bury weapons in their
bodies. Just as they were wading out of the church through the
blood yet flowing, a relative of D'Opede, the Baron de Coste, came to
offer him all the inhabitants of La Coste, to be taken alive to Aix, and
to dismantle the place, if he would send him a sufficient force to take
possession. His object was to diminish the amount of murder, by
removing the people into a position where, for shame's sake, some
pity might be shown ; and his offer was instantly accepted, at least
in words. Three companies of infantry marched over to La Coste,
•where the people were ready to depart ; but they had no sooner
entered the village than they began to kill the men, and treat the
women with the usual brutality. To finish all, they burnt the place.
The campaign being ended, after other ravages of the same kind,
the President and his men prepared to carry home their spoils ; and
as they were marching off, messengers from the multitudes that lay
famishing in their mountain hiding-places ventured to appear before
REFORMED CHURCH IN MEAUX. 403
the Chief, and ask permission for their companions to emigrate in a
body into Germany, desiring only free passage so far as the frontier,
the scanty clothing that was on their backs, (leurs pauvres chemises,)
and their women and children. But the prayer was vain. The mes-
sengers returned only to tell their friends that no alternative was
allowed by the persecutors but to deny Christ or die. Not one aban-
doned his profession, although many died of hunger, cold, and weari-
ness ; and at last the remnant re-occupied some part of the desolated
country, resumed their simple worship, again made the ground fruit-
ful under cultivation, and the Vaudois have been preserved by the
blessing of God as a distinct people unto this day. Merindol,
Cabrieres, La Coste, and others of those villages, exist no more ; but
the names are an imperishable accusation of worse than Saracen bar-
barity against the Church of Rome. Signals of divine judgment
followed the ruffians of Provence. Two of the Captains were drowned
as the troops passed over the Durance. Europe heard of the massacre
with horror ; and the Parliament, covered with shame, endeavoured
to justify themselves by sending some one to the King, to assure him
that the people thus destroyed had been previously heard and con-
demned as heretics. At their request, His Majesty gave them letters
(August 23d, 1545), approving of their zeal ; but the thought of guilt
rankled in his bosom, and forced him to make a profession of death-
bed repentance. Four thousand persons, as it was estimated, were
butchered, twenty-two villages laid waste, and seven hundred men
sent to the galleys.
Wholesale slaughter now began to characterize the French persecu-
tions. The Reformed of Meaux, where the Gospel had been preached
many years before by Bri9onnet the Bishop, and Le Clerc the martyr,
had formed themselves into a church after the model of the Calviuist
congregation of Strasburg, and assembled in a private house, under
the pastoral direction of Pierre le Clerc, formerly a wool-carder, but
chosen to be Minister in consideration of his piety and creditable
knowledge of holy Scripture, although an illiterate man, knowing
nothing of any language but his own. Under the blessing of God on
his ministrations, the little church flourished. Persons frequented the
congregation from places many leagues distant, three or four hundred
were united in communion, and their assembling could no longer be
concealed. This was the first church organized in France ; and the
authorities resolved that, as far as in them lay, it should cease to be.
On the day when the Church of Rome celebrates the nativity of the
Virgin Mary (September 8th, 1546), the Lieutenant and Provost of
the city, with their Sergeants, surprised a congregation of sixty per-
sons, whom they arrested in the King's name, without the slightest
resistance. They gave their hands to be manacled, and went meekly
to prison, chanting the 79th Psalm by the way : —
" Jjiia gens entre sont en ton heritage,
1 Is ont souille, Seigneur, par leur outrage,
Ton temple saint, Jerusalem detruite,
Si qu'en monceaux de pierres 1'ont reduite."
The very words that still are sung in the Geneva congregations, and
3 F 2
404 CHAPTER VI.
have not ceased to be applicable even at this day : " 0 God, tlie
Heatben are come into thine inheritance ; thy holy temple have they
defiled ; they have laid Jerusalem on heaps. The dead bodies of thy
servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, the
flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth," &c. Not a sentence
of that psalm fell to the ground. Those forty-one men and nineteen
women were leashed together, packed into carts, and carried to Paris.
There, bruised with cords, fainting from the journey, without a
moment's respite, they were thrown upon the wheel, and thence con-
veyed to dungeons. After nearly four weeks' imprisonment, sentence
was pronounced thus : Fourteen to suffer extreme torture, and then
be burnt alive at Meaux near the house of Etienne Mangin, formerly
the place of their assemblage, and all their property to be confiscated.
Five to do public and painful penances, and then be imprisoned or
banished for life. The others to do penance in the usual way, except
five women, who were released. The house where they were taken to
be rased to the ground, a chapel built on the site, and mass sung
therein daily, the Priest to be paid out of the confiscated property.
After the fourteen had spent a few more hours in prison, and resisted
the importunity of Priests, who would have persuaded them to recant,
they were conveyed to Meaux again, accompanied by two Doctors
of the Sorbonne, who laboured vainly to pervert them; and, on the con-
trary, arrived at Meaux with one more recusant than they had brought
out of Paris : for a good man, seeing them thus in custody, ran after
the waggon, crying, " My brethren, remember Him who is in heaven
above !" The archers seized him, threw him bound into the vehicle ;
and he made the best of the occasion by exhorting them to constancy.
At Meaux they were tortured according to the sentence ; but not a
word escaped their lips that could lead to the detection of any others ;
and one, superior to pain, even bade the tormentors pull harder, and
not spare the body that had so long resisted the Holy Spirit, so long
done contrary to the will of its Creator. Mangin, who had opened
his house to receive the congregation, had his tongue cut out ; but,
when the operation was finished, audibly articulated, " Blessed be the
name of the Lord !" Le Clerc and he were dragged on a hurdle, the
others in a scavenger's cart : they were then swung in chains on four-
teen gallowses placed in a circle, and in that position sang the praises
of God as long as they had breath, while a band of Priests bellowed
Latin hymns to drown their voices ; and next morning (October 8th),
while the embers were yet glowing, a Priest, richly robed, came on
the ground and preached a high-flown sermon on the extinction of
heresy in Meaux. Yet a few living stones from the ruins of the
church thus overthrown, being removed by the good providence
of God into other places, became the foundations of new churches
there.
Some other honourable names complete the martyrology of this
reign. Francois d'Augy, travelling through Toulouse on return from
Geneva, was burnt by order of the Parliament, shouting the praise
of God, and cheered aloud by the bystanders. Jean Chapot, a learned
distributor of books, after having been admitted to a conference with
HENRY II. 405
three Doctors, who found themselves unable to cope with his superior
knowledge of holy Scripture, was almost killed by the extremity of
torture ; but, supported between two persons at the place of execu-
tion, bore his last oral testimony to the excellence of the Gospel, and
then sealed it with a willing death. A gentleman named Seraphin, and
four others, were brought from Langres to Paris, and there executed ;
Picard, the late orator at the executions of Meaux, strangely exhorting
them to patience. " My master," said Seraphin, " God be praised that
you have changed your language ; but if you were burning here, would
you have so much patience as you see that God has given me?" Jean
1' Anglais, an Advocate of Sens, a learned and upright man, was the
first offering of that church to Christ in martyrdom ; and his own
uncle, (or father,) Archdeacon in the cathedral, defrayed the expense
of the execution, so much did he desire it (A.D. 1547). Jean Bru-
gere, burnt in chains at Issoire, displayed so tranquil a courage, that
when Ory, a furious Inquisitor, and the officers who conducted the
execution, saw him bow his head and expire without a struggle, they
fled precipitately, struck with terror ; and the Priest of the parish, when
asked what he thought of it, answered that he prayed God he might die
in the faith of Brugere. Nor were these the only persons who overcame
the fear and pains of death through faith in Christ : while evidences
of a rapid spread of Christian knowledge multiplied ; the fear of those
who attained to this knowledge seemed to give place to boldness ; new
congregations were established all over France, and persons of rank
openly avowed approbation of, if not adherence to, the cause of Christ.
Even Francis had begun to speak favourably of Protestants, — although
it must be owned that he seldom retained the same opinion longer than
circumstances favoured it,- — when he died (March 31st, 1547).
The day after the death of Francis I., his only son succeeded him,
as Henry IT. An easy, heartless man, he saw and heard with the
eyes and ears of others, who therefore reigned over him and the
kingdom. His favourites were Anne de Montmorency, Constable,
superstitious, rather than zealous in opposition to " the new reli-
gion;" Charles de Lorraine, son of the Duke of Guise, Cardinal, and
a thorough Cardinal ; Diana de Poitiers, afterwards Duchess de
Valentinois, and Jacques d'Ablon, afterwards Marshal of St. Andre", a
man profoundly selfish, and lover of good cheer. They all agreed
that the Reformation tended to subvert civil government, and ought
to be suppressed at any cost ; the Parliament of Paris so diligently
ministered to the bigotry of the Court, that people called it, " the
burning chamber " (la chambre ardente) ; Jean Morin exerted his
utmost skill in apprehending victims, and Pierre Liset, the first Presi-
dent, was careful to let none of them escape. When these men
passed off the scene, others of the same kind came on, and the course
of events under such an administration may be easily conceived.
Between the faith and perseverance of good men in the cause of God
on one hand, and the cruelty of those in power on the other, there
was an incessant conflict : even to specify the names, or calculate the
numbers, of the martyrs would be impossible, and we shall only mark
the principal events of the reign of Henry II.
406 CHAPTER VI.
They say that his father, stung with remorse on account of the
butchery of the Waldenses, had, from his death-bed, charged him to
do justice on those who had instigated him to the commission of that
crime ; and that, during a visit to Piedmont, about a year after his
accession to the throne, he heard much of the horrible affair : and it is
certain that an appeal from the mother of the young Baron of Cental,
whose estate was the first ravaged by Poulain, determined him to
order an investigation of her claims. But it was a feint of justice,
whence no effect resulted ; and so far was he from disapproving
of spoliation and murder, when the sufferers lay beyond the Romish
pale, that in a summary of the case which he caused to be drawn up
as the basis of inquiry, and authenticated by his own signature, he
represented the right of Madame de Cental as resting mainly on the
plea that her tenants were not Waldeuses, but good labourers and
good Christians. The Judges, after long formalities, acquitted all the
murderers but one, Guerin, King's Advocate at the Parliament of Aix,
whom they gibbeted to save appearances. And no sooner was this
done than, by way of reprisal, a literary man, a lawyer, and several
others, were burnt immediately at Aix by D'Opede, leader of the
butchery, whom the King not only acquitted, but received to favour.
Shortly after this mock inquiry Henry entered Paris with his
Queen and Court to celebrate their coronation, and surrender them-
selves to the unrestrained licence usual on such occasions. Hearing
that there \vere many persons in the prisons on account of religion,
he expressed a wish to see one ; and the Cardinal de Lorraine, fearing
that conversation with a scholar might not excite the contempt of
Lutherans which His Majesty should entertain, caused a poor tailor
to be brought into his presence. Castellanus, Bishop of Macon, who
had once favoured the Reformation, was there to perplex the man
with such questions as a renegade might put ; and Diana, the King's
lady-favourite, undertook to shame him with her wit. However, the
worthy tailor perplexed the Bishop ; and, instead of being amused,
the King was astonished, and the Prelates mortified. Diana then
endeavoured to relieve them from embarrassment by a sally of raillery
on the prisoner and his religion, but met with an unexpected and
unanswerable rebuke : " Madam," he replied, " be contented with
having corrupted France, and do not endeavour to pollute a thing so
sacred as the truth of God." This roused the ire of the King, who
loved her better than any other being in the world, and furiously
commanded that he should be burnt alive in the street of St. Antoine.
The courtiers, both laic and ecclesiastical, anticipated with impatience
the religious entertainment ; and on the first convenient day (July
4th, 1549) a general procession, resembling that of St. Genevieve,
issued from the church of Notre Dame. The King himself walked in
it, and stayed at the stations to witness the burning of the tailor and
three others. One of them was a servant of his own household,
whom he had given up in token of devotion to the Church ; but so
horrible were the cries of the poor man, that he lay awake all the next
night thinking of them. The figure and voice of his dying servant
haunted him for many days, and he would never again witness a
REFORMED CHURCH OP PARIS. 407
similar execution. The Clergy, however, not being so sensitive, they
employed another day (July 9th) in burning many others, and
distributed the fires over various parts of the city, in order to fill the
entire population with terror of the Church. Disgust and pity
mingled largely with, the terror, and those emotions grew stronger as
the Reformed congregations multiplied, and their most active members
were added to the crowd of martyrs.
Assuredly Henry II. was among the last of Princes to whom the
Lutherans of Germany might have been expected to look for help.
But it is nevertheless true that Maurice, the bold and unprincipled
Elector of Saxony, and his associate, Albert of Brandenburg, while
contriving that revolt against Charles V. which, by its successful
issue, gave Protestantism a legal establishment, entered into secret
communication with Henry, addressed him with the title of Protector
of the Empire, and used his feud'like hatred of the Emperor for the
advancement of their project. Lest it should be inferred, from his
aiding Protestant Princes in the prosecution of their plans, and with
them resisting the Council of Trent, and forbidding the transmission
of money to Rome, that he participated in their views of religion, he
published, previously to appearing openly in that alliance, the edict
of Chateau-Briant (June 27th, 1551), a compilation of the worst
passages that ever made part of such documents. On the other hand,
the Pope excommunicated him, and pronounced an interdict on
France, on account of some proceedings of his in Italy ; but amidst
those political quarrels it was deemed expedient that every Popish
Prince should keep above suspicion of heresy by oppressing and kill-
ing those of his subjects who ventured to dissent from Popery. This
edict produced full effect ; but true religion spread with new rapidity
from the moment of its publication ; and although the year 1553 is
marked in the history of France as the year of martyrdoms, it is
scarcely less distinguished by the rise of congregations ; and a similar
progress continued until 1557, when the rabble of Paris were incited
to a murderous onslaught on a company of their fellow-citizens.
The Reformed Church of Paris dates its formation in the year
1555. When a congregation had for some time assembled in the
house of the Baron la Ferriere, a gentleman of Maine, his wife gave
birth to a child, which he could not consent to have baptized after
the Romish manner ; but neither could he take it to Geneva, nor
allow it to remain without the sacrament, " by which the children
of Christians," as he truly said, " ought to be consecrated to God."
There was no Minister in Paris, perhaps not in France ; for, although
congregations were gathered, no churches had been organized, except
one at Meaux, which was soon dispersed, and its Minister put to
death. Thus isolated, they perceived no other alternative than to
remain without a Minister, or to elect one themselves. At first the
congregation refused to proceed to an appointment for which they
could find no precedent in Scripture ; but, yielding to an apparent
necessity, agreed to seek for divine direction with fasting and prayer,
and, this done, elected Jean le Macon. a young man of respectable
family, to be their Pastor. His first ministerial act was to baptize
408 CHAPTER VI.
the child. Elders, as they called them, and Deacons were then
chosen ; and a church was constituted, as nearly after their idea of the
apostolic model as circumstances would allow. The fact, however,
could not have been divulged, or the new Pastor, with his Elders and
Deacons, would not have escaped the flames. God was pleased to
shelter them from observation for a little ; but, meanwhile, the Cardi-
nal of Lorraine took the lead in persecution, and a catastrophe was in
preparation. To exalt his house and gratify the Pope, Lorraine had
associated with himself the Cardinals of Bourbon and Chatillon to
prepare a plan for the establishment of an Inquisition in France like
that of Spain, committing Chatillon to the affair, on account of his
known benevolence towards the Reformed ; for they calculated that
either by objecting to the Inquisition he would put himself into their
power as an abettor of heresy, or, by approving of it, would deprive
the Reformation of the credit of his name. Henry prayed of the
Pope — by this time reconciled — to allow France the benefit of a
Holy Office : Paul IV. gladly gave a Bull (April 26th, 1557) ; and a
royal edict, dated at Compeigne (July 24tb), conveyed powers for its
erection. But either custom or policy required that the edict should
be submitted to the Parliament of Paris, who were tenacious of their
prerogatives, and had often refused to confirm royal decrees by regis-
tration. This decree was obviously dangerous ; and they therefore
represented to the King that if they were to receive it his subjects
would be abandoned to ecclesiastical Judges, the power of the Inqui-
sitors would be amplified without limit, and the authority and
sovereignty of the crown greatly diminished, by leaving those who
were naturally subjects of the King to fall into the power of inquisi-
torial officials. The King's subjects, they further remonstrated,
would be disheartened and alienated on finding themselves abandoned
by their natural governor, and suffered to become subjects and
administrators of ecclesiastical Judges ; and would be yet more
distressed when an official or Inquisitor undertook to judge them
without appeal, exercising power over property, life, and honour, and
leaving no recourse for the redress of wrong, nor any refuge for the
innocent. The King, they insisted, ought to be the protector and
preserver of the innocent, and only Sovereign Lord of his subjects,
not surrendering his prerogatives to others, nor allowing a way to be
opened for oppression, death, torment, and confiscation without
remedy. They also reminded him that the existence of such a
tribunal would be incompatible with the rights and duties of the
Peers of France, Dukes, Counts, and, indeed, of all others. To
coerce the Parliament into submission would have been impossible :
the King was further embarrassed by a defeat of his army arid loss
of St. Quentin, and the affairs of France were thrown into confusion.
Ever excellent in the use of opportunity, the Priests declaimed that
the sudden calamities which befell the country were in punishment
of the King's leniency towards heretics, and the multitude began to
threaten violence. The Reformed Church of Paris perceived the
danger, and prayed without ceasing that the wrath of God might not
indeed be poured out upon the King and his kingdom. They met
CONGREGATION OF ST. JACQUES. 409
more frequently than ever, and prayed more fervently. They usually
assembled in the street St. Jacques, in a house opposite the College
of Plessis, and behind the Sorbonne. The Priests in that neighbour-
hood had observed the frequent passing of an unusual number of
persons, marked the times, and tracked them to the place of meeting.
At night, on the 4th of September, between three and four hundred
had assembled to partake of the Lord's supper, without any appre-
hension of danger ; and while occupied in that solemnity, men
employed by the Priests were piling up stones on the outside, to be
ready for an assault. Towards midnight, just as the congregation
was about to disperse, the mob began to batter the door, and raise a
cry that thieves, murderers, and traitors were in that house. The
neighbours sprang from their beds ; alarm spread through the city ;
people fancied that an enemy had entered Paris, ran to arms, and
crowded to the spot whence the noise proceeded. Fires were kindled
in the streets, for lack of lamps, that the traitors might not escape
unseen ; and when they found that, instead of some formidable
enemy, it was a congregation of Lutherans that had caused the
uproar, instead of being content that Paris was yet safe, they became
furious, demanded blood, formed themselves into armed parties, and
kept up the watch-fires, while those outside the house attacked it
with a battery of stones. The Elders of the congregation exhorted
the others to trust in God ; and, after a short prayer, several of them,
at great hazards, escaped by back-ways, while some remained, afraid to
face the mob : nor without reason, for the streets began to be choked
with barricades, showers of stones and other missiles rained from the
windows, and one of the brethren, being discovered, was beaten to
death. A very few men, with women and children, were now in the
house. Morning drew neai*, and it seemed every moment that the
defences of the building would give way ; a military guard came to
the spot, and, just- at the moment of their arrival, the women ven-
tured to appear at the window, and implore pity. They came into
the house, interrogated the remnant of the congregation, and might
have shown mercy if they had been dealing with common offenders.
But when, in describing the order of their worship, one of them
mentioned the Lord's supper, he disclosed an unpardonable offence.
They were instantly handcuffed, to be taken to prison, and exposed,
in passing through the street, to the violence of the mob, who pelted
them with mud and stones. Even the ladies — some of them of
considerable rank — were beaten ; and the soldiers, unable to protect
their charge, with difficulty brought them, bruised and bleeding, to
the gaol. After such a night, the Chatelet itself was welcome as a
place of refuge : they were divided into companies, and soon made
the prison resound with hymns of praise.
The Priests, having failed in the attempt to destroy them by a
mob, now tried the old expedient of bringing false witnesses. They
revived the tales of nocturnal and impure banquetings, which had
been invented of the ancient Christians. One of the Judges of the
Chatelet scrupled not to tell the King that he had found evidence in
proof ; and the King, deaf to every intercession on their behalf,
VOL. III. 3 G
410 CHAPTER VI.
pretended to believe those allegations, and directed the trial to pro-
ceed. One Musnier, a person of doubtful reputation, but holding the
office of Lieutenant Civil, was then in concealment to avoid a prosecu-
tion for perjury ; but, being either pardoned, or discharged without a
trial, was commissioned to manage the affair, which he despatched
entirely to the satisfaction of his employers. His manner was to
lavish promises or threateniugs on the prisoners, as he found them
firm or yielding, and even to quote Scripture, urging the timid ones
to make their confession, and then, from their own words, to convict
them of heresy. The enemies of Christ exulted ; his people were
afflicted, and offered prayer in every family and every congregation.
Defences and apologies, notwithstanding the laws of prohibition, were
printed and circulated throughout France to refute the calumnies
of the Romanists, while familiar expositions of doctrine and practice
enlightened the public as to the real character of the persecuted ; and
the King received an elaborate memorial imploring him to give their
cause an impartial hearing. No one would venture to present such a
document ; but it was conveyed secretly into his chamber, and he
deigned to hear it read. It contained an honest exposal of the
motives of the persecutors, whose chief desire was to suppress the
true religion, in order to retain the revenues which accrued to them
from the prevailing superstition. " If it was enough to accuse," the
memorialists pleaded, " who would be innocent ? " If he would be
pleased to inform himself of the truth, he would find that nothing
had brought those poor people together, but the desire to pray to
God for him, and for the preservation of his kingdom ; and that their
doctrine did not tend to sedition, nor to the ruin of states, as many
pretended, although experience had clearly shown the contrary. Not
for want of numbers, but because the word of God had taught them
to obey established authorities, and not to meddle with affairs of
state, but to acknowledge Jesus Christ as the only Saviour of the
world, they had refrained from insurrection or sedition. They pro-
posed that the prisoners should be confronted with the theologians
of the Uoiversity, in order that it might appear on which side lay the
truth. The Doctors would not hazard a conference ; but some of
them wrote answers to the memorial : questions of doctrine were
consequently brought into public discussion, and discussion tended
to the eventual advancement of the truth. The Reformed also
appealed to the Protestant Princes, asking their intercession with the
King ; but before intercession could be made, many of the sentences
bad been pronounced and executed. Within twelve days from the
morning of their imprisonment the Lieutenant had finished his
reports, and Henry had issued a commission (September 17th),
empowering a Court to adjudicate thereon. Again the Parliament
objected to acknowledge the commission, or to receive the report
of the Lieutenant ; because the commission tended to the derogation
of their privilege, and the Lieutenant himself lay under an accusation
of falsehood. He therefore found it necessary to set him aside, and
allow the Parliament to exercise absolute jurisdiction.
Nicolas Clinet, Taurin Gravelle, and the widow of the Baron of
MARTYRS OF ST. JACQUKS. 411
Graveron, were first brought before the Commissioners of Parliament.
Clinet, a venerable Elder of the congregation, sixty years of age, was
thought to be a Minister, and therefore solicited by several Sor-
bonnists to recant ; but he stood firm. Gravelle, another lay Elder,
and Advocate in the court of Parliament in Paris, had provided the
church with the place of meeting in which they were surprised, and
was the object of special enmity ; but when assailed in open court by
a Doctor whom he had familiarly known, he put him to silence by
reminding him of the gross immorality of his life. The widow lady,
Philippe de Luns, only twenty-three years of age, had come to Paris
with her husband for the single purpose of joining the church, and,
after his early death, persevered in that communion, with exemplary
piety, during the few months that followed. Judges and theologians
laboured hard to bring her to recantation ; but she argued with them
in the prison, and held fast her faith. Some friends at Court endea-
voured to save her life, and might have succeeded at one time, had
not Bertrandi, Keeper of the Seals, set his heart on the confiscation
of her property. These three were soon sentenced to die ; and, after
being put to the rack, were taken to the condemned cells,* to await
the happy hour of deliverance, and thence carried in the usual igno-
minious manner to the place of execution. Clinet told those who
advised him to recant, that he had never said nor defended anything
contrary to the truth of God ; and when a Doctor asked if he would
not believe St. Augustine on some point, replied that he not only
would believe St. Augustine, but could prove everything he had said
by his authority. The lady displayed equal constancy and self-
possession. When desired to present her tongue that it might be cut
out, she said, " I have not spared my body, and should I wish to
withhold my tongue ? No, no ! " and the executioner tore it out.
Gravelle came out of his cell with a smiling countenance, also sub-
mitted to the same barbarous operation, and, when it was finished,
pronounced these words intelligibly, " I pray you, pray God for me."
They were burnt in the place Maubert ; the Elders alive, the lady
after being strangled. A physician and a solicitor were put to death
a few days afterwards (October 4th), the guards being scarcely able
to restrain the mob from tearing them to pieces by the way ; and
many Bibles, New Testaments, and other good books, were consumed
in the same fires. Some friends of the surviving prisoners then
interposed, successively presenting reasons for objecting to the Judges
as their causes came on ; but the King ended the delay so gained, by
issuing new letters patent (October 7th), commanding all exceptions
to be set at nought, and instructing the Judges to proceed, deferring
all other business until that had been completed, and overruling every
other conceivable impediment. Then the Judges hoped to revenge
themselves on the appellants by quickening their speed in the work
of death ; but scarcely had they condemned other two, when envoys
arrived from the Protestant cantons of Switzerland to implore mercy
for the prisoners. At the same instant ambassadors from the Count
Palatine, first Elector, came on the same errand ; and as the King
* — a la chapeUf, " to the chapel."
3 G 2
412 CHAPTER VI.
stood in need of foreign help to support him in his quarrels, he
suffered himself to be entreated, and ordered the Judges to slacken
their severity. Imprisonment and penances were, therefore, substi-
tuted for capital punishment. Some escaped from prison, some few
were dischai'ged ; but many died in miserable dungeons, refusing
liberty at cost of conscience. Others, deficient in that grace which
would have sustained them tinder any suffering, submitted to abjure,
and be re-admitted into the Romish Church.
Yet new congregations arose in all directions. Those of Sens, the
Isle d'Allevert, Saintes, Guy^une, Pons, Rochelle, and Troyes already
flourished ; and men of God, willing to lay down their lives in his
cause, were sent from the few elder churches in France, or from
Geneva, to be their Ministers. Familiar with the prospect of death,
no other fear deterred those confessors from the exercise of their
religion, and frequent martyrdoms produced courage rather than
dismay. A compactly organized Inquisition might have retarded the
work of God, or precipitated civil war ; but, as we have seen, the
Parliament of Paris had successfully resisted its establishment. That
failure, the growth of evangelical religion, and the interference of
Protestant Princes on behalf of their persecuted brethren, weakened
the confidence of the priesthood ; and the appearance of some power-
ful advocates in France itself gave matters a new turn. These were
Anthony de Bourbon, King of Navarre, in whose little domain the
Reformed enjoyed a good degree of liberty ; his brother, Louis de
Bourbon, Prince of Conde, and Francis de Coligny, Baron of Andelot,
brother of Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France, then a prisoner
of war in the Netherlands, and, during his captivity, brought to a
knowledge of the truth. The King of Navarre, after having aided in
the capture of Calais and expulsion of the English, visited the King
at Fontainebleau, came to Paris, and hesitated not to frequent devo-
tional meetings, join there in prayer with persons of humble con-
dition, and render succour to imprisoned brethren. His subsequent
irresolution, inasmuch as it could not be foreseen, did not then
weaken his influence as a friend of the rising cause. The Prince of
Conde, with Madame de Roye, his mother-in-law, and Eleanor, his
wife, cordially devoted themselves to the study of divine things, and
lived under their power. D' Andelot, the boldest of all, took into his
train one of the Ministers of the Parisian church, and, going to his
extensive estates in Britany, introduced the Gospel there as freely as
if the edict of Chateau-Briant had never been heard of. His Chap-
lain, Fleury, preached with open doors wherever they went.
In Paris, too, a new method was found of gaining public attention,
by singing psalms. The version, in metre, by Marot, set to new
music, was sung in the public walks by the best voices ; persons
of all ranks sang those compositions in their houses, and the courtiers
themselves, last of all people to sing psalms, could not refrain from
joining in the melody. It became fashionable to sing favourite
psalms. The King of France himself, when a hunting, sang, "As
the hart panteth after the water-brooks." The King of Navarre
chose, " Judge me, 0 God, and plead my cause." Even the courte-
PSALMODY. 413
san, De Valentinois, strangely pleased herself with, " Out of the
depths have I cried unto thee." And Queen Catherine seemed almost
devout while chanting, " In thee, 0 Lord, do I put my trust."
When select bands of choristers joined in those performances on the
promenade of the Pre-aux-Clercs in summer evenings, to the excessive
displeasure of the Sorbonne, the Court came to listen, and the
adjacent walls were covered with hundreds of citizens, who would
take up the chorus, and afterwards walk the streets in companies,
singing again, while the inhabitants, standing at their windows and
doors, and crowding the balconies, caught up the novel strains, and
all Paris became vocal with the words of David, and Asaph, and
Moses. It is most remarkable that all this was done without rant or
confusion, and the most unsteady people in the world were subdued
into order by the melodies, and paid a decorous reverence to the
sacredness of the words. As long as the charm lasted, every one
wondered that so good a thing should have been prohibited. The
charm, indeed, passed away, but a blessing remained after it in many
hearts. Henry was at a distance from Paris when those extraordinary
scenes were at their height ; and some Priests, dreading the conse-
quences, hurried away to the camp at Amiens, told him that the city
was on the verge of insurrection, that large bodies of armed men
walked the streets singing Lutheran psalms, that every hour symp-
toms of a revolution multiplied, and represented that throne and
altar would both be overthrown unless that psalm-singing were
suppressed. Others, however, assured him that the only arms were
dress-swords, such as gentlemen usually carried ; and that so little did
the Parisians think of sedition, that they always opened their evening
entertainments with psalms containing prayer for the King. But the
Priests prevailed ; and he sent Cardinal Bertrand with an order that
public singing should thenceforth cease, and that whoever sang a
psalm on the Pre should be punished for sedition, and published a
decree forbidding Judges to mitigate the penalties on heresy. The
Reformed Ministers exhorted their flocks to abstain from those popular
bands, and so they did ; but it was impossible to silence the popula-
tion at a stroke, and Bertrand imprisoned several who had broken the
King's commandment. This disobedience served to establish a sort
of proof that the Lutheran singers were seditious, although the per-
sons called Lutherans were the first to yield obedience, and some
zealous preachers told their congregations that they had permission
to kill every Lutheran they might meet ; and but for the popularity
of the prohibited amusement there would, no doubt, have been many
murders. As it was, only one man was killed, and he a Romanist,
mistaken for a Lutheran.
Of D'Andelot, returned from his visit to Britany (A.D. 1558), it
was reported that he had both caused sermons to be preached from
place to place on the banks of the Loire, and in his apartments at
Paris, and appeared on the Pre-aux-Clercs, followed by five or six
thousand persons, every evening. In order to answer the charge,
D'Andelot hastened to present himself before the King, with whom he
found but few persons, and among them the Cardinal de Lorraine.
414 CHAPTER VI.
Henry began by reminding the Baron of the many favours done
him, after which he had not expected to find him in revolt against
the religion of his Prince, and repeated the complaints that he had
caused new doctrine to be preached, had been singing with the Luther-
ans on the Pre-aux-Clercs, had refused to go to mass, and had sent
Genevan books to the Admiral, his brother. He answered in such
terms as these : — " Sire, the obligation under which I am laid to
your Majesty for your favours and honours has so far bound me that
I have spared nothing in your service, but, times out of number, have
hazarded my life, and spent my property ; nor will I fail to do the
same, as long as I have breath, in fulfilment of my natural duty.
But your Majesty must not think it strange if, after having fulfilled
this duty in your service, I study how to make sure of my own
salvation, and for this employ the remainder of my time. The doc-
trine which I confess to have had preached is holy and good, taken
from the Old and New Testament, approved by the ancient Councils
and the early church, and is that which our fathers held and believed.
It will not be found that I was on the Pre-aux-Clercs, as they accuse
me ; but even if I had been there, I should not think that an offence
either against God or your Majesty ; for I have carefully inquired,
and find that nothing has been suug there but the Psalms of David,
and that prayer has been offered to God to turn away his anger from
us in these times of peril, give us peace, and maintain you, Sire, in
prosperity. I confess that I have not been at mass for a long time
past ; and in this I have not proceeded lightly, but with the advice
of the wisest men in your kingdom ; and if your Majesty had care-
fully investigated the truth, you would not have been able to praise
God enough for delivering me from the veil of ignorance, which, I
assure you, I shall not put on again. I have also sent a book to the
Admiral, my brother, full of consolation, and likely to comfort him
amidst the weariness of an imprisonment suffered in your service.
And now, Sire, I pray you to leave my conscience free, and I will
serve you with my person and my property, which are always yours."
The King could scarcely answer to this unexpected declaration ; but
the Cardinal interposed a few words of warning, to which D'Andelot
rejoined by reminding him, on the witness of his conscience, that he
had himself once favoured the same holy doctrine ; but " honours
and ambition," he added, "so far pervert you, that you have pre-
sumed to persecute the members of Jesus Christ." This irritated
Henry, who exclaimed, pointing to the badge of an order hanging
from his neck, " Never would I have given you that order, if it were
to be abused thus, by one who swore that he would go to mass, and
follow my religion." " Never," answered the Baron, " would I have
accepted it, had I then known what it is to be a Christian, as God
has taught me now." The King ordered him out of his presence, the
archers on guard arrested him, and threw him into prison at Melun.
An inferior person would not have lived many days longer ; but
the Cardinal reflected on the consequences that might be feared from
prosecuting the matter any further. The uncle of D'Audelot was
Constable of the kingdom, and a favourite of the King. D'Andelot
CONSTITUTION OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES. 415
himself had great influence over the army, and continued in prison to
show as much courage as he had manifested in the presence of the
King, justifying his familiar appellation, " the fearless Knight." The
Cardinal therefore bethought him of a compromise. A Doctor of the
Sorbonne, and King's Confessor, visited the illustrious prisoner, and
suggested that by merely allowing a mass to be said in his presence
the honour of the Church would be saved, his own honour would
remain untarnished, and thus he might go free. His wife added her
entreaties : he saw the mummery performed, but took no part in the
matter, not even by a gesture, and, without pronouncing a word
of abjuration, walked out of confinement. Yet his conscience smote
him for even an apparent connivance at idolatry ; he never ceased to
labour that his conduct, in every other respect, might counteract the
scandal ; and his confession, added to the less constant adherence
of Anthony of Navarre, gave importance to the cause of Christ in the
estimation of its adversaries. From this time the Reformed appear as
an important body ; but the fires of persecution raged as fiercely as
ever. The powers of light and darkness pursued the conflict, and, in
spite of prison and stake, the churches of Senlis, Chartres, Gien,
Beaune in Burgundy, several in the neighbourhood of Orleans, and
about sixty in Provence, were constituted.
The constitution and discipline of those churches originated in the
necessities of their birth. In Paris, for example, the first Minister
was elected, and that without any probation, by the people them-
selves. They were by no means unanimous as to the propriety of
their act ; but having yielded to the importunity of the person in
whose house they assembled, considered themselves justified by the
exigency of the time, and then, according to their best judgment,
ordered their affairs " as far as possible after the example of the
primitive church in the time of the Apostles." * As the society
constituted itself, so was it self-governed. The popular Consistory,
although in its own judgment approximating, as far as might be, to
the example of an apostolic church, — an example studied in the light
of Geneva, (and the Genevan discipline took its character from the
republican constitution of the Swiss cantons, where the civil magis-
tracy exercised authority in the construction of the new ecclesiastical
system,) — now exhibited a remarkable departure from that model,
inasmuch as the Elders were laymen, and the Deacons, instead of
merely distributing the charities of the church, watched over it
spiritually, together with the Elders and Ministers. The churches
both in Paris and the provinces were independent, some of them
receiving Ministers from those formed first, and others being supplied
from Geneva. But the inconveniences of isolation were soon disco-
vered ; and a communication between societies involved in a common
persecution, as well as partaking of the same faith, led to a formal
union. Towards the end of the year 1558, Antoine de Chandieu
* " — il fut aussi dresse quelque petit ordre selon que les petits commencements le
pouvaient porter, par 1'etablissement d'un Consistoire compose de quelquea anciens et
diacres qui veillaient sur 1'eglise, le tout au plus pres de 1'exemple de 1'eglise primitive
du temps des Apotres." — Beze, Histoire Ecclesiastique, livre i.
416 CHAPTER VI.
•went from the church of Paris to that of Poitiers on an affair of
discipline in which both churches were concerned, met several
neighbouring Ministers, addressed a very large congregation, assisted
in the celebration of " the supper," and afterwards held a conference
with the Ministers alone. The doctrine, order, and discipline of their
several flocks passed under consideration : germs of dissension were
detected on one hand, while strong inducements to union appeared on
the other. To avoid, therefore, evils that were to be feared, " the
churches not being bound together, and ranged under the same yoke
of order and ecclesiastical direction," the company desired Chandieu
to communicate their views to the church at Paris, and "see whether
there could be any means of procuring such a benefit for the churches
in future, so as to avert the confusion which seemed to threaten
them." He did so; and, after much correspondence with all the
churches of France, and after contending with many difficulties,
objections to the scheme were overcome. As a large number of
Ministers and Elders might meet in Paris without being discovered
more easily than in any other place, but under an explicit declaration
that that church should not assume any superiority over others, the
first Synod of the Reformed Churches of France met there with all
possible secrecy in the night of May 26th, 1559. A Confession of
Faith, and some Canons of ecclesiastical discipline, received the signa-
tures of those present two days afterwards. The former was retained
until the dispersion of the churches on the revocation of the edict
of Nantes ; and the latter were modified and enlarged, from time to
time, during twenty-nine National Synods, holden from the year 1559
to 1659.*
The concluding articles of this Confession relate to civil govern-
ment, which they believed to be ordained of God, and allowed that
the civil Magistrate had authority to punish sins committed against
the first table of the Decalogue, as well as against the second. " It
is therefore necessary," said they, " for His sake, not only to endure
the rule of superiors, but also to render them all reverence and
honour, regarding them as His representatives and officers, whom He
has appointed to exercise legitimate and holy charge." — " We, there-
fore, hold that it is necessary to obey their laws and statutes, pay
tribute, imposts, and other dues, and bear the yoke of subjection with
a good and free will, even if they should be infidels, while* the
sovereign empire of God remains entire. Therefore we detest those
who would reject superior authorities, set up community and con-
fusion of goods, and reverse the order of justice." They did not
know that this holy principle of obedience to the powers ordained
of God would soon be tested by a flagrant contempt of established
order from the highest power in the realm.
The Parliament of Paris consisted of two Courts, — the "Grand
Chamber," or Court of Peers, and the " Tournelle," or Criminal
Court of Parliament. The former condemned persons accused of
* As complete a record as could be made of the confession, discipline, and acts of tfr
National Synods of the French Reformed Churches, is to be found in Quick's " Synod-
icon in Galli^ Reformata," two volumes, folio, written in English.
THE "MERCURIALE." 417
heresy with the utmost rigour, while the latter used as much lenity ns
consisted with the letter of edicts, and the letter of evidence, liberally
interpreted. The Presidents of the Tournelle, too, were thought to
have some knowledge of evangelical religion. The Clergy, the upper
Chamber, and the mob, incensed at their humane decisions, demanded
that the door to heresy should be no longer open, but that both
Courts should act uniformly. To amend, then, the alleged irre-
gularity, it behoved another Court to deliberate. This was the
" Mercuriale," so called because it met on Wednesdays, (dies
Mercurii,) and consisted of the Attorney-General, the King's Advo-
cate, the Presidents of the two Chambers and subordinate Courts, and
a deputation from the Councillors. Sometimes the King presided.
At one of the regular sessions of the Mercuriale, on the Wednesday
after Easter, in the exercise of their office, they proceeded to examine
the administration of justice, and provide a remedy for any defect
that might be apparent. Such defect was alleged against the
Tournelle ; and this introduced the question of religion, on which
the Parliament of Paris, as well as other judicatures throughout the
kingdom, were more and more divided every day. Several of the
members, following the Councils of Constance and Basel, rather than
that of Trent, thought that a more honest Council should be assem-
bled to extirpate the errors that had sprung up in the Church ; that
the King should endeavour to procure a General and free Council,
according to an article of a treaty of peace lately made with the King
of Spain, and that, meanwhile, capital punishments for Lutheranism
ought to cease. This opinion pleased some others, who advised that
the penalty of death should be commuted into banishment ; and
others again thought that before the execution of any sentence what-
ever, evidence should be had that the condemned persons were really
guilty of heresy, since that point had never yet been sufficiently
examined. Therefore they also advised that the King should procure
the convocation of a Council, to settle wherein heresy consists. A
few advanced further still, and argued for a good and thorough
reformation according to the word of God alone, setting aside cus-
toms, antiquity, and the sentences of men, whose judgments were
often selfish, to the condemnation of the innocent. The persons per-
secuted in those days, as they believed, were not unable to produce
reasons in justification of themselves, they appealed to the word of
God. and would submit thereto. From the word of God they had
argued against purgatory, saying, that there is no other purgatory than
the blood of Christ : against prayer to saints they had produced com-
mandments to worship God alone, through one only Mediator, Jesus
Christ, with promises that through him we shall be heard, and so on.
As to their life, it was irreproachable. The Court had witnessed the
fervour of their prayers, and their constancy in suffering, which
proved that God had not abandoned them, as many thought. In
short, most members of the Mercuriale would either mitigate the
penalties, or acquit the alleged heretics ; and few thought that the
severity hitherto exercised should be continued. But two of the lead-
ing members of the Grand Chamber, mortified and alarmed at the
VOL. in. .3 H
413 CHAPTER VT.
prevalence of these humane opinions, ran to some of the courtiers
whom they knew to have greatest influence over the King, and told
them that many memhers of the Mercuriale were Lutherans, and thar,
if their counsels were not frustrated, there would soon be an end
of the Church. They related " horrible things" that had been spoken
in that debate concerning the mass, the ordinances, and the defenders
of the Church. The Cardinal de Lorraine and the Constable took up
the matter, advised the King to summon the Mercuriale again, and
preside in person, and the 10th day of June was fixed on for the
purpose.
Attended by the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise, the Princes
of Montpensier and De la Roche, the Duke of Guise, Constable, and
Cardinal Bertrand, Chancellor, the King proceeded to the Augustine
monastery, where a large hall was prepared for the occasion, and made
an oration on religious uniformity, as that thing which above all others
he desired to establish in his kingdom ; and concluded by saying, that
therefore he had come to hear them investigate the present state
of affairs in relation to religion, and to give their acts greater autho-
rity by his presence. Then Cardinal Bertrand invited them, in the
King's name, to resume their deliberation on religion, leaving every
other subject, and to express their opinions freely, whatever those
opinions might be, speaking in his presence with as great liberty as in
their last meeting. Fair as the challenge seemed, it did not dispel
the suspicion of -the more cautious ; but one Councillor, Anne du
Bourg, son of a Chancellor of France, and eminent for knowledge and
integrity, frankly gave his mind. He thanked God for having brought
the King thither, to be present at the decision of such a cause, and
exhorted His Majesty to afford it aid for the sake of the Lord Jesus,
whose truth above all other considerations ought to be maintained by
Kings. He then descanted on the whole subject with extraordinary
boldness ; but when he appealed directly to the conscience of the per-
secutors, telling them that it was no light thing to condemn those who
invoked the Saviour, even when thrown, by their sentence, into the
flames, the Cardinal Bertrand gnashed his teeth with rage, the King
rose, called the Cardinals aside, and, after the consultation of a
moment, walked out of the room, and sent in the Captains of his
guard to arrest Du Bourg, and another named Faur. To these were
afterwards added three others, and all were thrown into the Bastile.
Those who had advocated the cause of the persecuted, expecting to be
sent to the same place, endeavoured to escape by flight, and could only
elude the ban that was immediately published, by forsaking France, —
six or seven excepted, who purchased life by recantation. However,
the desired uniformity of administration was secured. The independ-
ence of Parliament, if it existed before, was now annihilated. Du
Bourg and his brethren were shut up in the Bastile; and Henry
retired from Paris to the house of the Constable at Ecouen.
Thence he sent letters-patent to the provincial Judges, commanding
that all Lutherans should be destroyed, now that the conclusion of
the war with Spain left him at leisure to attend to the extirpation
of heresy, and offering to place military force at their disposal, if such
DEATH OF HENRY II. 419
assistance were found necessary. He required them to report their
proceedings frequently ; and threatened to make examples of any who
should show pity to the heretics. The Judges were ready to display
zeal in the performance of his pleasure, and some more persons were
burnt ; but the Reformed put their trust in the promises of God, and
sought deliverance from their enemies in prayer.
Respite, if not deliverance, was to be granted, but not by man.
Henry had just married his daughter Elisabeth to Philip II., and his
sister was promised to the Duke of Savoy. For celebration of those
glad events, the court and the city were preparing for great festivities,
and Henry returned to Paris to enjoy them, having ordered a tourna-
ment of three days in the street St. Antoine, which was made use
of on such occasions from its vicinity to the palace then occupied by
the Kings of France. After tilting bravely in the morning with many
gentlemen amidst the applause of the spectators, after dinner he
invited Count Montgomery, one of the most adroit, to break a
lance with him. The Count consented with great reluctance ; the
Queen entreated Henry to engage no more, but rest for that day, for
she had been troubled with ill dreams. A boding of danger to the King
rested in the minds of some others. The Duke of Savoy joined in
the dissuasion ; but he persisted in his purpose, and called for a
lance, saying, " I will only run this once," and entered the lists with
Montgomery. Their shock was observed to be unusually violent ;
the King fell from his horse, was taken up speechless and carried into
the palace. The lance had entered his eye and pierced the brain ;
and, after lying speechless ten or eleven days, he expired. Then,
when he had lost both sight and life, it was remembered that he had
sworn to see the offending members of the Mercuriale burnt before his
face ; and it was scarcely less remarkable that he fell under the fatal
stroke just opposite the Bastile where those gentlemen were imprisoned,
and that the hall of nuptial festivity was changed into a chamber
of mourning. As if to place a last note of condemnation on the
departed Monarch, the persons who laid his body in state threw over
it a piece of tapestry embroidered with a representation of St. Paul's
conversion ; and the visiters were observed to fix their attention on
this sentence, wrought in large letters, " Saule, Saule, quare me per-
sequeris ?" " Saul, Saul, why persecutes! thou me ?" They removed
that piece, and put another in its stead ; but the sentence had taken
wing, and resounded throughout France. A persecutor had fallen, by
the judgment of God, as many thought ; and the Reformed hoped for
protection under another Sovereign.
Those hopes, however, were not realized. Catherine, the Queen-
Mother, had been regarded as less hostile, if not favourable, to their
cause ; and Francis II., a boy of fifteen years, was thought likely to
be governed by her counsels. But the Guises, bitter bigots, managed
to get possession of his person ; Catherine had little power, and the
reins of government were grasped by the very men who had insti-
gated the deceased Monarch to his worst deeds of cruelty. Now they
engaged the young King to pursue the same course, and obtained
letters-patent appointing Judges to try the cause of Du Bourg and his
3 H 2
420 CHAPTER VI.
fellow-Councillors, and hasten their execution. The brothers of Dii
Bourg, who had come to Paris to watch the course of the prosecu-
tion, and engage others to interest themselves in his behalf, were
commanded to quit the capital ; the Commissioners were men of bad
character, and his inveterate enemies, and against them he appealed.
The appeal was accepted ; but merely in order to invest his con-
demnation with a show of justice. An Advocate, appointed to plead
in his defence, served to solicit him to submit to the authority of the
Church, and renounce his faith. They even reported that he had
done so ; but a letter from his own hand, addressed to his brethren,
and a confession of faith presented to the King and to the Parlia-
ment, undeceived the public. During the delay occasioned by judi-
cial formalities, the Protestants spared no effort to obtain his release.
Some wrote letters to the Queen-Mother, to the King of Navarre, —
now come to Paris, as Prince of the blood, to take part in the affairs
of government, — to the Prince of Conde", and to others who either
agreed with them in Christian faith or were favourably disposed. The
Queen and others were willing to encourage hope in so numerous a
body as the Huguenots had now become. Conde" earnestly employed
his influences ; but the faction of the Guises, at length become domi-
nant, resolved on the execution of Du Bourg. A report that his friends
had combined to extricate him from the Bastile served as a pretext for
shutting him in an iron cage, with scarcely room to stretch his limbs.
There they fed him with bread and water, and prohibited all commu-
nication. In that durance he consoled himself with prayer, sing-
ing the praises of God, and playing on his lute. Meanwhile sentence
was still delayed by means of an appeal to the Pope, from whom, by
dint of perseverance and bribes, his brothers had obtained a Bull
of evocation, transferring the case to Rome. Their hope was to get
him out of custody by that means, and help him to escape into
Germany instead of going to Italy ; but he would not consent to pur-
chase liberty, or even life, by acknowledging the authority of the
Pontiff. Henry, Count Palatine, also, sent Ambassadors to the King
to ask for Du Bourg to serve him in the University of Heidelberg ;
but the Cardinal of Guise, aware of their approach, hastened the
death of the victim, lest the King should be persuaded to accede to
that request, and had him taken from the Bastile to the Conciergerie,
or city-prison, and degraded from Deacon's orders, to be delivered to
the secular arm. They reserved him until Christmas (A.D. 1559), at
which season it was usual to bring the most notorious criminals to
execution, but especially the Calvinists ; and then he was brought out
to die. On the Saturday before that festival, the dark dungeon of the
Bastile gave up its captive. A formidable guard of four hundred foot-
soldiers, and upwards of two hundred horse, drew up in the street
where Henry II. had met his death ; the outer gate was unfolded,
and between ranks of guards within the court came forth the honest
Christian Councillor, who had so often refused every effort of friend-
ship, and resisted every inducement that the guile of enemies could
conceive of, to purchase life at the cost of conscience. A cart stood
ready to take him away ; but before going into it he turned to his
MARTYRDOMS. 421
Judges, who had just read the final sentence, and said : "Now do you
extinguish those fires, and, after having left your wicked life, turn to
God, that he may pardon you your sins. ( Let the wicked forsake
his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts ; and let him return
unto the Lord, and he will have mercy upon him, and to our God,
for he will abundantly pardon.' As for you, Councillors, may you
live and be happy ; but always think on God, and the things which
are of God. For my part, I am freely going to suffer death." No
one knew in what direction the strong escort would move ; for at every
spot where it was usual to burn heretics faggots had been piled, and
stakes planted, so as to divide the multitude, and distract any who
might endeavour to rescue him by force. They conducted him to St.
Jean en Greve, and encircled the spot on which he stood waiting in
silence to undergo the sentence, for he had promised not to address
the people. He only interrupted his prayer to say one sentence, —
that he was about to die for the cause of the Gospel, not for any
offence against society. Then he threw off his outer garments, offered
up this last petition : " Lord, leave me not, lest I should leave thee,"
and presented his neck to the hangman. He was strangled, and his
body reduced to ashes.
While his case was pending, protracted only by formalities conse-
quent on his position* as a Councillor of Parliament, the work of
murdering the confessors of Christ went on pitilessly. As if the edict
of Ecouen, last mentioned, had not been sufficient, another (September
4th), and yet another (November 14th), urged the servile, or the
blood-thirsty, Magistrates to new atrocities. Every house wherein an
assembly was detected was to be rased to the ground ; every person
found there to be burnt to death ; no one convicted of any shade
of heresy was to be spared.
To feed the flame of popular fury the most outrageous calumnies
were circulated. False witnesses deposed, that they had made their
way into nocturnal meetings, and seen the heretics begin impure ban-
quets by eating roasted pigs in derision of the Paschal Lamb, sacrifice
children, and then, extinguishing the lights, abandon themselves to
excesses that pen cannot describe. The Chancellor Olivier, a tried
friend of the sufferers, clearly disproved the perjury, and traced it to
its source ; but that did not avail. Poor young Francis wrote to the
Parliament that punishments enough could not be invented for inflic-
tion on such criminals. Houses were broken open on the slightest
suspicion, whole families dragged to prison, pursued by the hootings
of the mob, and from prison to the flames, having their tongues cut
out, lest they should criminate the murderers, or enlighten the people.
Violent death became so common, and so unsparing was the rage
of Judges and executioners, that little children talked of it familiarly,
and fortified each other against fear. Those who fancied themselves
to be suspected abandoned their houses, and fled at night or in dis-
guise ; the minions of authority entered the empty habitations, and
took inventories of abandoned property. The streets were filled with
carts removing stolen furniture ; corners and alleys were choked up
with moveables exposed for sale ; troops of armed men dragged
422 CHAPTER VI.
parents and children away to prison ; whole blocks of building
remained without inhabitant ; the affluent were pauperised in a clay,
and robbers grew rich upon the spoil. Infants and little children,
who might have encumbered flight, were left behind to plead by their
helplessness for pity. But humanity was extinct ; not even the
instinct of compassion had survived, and they wept life away on the
stones of the street. Nay, none could dare to take up a babe stained
with parental heresy. Images were erected in the streets, and who-
ever passed by without showing a gesture of reverence, was liable to
be assailed and murdered on the spot. Wretches cried " Lutheran,"
to set the rabble on persons with whom they had quarrelled. The
hearths of martyrdom never cooled. The horrid swing moved inces-
santly, suspending racked and half-living bodies over the red flames.
Every pulpit rang with incentives to the tumultuary crusades. Shouts
of threatening, wailings of anguish, exclamations of terror resounded
throughout the laud ; but at last, when the majesty of a Parliament
fell with Du Bourg the martyr, when the last remnant of judicial
dignity and public freedom was seen to be trampled on by a faction,
— that faction being in possession of the throne, the tribunals, the
prisons, the dwellings of the people, — God permitted long-slumbering
vengeance to awaken, and made the perpetrators and abettors of that
tyranny suffer the retribution of a civil war.
The best men in France began to consider within themselves by
what means they could overthrow such a government, consistently
with their duty to their country, to the throne, and to God. Often
in the confidence of friendship, and of brotherhood in suffering, small
companies, unconscious of the thoughts of those at a distance, would
dare to ask each other if there were no remedy, no method of defence.
Some of the most eminent lawyers and theologians in France and
Germany were then consulted, and they gave it as their judgment that
since the Guises had usurped the government, it would be lawful to
take up arms against them, provided that the Princes of the blood, as
born Magistrates, or one of them, would undertake the cause ; and
especially if that were done at request of the States of France, or of a
sound part of them. But the usurpers were careful that those States
should not assemble. They agreed that it would be useless, and worse
than useless, to address the King, who, although legally of age, was
in reality a minor, and in their power, as well as the Queen-Mother.
The only effectual measure would be to seize on their persons, and
then to convoke the States-General, and call the Guises to account for
illegal administration. And they also agreed that the management
of such an enterprise could only be intrusted to men of sound reli-
gious principle, and uninfluenced by either hatred or ambition. Such
an one was Louis of Bourbon, Prince of Conde, to whom the project
was communicated, with an entreaty that he would endeavour to pre-
vent the ruin of the King and of all the state. After mature con-
sideration, aided by the opinions of the most learned men as to the
rights of Princes of the blood, he employed trustworthy persons to
examine the charges brought against the Guises, that he might resolve
on the course which, in conscience, he ought to pursue.
THE " TtlMUI/T OF AMBO1SE." 423
This being done, it became evident to Conde that it would be his
duty to the King, considering his youth, and inability to think or act
with independence, to seize on the persons of Francis Duke of Guise,
and of Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, his brother, and bring them to
account for their misconduct. But, considering that they had all the
power of the kingdom in their hands, to arrest them seemed to be
impracticable. While Conde was thus pondering the matter, a gen-
tleman named Godefroy du Barry, Baron of Renaudie, came to him as
an accredited representative of his correspondents. He had suffered,
unjustly, fine and imprisonment ; after his liberation had spent some
time in Switzerland, and then returned to his estate in France. Him
Conde ventured to employ as secret agent to confer with his friends
in various parts of France, and concert a scheme of simultaneous
action. In short, it was determined to seize on the person of the
King during a progress through the country for the benefit of his
health. A large number of nobility and commoners congregated with
amazing secrecy, and they were gradually approaching Blois, an open
town where the court then was, when a man, to whom Renaudie had
divulged the secret, made it known to the Cardinal of Lorraine. The
court could scarcely believe so daring a project to be possible ;
but they removed to Amboise, a small place on the opposite bank
of the Loire, a few miles distant, possessing a strong castle on the
summit of the hill, and persuaded the Queen-Mother to write to the
Admiral, Coligny, and to D'Andelot, persons likely to abet the con-
spiracy, and require their immediate attendance on the King. They
came readily ; and when told of the rumour of a rebellion, Coligny
plainly said that the violence of the administration had provoked those
discontents, which could only be allayed by the immediate publication
of an edict granting liberty of conscience, and promising to refer the
disputed question of religion to a general and free Council. The
Chancellor Olivier supported the proposal ; and consequently an edict
was hastily drawn up, registered in the Parliament of Paris, and made
public, granting pardon of all crimes touching religion, excepting,
however, all the Preachers, and several others ; and commanding Judges
not to proceed against those who " lived thenceforth as good Catholics,
faithful and obedient children of the Church :" that is to say, to
release those who were in custody, but to proceed again with active
persecution as soon as the alarm should have passed away. They did
enough to show the Reformed that they were neither impervious to
fear nor capable of mercy : while a secret Act (arref) of the Parlia-
ment determining that the edict, when it came to be carried into exe-
cution for the future, should be reconsidered, is evidence that they
were incapable of good faith. Then came the attempt and failure
of the " conspiracy of Amboise." * On the morning of March 1 7th,
1560, a man who had pledged his faith to the conspirators came to the
Queen, and told her that parties lay concealed in the surrounding woods
and neighbouring villages, ready to take the castle by surprise at an
* So called by the Guises, and by Romanists generally. The Reformed say " the
tumult of Amboise," and so does Thuanus. His twenty-fifth book opens with •• Aiubo-
eiano tumultu sedato," &c.
424 CHAPTER VI.
appointed hour, and make prisoners of the royal persons and the court.
The Duke of Guise instantly took measures of defence. The Prince
of Conde" himself, who had recently arrived, and would have welcomed
the assailants, was appointed to take part in the defence, but asso-
ciated with another officer strongly attached to the faction of the
Guises ; ambuscades were placed near the ways which the informer
had described, and such parties of horse or foot as could be spared
went out to intercept the leaders whom he had named. They took
several prisoners, brought them into the castle, and hanged them on
the battlements. An attack made on the castle, the next day, failed ;
the Guises were furious, and caused the amnesty just published to be
revoked. Their soldiers massacred or delivered to the execution all
whom they could overtake. Gibbets crowded the market-place
of Amboise, the streets ran with blood, scores of dead bodies floated
down the Loire: Nearly twelve hundred men were beheaded, hanged,
or drowned. The Baron of Castelnau and fifteen other gentlemen
were reserved for torture, notwithstanding that the Duke of Nemours,
to whom he surrendered, had promised him, " on the faith of a
Prince," and under his own signature, that he and his companions
should suffer no harm. Under the terrible question they could not be
made to divulge a single name, nor vary from the single declaration
that the conspiracy was directed against the Guises alone. In pos-
session of Castelnau and on the body of Renaudie they found papers
containing the plan of the " associates," and protestations that the
person and authority of the King were to be respected, and " nothing
in any way attempted against the King's Majesty, nor the Princes of
the blood ; but only, by the help of God, to restore the government
to its first state, and cause the ancient customs of France to be
observed."
Castelnau defended himself admirably. Nemours pleaded his own
pledge on his behalf. Coligny and D'Andelot did their utmost to save
him. The Queen-Mother went to the apartments of the Duke of Guise
and his Cardinal brother, to entreat them to spare his life ; but all in
vain. " By the sang de Dieu," said the Cardinal, " he shall die : the
man breathes not in France who shall save him." Castelnau and his
fifteen friends were placed on a scaffold opposite the castle. The
young King, his Queen Mary Stuart, Queen Catherine, with her Princes
and Princesses, the Duchess of Guise, and ladies of the court, occupied
the castle windows and balconies to see the execution. The condemned
gentlemen knelt down and prayed, appealing to God to attest the
justice of their cause. Head after head rolled on the scaffold. Ville-
morgue, one of the fifteen, when it came to his turn, dipped his hands
in the blood of his brethren, and raising them to heaven, cried aloud,
" Lord, behold the blood of thy children most unjustly slain ! Thou
wilt take vengeance !" The Duchess, on hearing this, shrieked with
horror, sprang from her seat and ran to her apartment, whither the
Queen followed her after the spectacle was over, found her in an agony
of tears ; and on asking why she lamented in so strange a fashion,
received for answer, " Alas, Madam, have I not cause ? I have seen
the shedding of innocent blood, —blood of the best and most faithful
REMORSE. 425
subjects the King ever had. I fear that some heavy curse will fall on
our house, and that God will destroy us, in vengeance for this barba-
rity." The Chancellor Olivier, who had signed their condemnation,
suddenly awoke to a sense of his own guilt, rushed to his chamber,
flung himself on his bed, and gave way to a frenzy of despair,
reproaching God that ever he was born. Lorraine, hearing of his
anguish, went to console him ; but he would not be comforted. Turn-
ing on his bed, he hid his face, that he might not see the man ; and as
he left the room, the wretched Chancellor exclaimed, " Ha, cursed
Cardinal, you have damned us all!" In two days he died. The
Cardinal also endeavoured to assuage the distress of Conde, whom he
found weeping, and whose countenance during the execution had
betrayed intense grief. But Conde" would not thus be comforted. He
denounced the proceedings of the King's Ministers as infamous, and
stung the Priest with words that he never could forget.
After this brief, and necessarily incomplete, statement of imprison-
ments, burnings, confiscations, and massacres, and after being informed
that even to collect the names of the martyrs who passed through the
usual formalities of trial and execution, suffered under new inven-
tions of cruelty, and bore witness to a work of divine grace in their
souls with a constancy not inferior to any that is recorded in the mar-
tyrologies of Christendom, what will the reader think of the following
judgment of the Jesuit Sforza Pallavicini, whom Pope Alexander VII.
rewarded with a Cardinal's hat for his literary service to the Church ?
"Heresy, at that time (A.D. 1559), left not a stone unturned to dif-
fuse itself throughout the Catholic provinces ; but, by the religious
care of Princes, was repressed at once. On its sectaries various kinds
of death (varia — supplicia) were therefore inflicted as well in France
as in Spain ; but in France more remissly, for there the reins of
government were held in the feeble hands of a child and of a woman.
In Spain more vigorously, all foul blood being drawn out of the
wound ; and therefore there was no indulgence shown to nobility
of race, weakness of sex, nor dignity of rank. For that disease
(scabies) had infected some of the Spaniards, in consequence of cor-
respondence with the Germans under Charles, and with the English
under Philip. Heresy, by the sweet poison of licence, became excetd-
ing dangerous, and sometimes, by contact, even to the physicians
themselves. And therefore severity was pious, not only towards
Heaven, but even towards the state ; since, for the drops of blood then
shed in Spain, thence ever afterwards kept safe, France, through the
fault of a more tender surgeon, poured rivers of blood from all her
veins." * At what period of Gallic history the Surgeons of the
Church were tender, we have not yet ascertained. The truth is, that
in France there has been, from the times of the Albigenses, a tradi-
tion of Gospel truth, a traditionary resistance to the Church of Rome,
and almost incessant persecution of the children of God.
With the affair of Amboise those rivers of blood began to flow.
The history of the civil wars concerns us only as they were occasioned
by religious persecution. We must observe their general progress at a
VOL. III.
ersecuuon. we must observe tneir genera
* Hist. Concil. Trident., lib. xiv., cap. xi., sec. 2.
3 i
426 CHAPTER VT.
distance, but approach more nearly to describe some principal
events/
The country was divided into parties, and the court into factions.
The Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorraine, with their adherents,
ruled France, and fought against every sort of reformation. Catherine,
unable to extricate herself out of the toils of such a domination, first
endeavoured to weaken them by supporting the Prince of Conde, the
Admiral, and the King of Navarre, whom the Reformed considered as
on their side ; but she betrayed them all in the end, and was herself
more completely entangled in consequence of her own dissimulation.
Every one saw that something should be done to save the kingdom ;
but there was no national assembly. The States-General had not
met for more than eighty years : the Guises feared to summon them ;
and the advocates of religious liberty, not daring to hope for sufficient
influence in such a body, did not venture to urge its immediate
convocation. With the concurrence, however, of both parties, letters
patent were issued in the King's name, to convene the Princes of the
blood, the Ministers of the crown, and several of the chief nobility
and Knights, at Fontainebleau. Thither the young King arrived ;
not attended, as formerly, with his court alone, but surrounded by a
strong military force. The Duke of Guise had another force in
reserve in the neighbourhood. The Constable and his sons rode to
the castle attended by eight hundred volunteers, and after them
followed another company of nine hundred. Coligny was there ; but
Conde, by previous agreement, remained away, as did Anthony of
Navarre, who was perhaps afraid to come. The King presided, open-
ing the assembly by a speech, and desiring every person present to
speak freely. Catherine delivered a lengthy harangue, the leading
personages gave statements of the condition of the country, the
revenue, and the army, and the meeting adjourned (August 21st,
1560). At their second sitting Coligny, kneeling, presented two
papers to the King, and said that, having been sent into Normandy by
His Majesty's orders to inquire into the cause of troubles which
agitated that province, he had found that the first and main reason
was persecution on account of religion. The papers, one addressed
to the King, and the other to the Queen, were of similar tenor, and
contained a petition " on behalf of the faithful of France, who desired
to live according to the Gospel Reformation." The prayer of this
petition was for an equitable administration of justice, and defence
against calumny, violence, and outrage, with " temples " of their own,
wherein they might assemble, during day-light, and peaceably, to hear
the word of God, pray for the prosperity of the state, and receive the
holy sacraments as ordained by Jesus Christ. They offered free sub-
mission to the laws ; and professed themselves content that any should
be punished as seditious and rebellious who assembled in any other
than the appointed places, or in any way proceeded contrary to the
public peace. They even proposed to pay larger tributes than the
rest of His Majesty's subjects, in gratitude for the desired liberty,
even so restricted, and in testimony of their loyalty. After an earnest
debate, continued through three sittings, in which the Duke and
SCHEME FOR COMPULSORY SUBSCRIPTION. 427
Cardinal displayed great violence, and the Admiral rejoined with equal
warmth, the assembly resolved that the States-General should be
immediately assembled ; and that, as the Pope delayed to summon a
General Council, — for the Tridentine fathers had been dispersed for
more than eight years, — an assembly of Bishops should be convened
for the 16th of January, 1561, either to communicate with a General
Council, should there be one, or to deliberate on the assemblage of a
National Council, to treat of ecclesiastical reform.
Between this meeting and that of the States-General at Orleans
four months would intervene, and be the period of preparation for a
great struggle. The Court, the Clergy, and the Popish majority of
France, calculated on defeating, perhaps destroying, the Huguenots,*
who hastened to provide themselves with some defence by collecting
money from the rapidly-multiplying churches, and raising troops*
Missives to the Clergy required them to be more diligent in the
repression of Calvinism, as true Christianity was called. The Cardi-
nal, for example, wrote to the Bishop of Montpellier, praying him to
bear in mind that the time was come for the Church to defend her-
self, and not spare any of the means or powers she possessed for
resisting the injuries and insolence of those seditious wretches ; and
charged him, from the King, to keep his eyes open, that there might
be no unlawful assemblies or prohibited preachings in his diocese.
To help the Bishop in keeping his diocese, the Count de Villars had
force at hand, with commandment from His Majesty " to cut to
pieces all persons who might forget themselves on that point."
Many persons were cruelly put to death. The mobs were ferocious ;
but the churches assumed an attitude of unyielding constancy. Sol-
diers were employed to drive women and children to mass, and
Magistrates enforced the administration of baptism by the hands
of Priests ; but such measures only aggravated the general disaffection
to the administration of the Duke of Guise as Lieutenant-General
of the kingdom. His brother, the Cardinal, conceived a plan for
making an end of the Huguenots at a single stroke. The Faculty
of Theology at Paris had drawn up a Confession of Faith (A.D. 1543)
for signature by their members, who were to conform to it in their
sermons ; and Francis I. had issued letters patent declaring seditious
all of the laity who dogmatized contrary thereto, either in public or
in private. This Confession had fallen into desuetude ; but the
Cardinal proposed to act on it again. From every province he had
lists of the Huguenots, commonly known as such, or discovered by
his spies ; and the application of this test was intended to bring them
to the stake. During the sitting of the States-General this formula
was to be produced, and first receive the signature of the King. The
great officers of state, the nobility, and the knights, were then to
append theirs, and swear not only to observe it for themselves, but to
* It was about this time that the word came into use. Like most popular appella-
tions of contempt, it is of uncertain origin. The most plausible conjecture is, that it was
derived from one King Hugo, whose ghost was said to roam the streets at night. And
as the Calvinists went to their meetings at night, they might be called " Huguenots "
(hobyublins) in derision.
3 i 2
428 CHAPTER VI.
spare neither father, mother, wife, brother, sister, relative, nor
friend, who should refuse conformity. They calculated that Coligny,
D'Andelot, and many others, would refuse to submit ; and the King
was requested to degrade and deliver to death all recusants, arid have
them burnt alive next day, without any form of judgment. The
Chancellor was commanded to have the test applied to the officers
of law, the Bishops were to impose it on the Clergy, the Queen was
to require the like submission of all the ladies of the household, and
every person in the kingdom was to be called on to signify conformity.
Delighted with the scheme, Lorraine called it his " mouse-trap ; " and
as the cat gambols over her helpless prey, so did he disport himself
in the imagination of a general slaughter, such as France had never
seen. " And as the prisons of Orleans did not seem to be sufficiently
large or sure, nor yet those of Loches, Bourges, and other towns, to
contain so large a number of marked persons of all classes, workmen
were employed everywhere to put the prisons in order, and to make
new ones. Among others, the great tower of St. Aignan was fur-
nished with iron gratings, and fortified, to receive the principal per-
sons of Orleans, as was another in the neighbourhood, intended for
the Admiral and his brothers, whence it was afterwards called ' the
Admiral's tower.' "
But the Cardinal's trap, however capacious, and cleverly set, would
not take all the mice. Beyond the French boundary, on the
Navarrese territory, there would yet remain alive powerful supporters
of the Reformation. The King of Navarre himself, and the Prince
of Conde, his brother, who had withdrawn to Beam instead of ven-
turing to the meeting at Fontainebleau, were also to be caught. As
for Conde", it would not be difficult to make out a charge of con-
spiracy against him. La Sague, his secretary, who had represented
him at Fontainebleau, having confided some part of the secret to a
false friend, was arrested on his return thence at Estampes, and
carried, with his papers, to court. Overcome by fear of torture,
he had confessed to a wide-spread conspiracy, and, by bathing the
cover of a letter in water, gave ocular evidence of a scheme prepared
by Conde and his friends for seizing on some important towns, occu-
pying Picardy, Brittany, and Provence, and getting possession of Paris
itself. Intelligence that the south was in open insurrection soon
confirmed the disclosure of La Sague ; troops were sent into the
disaffected provinces ; the King was persuaded to write to Anthony
of Navarre, whose share in the insurrection was undoubted, yet not
openly avowed, to bring Conde to court, that he might clear himself
from charges laid against him, as they said, from all parts of the
kingdom. Francis wrote to his uncle, counterfeiting the language
of confidence and affection, and entreating him to bring his brother
forthwith to Fontainebleau, assuring the weak-minded King that he
had no other desire than to find Conde innocent, and see him honour-
ably acquitted ; and, moreover, that he would not intrust the execu-
tion of so delicate, yet important, a service, to any one but himself.
Every conceivable method of persuasion was employed by the bearer
of the letter, under the instructions, also, of Catherine, that he should
CONDE IN PRISON. 429
overcome the reluctance of the Princes, or awaken their fears in the
event of a refusal. Their appearance at court, it was said, would
restore confidence. Refusal to appear would bring down on Navarre
a hostile and irresistible invasion. Anthony was charged with abet-
ting a conspiracy, and sheltering the chief conspirator. His conduct
would either show innocence or guilt, and determine the fate of him-
self and of his little kingdom. The royal word was given that no
evil should befall them in France.
Navarre and Conde fell into the snare, and entered France. Warlike
preparations of both parties, the Guise government and the oppressed
provinces, everywhere met their view. Coldly-rendered honours, and
friendly intreaties to return, equally served to indicate the peril that
awaited them. A body of French cavalry, under the name of a guard
of honour, received them into custody. Many of their friends, even
including some ladies, were arrested. Seven or eight hundred
Huguenot gentlemen, armed and mounted, had met the King, and asked
him to place himself at their head, and espouse the cause of the
persecuted churches, offering large and ready reinforcements ; but he
hesitated, and then rejected the offer. They besought him to leave
Conde with them as their chief, and, if he would go, proceed alone ;
but he refused. They withdrew disheartened. Francis advanced,
with his courtiers, to meet them at Orleans ; but as they approached
that city, they found no welcome, and even the population had
deserted the ways. Soldiers alone occupied the gates, manned the
walls, and lined the streets. Between lines of military, who insulted
them as they passed, they went to a house where Francis awaited
their arrival. The salute due to royalty was withheld. They were
bidden to dismount outside the gate ; and, like men already in the
fangs of a destroyer, half-sinking under a weight of dread, they
found their way into his presence. Conde soon heard a torrent
of reproaches, and then, arrested by the Captain of the guards, was
thrown into prison. Navarre was detained under observation ; and
many attempts were afterwards made to get rid of him by assassina-
tion, but they successively came to nought.
The chief of the Huguenots, and of all who desired civil liberty for
France, being in prison, a commission was appointed to conduct his
trial and hand him over to the executioner. The Sovereign Prince
of the half-reformed state that, lying between France and Spain, now
lay at the mercy of enemies in both countries, was scarcely less dis-
tant from the scaffold. Both gave themselves up for lost. The
26th day of November was appointed for the execution of
Conde. Efforts, indeed, were made to save him, and the Chancellor
delayed to sign the sentence ; but nothing was foreseen that could
deliver him from death. The 10th of December following, appointed
for the assemblage of the States-General, was expected to be the date
of another sentence ; and, after sentence, death would not linger many
hours. The test above mentioned would then be presented for
universal signature; and, under one grand renunciation, and one
grand martyrdom, the long-persecuted cause of Christianity3 it was
calculated, would expire.
430 CHAPTEB VI,
A counter-stroke of Providence quashed this calculation. Eight
days before the intended execution of the Prince, the King, not yet
seventeen years of age, was seized with a sudden heaviness in the
head as he was attending vespers. He fainted, and was carried to
his chamber. A disease from which he had for some time suffered,
rapidly grew worse, and the Physicians declared that they knew of no
remedy. The Guises, foreseeing the downfal of their power on his
decease, — since the regency of the kingdom during a minority would
fall to a Prince of the blood, and the King of Navarre, whom God
had shielded from swords ready drawn by themselves for his assassi-
nation, would hold the reins of government, — quickened preparations
for a civil war, and an invasion of Navarre. Commissions were issued
for levying new troops, all the recruits to be certified, by the parish
Priests, as " true Catholics," lest the army, or any part of it, should
refuse to act against the Huguenots. These, also, accelerated the
enlistment of considerable forces in self-defence ; and the party domi-
nant began to tremble lest the death of the King should render all
their armament of no effect, and the Duke and Cardinal change places
with the condemned Princes. Again they endeavoured to murder
Navarre. The dying King himself consented to provoke him to a
quarrel in his chamber. Navarre was summoned thither, and, in
spite of many remonstrances from persons who had overheard the
plot, he went. The door was shut. The King tried to ensnare hina
by bitter words of provocation. The dagger was prepared, as if to
avenge a word that might sound insolent to majesty. But God
preserved him from passion, and the plot failed.
While the Duke attempted those means, the Cardinal bestirred
himself in another way, exhorting people to make pilgrimages to holy
places, and vows to saints, and ordered processions of Priests and
Monks. The preachers, especially in Paris, bade the multitude pray
that the King's life might be spared, until he had finished the work
begun, and exterminated the vile heretics, enemies of the Roman
Church, and cause of all the calamities of France, and all the evils
of the world, and not to disappoint them of their hope, as they had
once been disappointed by the sudden death of good King Henry.
Litanies resounded through the streets, relics were exhibited, and
Francis himself, whose languid hand had just been withheld from the
murder of his " good uncle," made a vow to God, to all the saints
of paradise, both male and female, and especially to " Our Lady
of Clery," that if they would be pleased to restore him to health, he
would never cease until he had cleansed France from wicked heretics ;
and prayed that if ever he pitied wife, mother, brother, sister, relative,
or friend, if even the least tainted with suspicion, God would take his
life away. In spite of all, the disease grew worse and worse. The
Reformed, also, had recourse to prayer. They proclaimed a fast, and
gave themselves to incessant supplication. Their petitions were that
God would please to withdraw his chastisement and fierce displeasure ;
assuage the violence of the enemies of the Gospel around the person
of the King ; deign to show himself defender of his Church, saving
her from the hands of her enemies ; dissipate by his wondrous mercy
ACCESSION OF CHARLES IX. 431
— since there was no earthly helper — the designs of the conspirators,
as he had made foolish the counsel of Ahithophel ; and give to the
King sound health and good counsels, that their souls might be
preserved in patience. Thus did prayers ascend to the mercy-seat
of heaven, and thus did the orgies of a mad idolatry surround its
altars.
Meanwhile the King rapidly approached his end ; and the Queen-
Mother, looking to her own security, now began to court the favour
of Navarre, whom she had aided to beguile into the hands of his
enemies, but whom she expected to see raised to power. The phy-
sicians and surgeons were accused by the Priests of being in league
with the Huguenots to kill their patient. They proposed desperate
measures, yet feared to use them ; and on the 5th of December, five
days before the intended assemblage of the States, Francis II.
breathed his last. The Guises fled from court, and shut themselves
up, trembling with terror. Catherine advised them to make up a
sort of reconciliation with the King of Navarre, who, always timor-
ous, feared to assume his full prerogative, and, instead of being
Regent, accepted the office of Lieutenant-General of the king-
dom, leaving the regency to be settled. None but his widow,
Mary Stuart, was known to mourn for the departed Sovereign.
Catherine and the Guises were so busy in looking after their own
affairs, that they left any who chose to direct the obsequies and
funeral. Of all the Lords assembled at Orleans, only two made their
appearance at the grave ; and of all the Prelates, only one blind
Bishop had a sufficient sense of decency to join them. Conde, after
a few days, came out of prison, not to suffer as a traitor, but to take
a chief part in the struggle for religious liberty.
Charles IX., a child of ten years and a half, ascended the throne
of France on the decease of his brother. His uncle, Anthony
of Navarre, professedly a Huguenot, but destitute of personal religion,
had already disappointed the hopes of the Reformed. He consented
to be second to the Queen-Mother, and her assumption of the regency
was soon ratified by a majority of the States-General. The future
course of Navarre will be so insignificant, that we shall say little
of him. Before twelve months had expired from this time, he and
his Queen * had sent an " orator " to Rome, to place their kingdom
under the protection of the Pope. In the States-General, assembled
at Orleans (from December 1 3th to January 31st), much dissatisfac-
tion was manifested towards the Clergy by the nobles and commoners ;
and in the course of warm debates it became evident that the national
voice demanded " liberty of conscience," or, as we should now more
correctly speak, "liberty of worship." Encouraged by changes at
court, and emboldened by the freedom of the lay estates, the princi-
pal Ministers of the Reformed churches met at Orleans at the same
time, were introduced by Navarre to the Council of Government, and
* But his Queen did not renounce her faith. She was a devont and consistent Pro-
testant to the last hour of her life. There can he little doubt hut her death was hy
poison. And as for her share in placing Navarre under Papal protection, it was but
nominal.
432 CHAPTER VI.
presented a petition to the King for participation in civil privileges,
and for temples * in which to exercise religious worship. The Chan-
cellor de I'Hopital and the Admiral Coligny supported the demand ;
and a secret order from the Government to the Parliament of Paris
(January 7th, 1561), directed the release of all persons imprisoned on
account of religion. A public order was also sent to the royal Judges
(April 19th), in the King's name, to check zealot Lent-preachers, and
protect the Reformed from the outrages usually committed at that
season ; commanding, 1 . That people should not be allowed to call each
other by the injurious names of Huguenot or Papist. 2. That no one
should violate the security that every man ought to enjoy in his own
house, or in that of his friend. 3. That no one, under pretext of exe-
cuting preceding decrees prohibitive of unlawful assemblies, should take
upon himself to enter houses in search of small companies of people ;
but that this should be left to the judicial authorities. And, 4.
That all persons then in prisons on account of religion should be set
at liberty; and that those who had left their homes on the same
account should be free to return, and have possession of their pro-
perty, under condition of living " as Catholics," and without causing
scandal.
But before the publication of these instructions to the Judges, the
Parliament of Paris had issued an order (March 31st), prohibiting all
persons, of whatever state and condition, to make preachings or ser-
mons, or to hold meetings, or be present at meetings, but go to their
parish churches, and other accustomed places, and hear sermons there,
under pain of being declared guilty of lese-majesty, with confiscation
of the houses wherein such meetings had been holden. This order was
not obeyed ; but the simultaneous publication of rival edicts not only
indicated great confusion of powers in the Legislature and Executive,
but foreboded those fearful scenes that the historians of this reign
have described. At Paris and in the provinces the Reformed congre-
gated for worship ; and this sudden demonstration of liberty exaspe-
rated their enemies beyond measure.
Foreign intervention, tumultuary force, and judiciary prosecutions
were means whereby the Papists hoped to resist the apprehended
influx of heresy.
The first expedient was too perilous to be tried by any but the
Clergy ; and even of them, only the least eminent and responsible
would venture to commit themselves. Some Doctors of the Sorbonne,
and other zealous clerks, resolved to hazard an application to the King
* In the common language of France, as in that of western Christendom during the
earlier centuries, temple is used to signify a place of divine worship, when the speaker,
expressing himself in the elevated style of poetry or oratory, wishes to convey the sin-
gle idea of worship of God. But in the religious nomenclature, when ecclesiastical or
political distinctions are marked hy conventional appellatives, temple means a building
occupied by congregations of " pretended Reformed," and is limited to them alone, or to
Heathens, by the careful speaker, who bestows the appropriate and honourable name
tglise, or "church," on those edifices which he acknowledges to be employed for
Christian worship. Thus writes Alberti, (Grand Dictionnaire,) '• On ne donne guere le
nom de temple aux eglises des Chretiens, si ce n'est en poesie et dans le style souteuu ;
il ne fant cependant excepter les lieux ou lea pretendus reformer s'assemblent pour
1'exercice de leur religion.''
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO PHILIP II. 433
of Spain to interfere for the deliverance of France from the heresy
that he had so completely suppressed within his own dominions.*
One Artus Desire, a vivacious Priest, already distinguished within his
own circle as a rhymester, was selected as Envoy Extraordinary to
Philip II., furnished with a memorial engrossed on vellum, and having
embarked on the Loire, at Orleans, in a boat for Tours, trusted to follow
the course of the river and the fortune of the ocean, so as to find a
Spanish port, and reach the presence of the most zealous and devoted
Sovereign of whom Popedom could ever boast. But a painter in the
service of the Queen- Mother betrayed the secret of the poet, who was
arrested, brought on shore with his despatch, and, instead of appear-
ing before Philip, found himself in the presence of Charles. The
authors of the document addressed the Spaniard as " Dear Sire, Most
Catholic King, thrice Christian Prince, elect by the grace of God."
They were entirely assured of his most Christian pleasure to vanquish
and chastise, correct and punish, all persons fugitive and banished
from the congregation of true Catholics. At the request of these true
Catholics, and on behalf of His Majesty's most humble and obedient
clergy, citizens, merchants, and common people of the city and Uni-
versity of Paris, as yet preserved by the special grace of God from the
venomous and mortiferous Lutheran poison, they approached His
Most Noble and Most Sacred Majesty, to supplicate, request, and
most humbly pray, that, of his good grace and accustomed clemency,
he would aid and defend their holy and fruitful Christianity, to the
honour, glory, and praise of God and all His blessed saints and saint-
esses in Paradise. The aid and succour they required was against the
Magistrates and Governors of France, who were giving such favour,
power, and authority to the enemies of their Catholic faith : so that
all the faithful expected a swift approach of trouble, sedition, and
sanguinary death among Christians, unless preserved, by the mercy
of God and the King of Spain, from a calamity surpassing all cala-
mities that had ever befallen the world since the day of its creation.
The despatch then took the shape of a sermon, adorned with citations
from the Gospel, from " Monsieur St. Paul," and from the Prophets,
and St. Augustine ; and closed with renewed appeal for his safeguard
and protection. The culprit Desire was threatened with death. -f- He
wrote petitions to the King and Queen Catherine, asking to be
favoured, by way of mercy, with condemnation to the gallows, rather
than the block. The Parliament of Paris made him beg their pardon
* The Duke of Alva, then at the head of the government, threatened the persons
whom Catherine sent to Madrid to explain that she had yielded the Colloquy of Poissy
to necessity, not to the Calviuists, that Philip would send Spanish soldiers into France
to put down heresy, unless she fulfilled her duty hy doing so herself. Many French
nobles were in secret correspondence with the Council of Castile. — Thuani Hist.,
lib. xxviii.
t This Desire was a favourite of the Parisian Clergy. Under their authority ha
printed a book, containing such rhymes as the following : —
" Tailler tu te feras image de quelque chose que ce soit,
Si honneur lui fais et hommage ton Dieu gran plaisir en repoit."
" Thou mayest make unto thyself an image out of any thing ; and if thon givest it
honour and worship, God will take great pleasure in it." Thus, as they read the
commandmeut, it was done into verse by Desire.
VOL. III. 3 K
434 CHAPTER VI.
on his knees, bare-headed, without shoes, and with a taper in his hand,
and committed him to the gentler detention of a Carthusian convent,
whence he soon came forth again. Treason, when committed on
behalf of holy Church, was accounted so venial an offence, that he
suffered no severity of treatment there, nor any torture in order to
ascertain who had been his accomplices or employers. The Sorbonne
and priesthood, by silence, acknowledged themselves guilty ; and the
supreme civil court, by connivance with the traitor, avowed participa-
tion in his crime.
Tumultuary violence was employed throughout the provinces,
although prevented in the metropolis by the favour shown to those
of the " new religion " by Princes of the blood and other high
personages. We can only note a few examples out of the multitude
that Beza has recorded. On the morning of Whit- Sunday, a poor
weaver of Chateau-Neuf, a town about seven leagues distant from
Orleans, attended at Jargneau to unite with his brethren in the cele-
bration of the Lord's supper, returned to his dwelling, and was rest-
ing after having walked about four leagues, when a party of ruffians,
employed by Vertet, Procureur of the King, broke into the house,
tore out his eyes, dragged him into the street and through all the
ponds and ditches of the place, and then flung him into the Loire.
The poor man endeavoured to save himself from drowning ; but as
he struggled to gain the bank, they showered stones on him until he
sank, and his body was carried away by the stream. The deed being
reported to the court, the Bailly of Orleans was ordered to bring the
criminals to justice ; and the Procureur, with two of the murderers,
being found guilty, were condemned to be hung at Orleans. The
sentence was executed ; and the wife of Vertet was allowed to take
her husband's body for interment. The funeral procession glit-
tered with tapers from all the churches, the bells were tolled in every
belfry, and an immense multitude followed to the grave, saying
that they rendered honour to the body of a martyr to the Catholic
faith. The Reformed, meanwhile, hid themselves at home. Patients
in the hospitals, reported as members of the Reformed Church, were
cruelly tormented, or left to perish for want of attention ; and this in
obedience to the public exhortations of the preachers. The Magis-
trates of Paris, proceeding to the Hotel Dieu in order to put a stop to
such proceedings, were assailed by a mob whom the zealots called
out by sounding the tocsin.
At Beaune, the word of God had been attended with so great power
that many flagrant sinners became members of the Reformed Church,
and adorned their profession by purity of life. The Priests, enraged
because of the abolition of a brothel and several other houses of ill-
fame, attacked, by their usual representative, a mob, a congregation
assembled at prayer in an enclosed place outside the town, stoned the
Magistrates who interfered to protect the congregations, rescued three
men from custody ; and the next day, when the Reformed found it
necessary to arm themselves for defence during a second tumult,
several of them were wounded, and three killed in the affray. The
body of one of them, Pierre Petot, was buried by night by the care
COLLOQUY OF POISSY. 435
of some humane women ; but next day a party of other women
exhumed the corpse, and dragged it through the streets. Many lives
were lost by mobs whom the Priests instigated ; and many murderers
were suffered to evade the penalty of justice. Lesser acts of persecu-
tion were innumerable. And while the royal instructions remained in
force, and a tolerant edict, that shall presently be noticed, shielded
peaceable worshippers from the open vengeance of the priesthood, it
was not unusual to persecute them by means of false accusations and
suborned witnesses to fictitious crimes. The Ministers of the altar
were even known to deface images and commit sacrilege within their own
churches, that suspicion might be turned upon the unoffending Hugue-
nots, and the sacrifice of the victims be effected under judicial forms.
From the hand of the Cardinal of Lorraine, as Archbishop of
Rheims, the new King received his crown in the cathedral of that
city, rendering his vows to the holy Mother Church, in return for her
consecration, after the accustomed forms. The ceremony being finished,
the Cardinal, in a sort of Council, harangued his royal ward on the
state of religion in the kingdom. He lamented, speaking on behalf
of all the Clergy, the decay of the holy Catholic and Roman faith, in
consequence of the assemblies of those new sectaries, now become
more frequent than ever ; and censured the remissness of the Judges,
who excused themselves by the King's letters from the performance
of their duty. He exhorted him not to suffer innovations, but to
assemble the Princes, Lords, and others of his Privy Council, in the
court of the Parliament of Paris, and there make a good and invio-
lable law for the preservation of the faith, by suppressing, at once,
that perilous liberty of conscience. On the other hand, the newly-
crowned King received petitions from all quarters, complaining
of persecution, and renewing the request for temples. Those petitions
loaded the table. Montluc, Bishop of Valence, strongly inclined to the
doctrines of the Reformation, proposed that a Council should be con-
vened, in which the Reformed Ministers might take part, hoping that
some way of agreement and pacification might be found, for there was
no hope of such an issue from any Council assembled by the Pope.
The Cardinal of Lorraine, also, approved of the suggestion, confident
that the force of his eloquence, learning, and dignity combined, would
confound the unlettered sectaries, and bring him the glory of an easy
conquest. But he would not allow them any incidental advantage
that might accrue from a solemn Council, nor yet acknowledge that any
assembly wherein heretics appeared, except for punishment, or humi-
liation, might be accounted such. He therefore proposed that it
should merely be considered as a Colloquy ; and, under that less com-
promising designation, it was ultimately agreed that a conference with
some divines of the New Religion should take place. Not, either, to
offend the Pope by assembling a National Council, the meeting was to
bear the above designation, and consist of Clergy, duly convened at
Poissy, a town five leagues from Paris, while the King should merely
introduce some of the Huguenots, with whom the Clergy, but espe-
cially the Cardinal, would condescend to pass through forms of dispu-
tation. Thus came about " the Colloquy of Poissy."
3 K 2
436 CHAPTER VI.
The principal Reformed Ministers received safe-conducts for jour-
neying to and from Poissy. The Pope received a letter from Catherine,
written in a style of moderation towards Calvinists more than verging
upon heresy, at least in his eyes, and announcing this expedient for
appeasing dissension. Disconcerted on that intelligence, he despatched
the Cardinal of Ferrara ostensibly to preside, but with secret instruc-
tions to suffer nothing to be done in the proposed assembly.
Catherine, however, would not await his arrival. Theodore Beza,
Peter Martyr, Augustine Marlorat, John Raymond, Martin and Francis
Morel, with about as many more, came as representatives of evangeli-
cal Christianity. The champions of Romanism were the five Cardinals
of Lorraine, Tournon, Bourbon, Armagnac, and Guise, and several
theologians of the Sorbonne. France was represented by the royal
personages, including the King and Queen of Navarre, and their
court, as members of the same family. Already had Beza preached
in the hall of the Prince of Conde, to the admiration and profit
of his hearers. He had been introduced to the presence of royalty,
conferred, both in their presence and alone, with the Cardinal of
Lorraine, felt the sunshine of a palace, heard words of adulation,
and received intimations of rewards that would not be withheld from a
compliant disputant. The Queen, however, had assured him, with a
significant coolness, that she would reserve to herself the office
of moderating, or, at least, of influencing, the assembly according to
her own ideas of equity. It was to be a religious controversy,
conducted and settled just to answer an expediency of state.
In the large refectory of a nunnery, about mid-day (September
9th), the royalty, clergy, and nobility of France, in their proper per-
sons, or by representatives, assembled. From the King down to the
sentinels, nothing was omitted of costume or place that could display
the respective dignities to advantage, and give an air of magnificence
and authority to the assemblage. The King spoke first, declaring
that he had convened them for the pacification of the kingdom, the
honour of God, and the peace of consciences. He enjoined perse-
verance in the good work of reconciling his disunited subjects, and
promised to protect them in so good a work. The Chancellor, at His
Majesty's command, made a more lengthened introduction ; and the
Cardinal of Tournon, on part of the Church, as Dean of the College
of French Cardinals, and other Prelates, acknowledged the goodness of
God, of the King, Queen, Princes of the blood, and of that brilliant
assembly, all of whom had concurred in the salutary enterprise. These
compliments between the powers of Church and State being finished,
the Captain of the Guards was sent for the Ministers, and, accom-
panied by the Duke of Guise, introduced the twelve chief representa-
tives of the Reformation, with twenty-two deputies from the provincial
churches. With Presbyterian equality, each wearing his black Genevan
gown and bands, and bare-headed, the Ministers appeared before the
company, standing outside a barrier on which they rested. Theodore
Beza, chosen by the others for their spokesman, addressed the King.
" Sire : since the issue of all enterprises, both great and small,
depends on the assistance and favour of our God, and principally
.
• V
COLLOaUY OF POISSY. 437
\vlien there is a question concerning that which pertains to his service,
but which surpasses the capacity of our understanding, we hope that
your Majesty will not think it wrong, or strange, if we begin by the
invocation of his name." Thus speaking, and without waiting for
permission, he fell on his knees, together with his brethren. The
assembly was profoundly silent, and heard, to their amazement, a
fellow whom the most of them had pronounced unfit to live, pleading
at the mercy-seat of God for the descent of the Holy Spirit for whom
that day they had sung no mass, because a Colloquy, unlike a Council,
was not worthy to be ushered in with any sacred ceremonial ; nor
ought, thought they, to have sanction of the Holy Ghost. They heard
this Doctor of the Reformed theology make confession of sins," depre-
cate the divine displeasure, and ask for grace to confess His truth
before "the King whom He had established over them, and before the
most illustrious and noble company in the world." Having recited
the Lord's Prayer last, he arose, with his brethren, and, from without
the barrier, addressed the King again. The elegance of a courtier,
and the dignity of a Minister of Christ when making confession before
Kings and Governors, are blended in the speech as it remains from his
own pen, and it is an admirably full and chaste compendium of Chris-
tian doctrine and discipline. Then, bending his knee, he offered to
Charles IX. of France, as Luther had offered to the Emperor
Charles V., a written confession of the churches at that moment
represented by the Ministers and Deputies. The King took it from
the Captain of the Guards, and handed it to the Prelates. And Beza
was heard with singular attention until, towards the end of his dis-
course, speaking of the presence of our Lord Jesus Christ in the
eucharist, he said, "that the body of Jesus Christ, although truly
offered up and partaken of by us in that sacrament, is still as far from
the bread as heaven is high above the earth." Although he had said
many things equally repugnant to the Roman doctrine, without being
interrupted, this gave so great offence that the Prelates lost all pati-
ence. " Blasphemavit /" shouted some, — "Blasphemy!" Others rose
up to go away ; but as His Majesty and the court kept their places,
silence was restored, and he proceeded. Tournon followed with a few
empty protestations of fidelity to the faith of Clovis and his ancestors,
and asked a day for making ready a reply. This granted, the assem-
bly dispersed. Lorraine, however, arranged with his divines that he
should deliver, not an answer, but a counter-confession of faith,
evading controversy altogether. This he did at the next sitting (Sep-
tember iGth) ; and, having a Doctor behind him to assist his memory,
pronounced a very long harangue, crowded with patristic authorities
and scholastic sentences. This ended, Tournon rose to walk away,
and all the Ecclesiastics were following, when Beza asked permission
to reply. The Bishops crowded round the royal youth, and sent the
Captain of the Guards to tell him that another day would be appointed
for him to answer. Meanwhile the Legate came from Rome, greeted
on his way through France with demonstrations of popular aversion;
but he fulfilled his mission by surrendering the ensigns of Legate, and,
in the quality of a friend intermingling with both parties, managed to
438 CHAPTER VI.
have private conferences appointed instead of stately colloquies. He also
joined with Lorraine in endeavouring to bring some Lutheran divines
from Germany to dispute with those Calvinists, and drive the battle
into the enemy's encampment, by bringing them to quarrel with each
other. That plan failed ; but the affair was smothered in private
conferences.
The Queen-Mother tampered with both parties. Weary of the
domineering faction of the Guises, she gave them promises without
any intention of fulfilment. Hoping for a counterpoise in Cond^ and
the Reformed, she fed their hopes with contrary promises, and showed
great favour to them and to their friends at court.* All this went
on unde'r show of attempting a reconciliation, and led to some tempo-
rary benefit. But association with adverse factions at court gave the
religious controversy a political character, and irreparably vitiated the
cause of the Reformation in France. Liberalism suddenly became
fashionable. The Bishop of Valence, imitating the worst customs
of Geneva, rather than the better, might be seen preaching in his
hat to congregations of mushroom Huguenots ; and the Cardinal
of Chatillon held a " supper " in his palace with his domestics, while
still carrying the honours of his Romish dignity. Such vain helps
were dishonourable to the cause of Christ.
Yet the persecuted had reason to rejoice in a brief respite. The
Guises were discouraged, and quitted the field, to hide their mortifi-
cation in the country. At St. Germain (January 7th, 1562), an
assembly of notables discussed a project of amity prepared by Cathe-
rine and De 1'Hopital, the Chancellor, and, after ten days' debate,
passed " the Edict of January," as that first enactment for religious
liberty in France continues to be called. A severe edict of the July
preceding, which had been found impracticable, was cancelled. Eccle-
siastical buildings of whatever kind, which the Reformed might have
anywhere occupied for their worship, were to be given up, and all
reliquaries and ornaments restored. The Reformed were not to build
churches or hold meetings within the towns, nor break crosses or
images. But the edict removed all prohibition of religious assemblies
outside the towns and by day-light, forbade Magistrates to hinder such
meetings, and instructed them to protect the worshippers, and punish
as seditious all persons, of whatever religion, who should make their
assemblage the occasion of tumult. No arms, except such as gentlemen
usually carried, were permitted in the congregations. The Ministers
were to inform themselves of the character and condition of all per-
sons admitted to their communion, so as to be ready to surrender
them to justice, if prosecuted for any crime. The Ring's officers
were to be allowed access to the congregations, and no criminals were
* To the unutterable mortification of the Papists, who were not slow to show it. One
Sunday (December 26th), while a Minister named Malot was preaching, the ringers
of the neighbouring church of St. Medard rang so furiously that his voice wss drowned.
A gentleman of the congregation went alone into the church, by a postern, and civilly
asked the ringers to cease for a little. No sooner had he entered than some Priests
who were there shut the door, and one of them killed the gentleman. Officers of justice
then came to take the murderer, but Priests and people armed kept possession of the
church, until the legal power prevailed, and some of the rioters were taken into custody.
EDICT OF JANUARY. 439
to be harboured under pretence of worship. Synods or Consistories
might be held, after royal permission, and in the presence of royal com-
missioners. Their acts, also, were to have royal sanction. They were
not to make laws, create Magistrates, levy military forces, or
impose assessments or taxation on their members, but receive their
voluntary contributions. The Ministers would receive licence to officiate
after swearing to observe the edict, and abide by their own confession
of faith. They were also required to refrain from offensive language
against the mass and other ceremonies in their sermons, and forbidden
to preach from village to village without licence. After some corre-
spondence with the Chancellor, the Ministers and Deputies of the
churches, who were at St. Germain, wrote a circular to the churches,
exhorting them to submit to the restrictions of the edict.
This first gleam of religious liberty aroused the priesthood and the
Guises to desperate opposition. Under their influence, all the Par-
liaments except one, that of Dijon, either refused or delayed to register
the edict. The King of Navarre was gently detached from the cause
of the Reformation, and offered Sardinia in gift from Spain, if he
would merely abstain from supporting the Calvinists, and let his son
go for once to mass. They had already alienated him from his Queen,
and ensnared him in the fascinations of a licentious court. " His
head was full of Sardinia and women," and the expostulations of
Beza were spent on him in vain. The Parliament of Paris openly
resisted the edict of January ; and the Reformed, while acting on it
under the cautious counsels of their Ministers, were trusting to a law
which the Parliaments, as according to custom, had not yet made
certain by their acceptance. Pending the publication, the Queen
explained away some of the clauses, and then commanded the Parlia-
ment of Paris to publish it : it being already evident that, even when
published, it would be of little force. The joy of the Reformed had
received a sudden check, and now the signal was given for a religious
war.
Vassy, a small town or village in the ancient province of Champagne,
lay within the principality of Joinville, the chief residence of the Duke
of Guise. A Reformed Church had been recently constituted there
(October 12th, 1561), to the annoyance of the ducal family, and espe-
cially of the old Duchess-dowager. To intimidate the new society a
party of soldiers was billeted on the inhabitants, but soon withdrawn;
for the men of Vassy were not to be subdued by fear. The Bishop
of Chalons, accompanied by a Monk of some note as a theologian,
then went to try his power of argument, appeared in the congregation
during worship, heard the Minister address a thousand or twelve
hundred persons, and entered on a disputation with him. The Bishop
and his Monk were beaten, left more converts to the Gospel in Vassy
than they had found, went over to Joinville, and complained to the
old Duchess that they had been treated with disrespect (December
12th). The Duke was then solicited to obtain a commission from
the King to punish the people of Vassy as rebels; but evidence
laid before the Privy Council disproved the charge, and the commis-
sion could not be granted. The impending stroke having been thus
440 CHAPTER VI.
averted, " the holy supper" was administered with great solemnity in
presence of about three thousand persons collected from neighbouring
towns (December 25th) ; a stated Minister, Leonard Morel, was then
appointed, instead of an occasional supply from other churches, and
the number of members rapidly increased. All those circumstances
raised the anger of the Duchess to overflowing. She forbade her
subjects of Joinville to attend at the sermons of Morel ; and threatened
Vassy with the indignation of her daughter Mary Stuart, Queen
of Scotland, widow of the late King, and Dowager-Lady of Vassy.
But she also threatened them that her son the Duke, at that time in
Germany, would inflict vengeance on them on his return. And she
had incessantly reproached him for his " excessive patience " in allow-
ing such a scandal to continue, to the dishonour of God, and his own
discredit. The time came to execute those threateniugs.
The Duke had returned, and being resolved to comply with his
mother's importunity, as far as possible, without openly violating the
edicts, prepared to visit the place. Having slept in the neighbour-
hood on the preceding night, together with his wife, his brother the
Cardinal, and a splendid suite, he rode into Vassy on the morning
of Sunday, March 1st, 1562, and was received by a guard of about two
hundred armed men, who had been stationed there during the last
eight days. In passing through the village of Brouzeval, he had
caught the sound of their bell, and thereby knew that the Reformed
were assembling for worship. Near the market-house of Vassy he
dismounted, walked into the church, and held some private conversa-
tion with the Prior of the place, and the Provost, or Mayor, The
obnoxious congregation, not unaware of his arrival, to the number of ten
or twelve hundred, were assembled in the barn which they had fitted
up as a temporary church, without arms, — men, women, and children,
listening to the word of God ; but knowing that such meetings were
warranted by the edict of January, they thought themselves secure.
Some say that the sound of the bell caused his attendants to raise a
cry like that of soldiers rejoicing in the prospect of plunder, and move
in a body towards the place of meeting. Others pretend that the
singing of the congregation disturbed Guise in his devotions in the
neighbouring church ; that he sent a message desiring them to stop
until he had finished mass ; but that they rudely refused, and so
stirred up the rage of his servants. Be it as it may, one La Brosse
going first, and then a few others after him, entered the barn, and
were shown to seats. Others collected on the outside, some on horse-
back and some on foot, but all furnished with weapons of death. La
Brosse, when scarcely seated, contradicted the preacher. His com-
panions vented profane and blasphemous exclamations, he shouting
that they all deserved to be killed. This outrage provoked the dis-
turbed worshippers ; and, on hearing the uproar, those on the outside
battered down the doors that had been shut, and one of them began
the deeds of blood by running a sword through a poor man who
happened to be standing in his way, and who, when asked in whom he
believed, answered, " In Jesus Christ." Two young men, who endea-
voured to escape, were then transfixed. The younger Duchess, pro-
MASSACRE OF VASSY. 441
ceeding in a litter towards Paris, was just leaving Vassy when the
noise began, and sent back a messenger to entreat her husband not to
shed blood ; but he was already at the door, and whether shouting to
his people to refrain, as if dreading the consummation of his own plan,
or setting them on to the slaughter, it is impossible to say. The
confusion was extreme. From a stone or some other missile he
received a slight wound on his face, and instantly drew his sword and
rushed in on the devoted flock. The more active were breaking
through the roof, and clambering over adjacent house-tops. Others
desperately flung themselves out at the windows. Priests in the street
pointed at them, and soldiers shot them down. The carnage was
terrible. "0 Lord God, help us!" cried hundreds who could not
escape ; and the butchers, in derision, invoked the devil to destroy
them. The Minister, struck by a shot, knelt down in the pulpit to
pray, and in that position was again wounded by a sword. Thinking
the wounds to be mortal, he cried aloud,
" Mon ame en tes mains je viens rendre,
Car tu m'as racliete,
O J)ieu de verite."
" Into thy hand I commit my spirit : thou hast redeemed me, 0 Lord
God of truth ;" (Psalm xxxi. 5 ;) for even in death those beloved
chants were on the lips of the French Christians. The Duke heard
his clear voice above the din, sent men to bring him out of the pulpit
while yet alive, and commanded a gallows to be erected at once, that
he might be hanged. Meanwhile the Duke's lacqueys tortured him,
until, unable to stand, he was laid on a ladder, and carried to Escla-
ron, a place two leagues distant, to be reserved to another kind of
death. But, through the interposition of Him into whose hand he
had committed his life, he survived the chief murderer. Either sated
with blood or fearful of reprisals, the Duke of Guise stayed the mas-
sacre, and withdrew into the burial-ground, while his men emptied the
barn of its furniture, carrying with him a large Bible from the pulpit,
and gave it to the Cardinal, who stood there among the graves.
" Read, my brother," said he, " the title of these Huguenots' letters."
The Cardinal, looking at it, told him it was the holy Scripture.
"How!" said he, with an oath, "the holy Scripture? It is more
than fifteen hundred years since the holy Scripture was made, and not
yet one year since these books were printed. By , 'tis good for
nothing." " See," says Beza, " the theology of the man whom Carles,
Bishop of Riez, makes to speak so theologically at the hour of his
death." In and around the barn lay sixty dead bodies. More than
two hundred wounded were carried away, many of whom also died.
Forty-two women were made widows. Several houses were pulled
down ; and during their demolition the Duke and his company coolly
rode away to dinner at Ertancourt, on his way to Rheims, intending
to proceed thence to Paris. To make it appear that the massacre had
been provoked by the Huguenots, he caused some of his accomplices
to collect suitable evidence, and, no doubt, their tale has been repeated
in the shape of history ; for there are few events more variously related
than this massacre of Vassy. The old Duchess-dowager thought to
VOL. III. 3 L
442 CHAPTER VI.
crown the whole by disarming the inhabitants ; but it \vas now
impossible to replace into its scabbard the sword that her son had
so cruelly unsheathed.
The Queen-Regent was with Charles at Monceaux, a royal estate in
the neighbourhood of Paris, enjoying the pleasures of spring. Conde"
was in Paris, and to him flocked nobles of the Reformation from all
parts of France, bringing heart-rending tales of persecution, and
imploring help. Ministers of the Reformed churches met to confer
on the exigencies that arose hourly. Montmorency, Governor of the
Isle of France, gave them an intimation that it would be prudent to
refrain from religious meetings for a few days, as all France, and not
least Paris, was rent into parties, exasperated against each other ; and
for them to congregate might give occasion to renewed calamities.
On their part, they could not consent to a silence which their enemies
might interpret as indicative of either guilt or fear ; for they were
innocent of offence, and had confidence in God. Conde hastened
to Monceaux, obtained an audience of Catherine, laid before her and
the Council the horrors of Vassy and the designs of Guise, who was then
on his way towards Paris, where the populace were wont to receive
him with acclamations such as welcome Kings, and hoped to strengthen
his position in the capital, overawe the Reformed there, and obtain a
revocation of the edict of January. He therefore prayed that Guise
might not be permitted to enter Paris. Catherine, justly alarmed,
and well aware that the Guises were preparing to carry by force what
they had so long been endeavouring to attain by policy, commanded
the Duke to come to Monceaux, bringing with him but few attendants.
He haughtily returned for answer that it was not then convenient for
him to appear, as he was entertaining company. Beza, on behalf of
the church, and a gentleman named Moncourt, deputed by the nobles,
went to demand justice of the King, and obtained an audience in
presence of His Majesty, the Queen-Regent, the King of Navarre,
and others. They related the massacre of Vassy, perpetrated in
violation of law by the Duke of Guise. They recounted similar
atrocities committed by the populace in all directions. At Cahors,
Sens, Auxerre, Tours, D'Aurillac, Nemours, and many other places,
Priests had led mobs to repeat the horrors of the 1st of March. At
Tours three hundred persons were shut up in a church for three days,
and then taken to the bank of the river, and butchered one by one,
excepting the little children, who were sold for a crown each. An
infant, born on the spot, had been thrown into the river with its
mother ; and the Council shuddered as they heard that the babe,
floating down the stream, lifted its arm, as even the murderers fancied,
to appeal to heaven for vengeance. Catherine was told that the
Romish preachers were calling on the people to follow these examples ;
that within a few days three thousand persons had been murdered ;
and that the Duke of Guise, having begun at Vassy without check, was
hourly expected to march on Paris and plunge the kingdom into civil
war. Navarre, corrupted by licentiousness, and this by the contri-
vance of Catherine herself, who desired to weaken his power by
smothering his conscience, endeavoured to exculpate Guise, and throw
FLIGHT FROM FONTAINEBLEAU. 443
all the blame on the Huguenots, who, he said, had given the provoca-
tion by throwing stones ; and " Guise was not a man to be insulted
•with impunity." Beza reminded him of his forgotten promises and
broken vows; and contended that even if the Duke of Guise had been
thus insulted, the dignity of his station, if that were all, required that
he should have sought legal satisfaction, and not set the fatal example
of trampling on the laws. " It is true, Sire," said he, addressing the
King, " that it becomes the church of God, for which I am now speak-
ing, to suffer blows, and not to give them ; but may it please you to
remember that this anvil has worn out many hammers."
Without deigning to appear at Monceaux, but marching at the head
of a formidable troop, Guise entered Paris. The Constable of France,
the Duke of Aumale, the Marshal of St. Andre, the Lord of Randan,
and others of his party came, like a royal court, in his train. Twelve
hundred men in arms followed. The Provost of the Merchants, who
undertook to represent the city, leading a multitude of common peo-
ple, went to meet him ; and he rode to his palace amidst shouts
of Vive Gtiise, in imitation of " God save the King." At the same
time that he thus entered Paris by the gate St. Denis, the Prince
of Conde, returning from worship in a place without the walls, also
entered by the St. Jacques, accompanied by seven or eight hundred
gentlemen on horseback. The two trains met. Every one expected
a conflict. But the chiefs saluted each other, and passed on.
At this juncture the Queen would gladly have thrown herself and
her son into the hands of Conde. She even wrote to him secretly ;
and by confidential messengers invited him to deliver " mother and
son" and France from the tyrannous faction. Could he have com-
manded support enough to wage immediate war with those who had
both the executive and the army at their disposal, he would have gone
to Fontainebleau, whither they had removed during these events, and,
by securing the persons of both King and Regent, commanded obedi-
ence. But the richer members of the churches, especially in Paris,
withheld necessary contributions ; Conde hesitated ; Coliguy shut him-
self up in despair ; and Guise, casting off the respect due to royalty,
went in arms to Fontainebleau, and compelled the Queen with her son
and the court to go with him to Paris. With tears and indignation
she submitted to the compulsion ; and soon, finding the faction of her
captor to be the stronger, resumed her usual heartless policy, made
their cause her own, and was never again known as friendly to the
Reformed.
While Romanism made its head-quarters in Paris, Cond^ and
Coligny, with two thousand horse and foot, took Orleans, were well
received by the inhabitants, and made that city the centre of their
operations. A government was organized. Couriers to two thousand
one hundred and fifty churches carried a proclamation demanding
succours of men and money. On receiving a manifesto from Conde,
thirty-five large cities, among which were Blois, Tours, Dieppe, Havre-
de-Grace, Moutauban, Nismes, Orange, Lyons, and Grenoble, and, ill
short, almost all the south of France, joined his cause. In some
instances the public treasure was appropriated to this service, but in
:j L 2
444 CHAPTER VI.
the King's name. The gold and silver of the churches passed from
the shape of crucifixes, saints, and ornaments, into that of coin,
stamped with the head of Charles IX., to defend whose real interests
the Reformed and their friends arrayed their forces. Bells and other
articles of baser metal underwent fusion, and re-appeared in the form
of warlike munition or ready cash. Even the Romanist laity were not
sorry for a transmutation that so suddenly raised the wealth of the
realm; and soldiers of adventure on both sides delighted in the " fine
civil war " that afforded frequent booty of newly-minted coin. During
this recruiting, the Priests, on the other side, renewed their sanguinary
sermons, and by ringing of bells gave signal for massacres. Even
the Cardinal of Guise, as Archbishop of Sens, thought himself justified
in allowing the tocsin to be sounded, and an indiscriminate onslaught
followed. It would be endless to attempt a collection of revolting
narratives. Men, women, children, entire populations, were mowed
down, hour after hour, until none were left. Men forgot their man-
hood. A Spanish detachment, under command of D. Luis de Carvajal,
boasted that they had killed forty women together at Pamiers. Their
fashion was to stab infants first in the mothers' arms, and then cut
down the mothers themselves. One of the most savage Romanist
officers, Montluc, was honoured with a letter from the Pope, signifying,
under the ring of the holy Fisherman, love, esteem, and praise for his
excellent, magnanimous, most Christian, and most Catholic bravery !
Conde", as leader of the Reformed, when driven to defence, sent
letters to the Protestant Princes of Germany, not asking intervention,
but briefly explaining the reasons of the position he had taken, for
the satisfaction of his brethren in the faith. Not so " the triumvi-
rate,"'— Guise, Montmorency, aud St. Andre1. They prepared the
protocol of a league with Philip of Spain for the extirpation of the
Huguenots. According to this paper, Philip was to be leader of the
enterprise, and the Duke of Guise chief of the Roman confession in
France. The Emperor and Romanist Princes of Germany were to
stop the passages into France, that the Protestant Princes might not
send succour to the Reformed. The King of Spain was to send a part
of his army to the Duke of Savoy, who would raise as large a force
as possible from his estates. The Pope and Italian Princes would do
the same. They would agree that while France was thus encircled, a
commission should be given to the Duke of Guise to extirpate all who
professed "the new religion;" and efface the name, family, and race
of Bourbon, lest there should arise from it some future avenger
or restorer of that religion. This having been done in France, it
was proposed to undertake a European war for the destruction
of Protestantism everywhere.
Reasons of state prevented the consummation of their scheme;
and, indeed, foreign auxiliaries could scarcely be found, except on
terms to which the court could not openly submit. After collecting
funds with extreme difficulty, the triumvirs marshalled their troops for
war. The Reformed also encamped under the walls of Orleans. Con-
ferences between the Queen and Conde were resorted to, in hope
of averting the catastrophe ; but the condition proposed by the former —
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. 445
to disarm the Huguenots — could not in prudence be accepted, and
hostilities began in earnest.
At first there was no decisive battle. After some trifling skirmishes
the armies separated, and each divided, in order to recover towns
occupied by the opposite party. At first victory inclined to the
Reformed, whose discipline was admirable : but good morals and war-
fare cannot long exist together ; the royalists, as all acknowledge,
were far more addicted to pillage and the other abominations of a
heated soldiery ; but everywhere the usual horrors raged in towns
besieged and sacked, and the stronger side gradually prevailed. To
describe military operations is not an object of this work ; but it must
be noted that at the siege of Rouen the King of Navarre received his
death-wound. He had sacrificed his religious profession to the hope
of adding Sardinia to his kingdom, shunned the reproach of Christ,
and abandoned himself to the guilty pleasures of the French court ;
but he died while fighting against the church within which he had
formerly sought the privileges of spiritual communion, beset with
terrors of remorse. To aid the army in warring against the new reli-
gion, the Parliament of Paris published a proclamation (June 13th),
which proscribed the entire Protestant population. All " Catholics "
were required to arm in every parish, and, at sound of bell,
attack their neighbours, and kill without mercy. The horrible edict
was obeyed. One half of France was armed against the other ; and
on every Sunday and feast-day the Romish preachers read the procla-
mation from their pulpits, and offered paradise as the price of blood.
The historians are generally reluctant to unveil the atrocities of those
days, and here to do so to any adequate extent would require many a
heart-sickening page. A Protestant historian, whose interesting
volumes now lie before the author, thinks it right to assure his readers
that in exhibiting a few examples he is not actuated by " a spirit
of hostility to the Catholic Church." Surely this is excessive tender-
ness ; for to the catholic Church no Christian can possibly be hostile ;
but let us guard our nomenclature, and not scruple to avow that to
the system and spirit of the Romish Church, a communion which
ignorance or guile only can call " catholic," any one who pities its
members, and loves the souls which Babylon traffics in and slays,
may acknowledge an utter and unconquerable hostility.
The Reformed were beaten in a great battle at Dreux ; but the
Marshal of St. Andre fell that day. The Duke of Guise, too, just
when the capture of Orleans seemed certain, and the conquest of the
Huguenots all but complete, was assassinated under the walls of that
city by one Poltrot. Coligny was suspected of having employed the
man ; but a minute investigation proved that he had not the most
remote participation in the crime. Daunted by the loss of their
chief and of the Marshal, two of the triumvirate by whose hands the
misgovernment of France had been conducted, the Romish party
submitted, at least for the time, to an agreement of peace. Thus ended
the first war.
Rather more than a year after the massacre of Vassy, the Prince
of Conde signed a treaty of pacification (March 19th, 1563), which
446 CHAPTER VI.
was afterwards published as the " Edict of Amboise," a compromise
unsatisfactory to all concerned. According to this edict, " 1. In all
towns where those of the pretended Reformed religion had the free
exercise of the said religion on the 7th of the said month of March,
they should continue to have it, always excepting the churches and
houses of Ecclesiastics. 2. In each bailiwick and lordship subject
to the jurisdiction of courts of Parliament, excepting the city and
suburbs of Paris, they might also have a convenient place for the
exercise of their worship in the suburbs or neighbourhood of the
towns. 3. Lords and gentlemen, being high justiciaries, should have
the same free exercise on all their lands for themselves and their
dependents only ; but those of inferior rank should only enjoy this right
in their own houses. 4. All prisoners of war should be given up
without ransom on either side. 5. Foreign mercenaries, whether
Calvinist or Catholic, should be dismissed and sent back to their
respective countries. 6. The King granted a full amnesty to the
Prince of Conde, the Admiral, and all who had followed and served
them in the late troubles, His Majesty declaring that all had been
done for his service, and that they were not to be called to account
for anything that was past. 7. They of the pretended Reformed
religion were not to contract alliances with foreigners, nor call them
into France on any account, nor make any levy of men or money,
without express commission from His Majesty." Humiliating as were
these articles to the " pretended Reformed," the Parliaments of Paris,
Provence, and Toulouse refused to register them. Paris only sub-
mitted to registration in silence, and by command of the King,
executed by the Duke of Montpensier, as a Prince of the blood.
Provence and Toulouse mutilated the edict in registration, and Dijon
remonstrated to the Queen even against this scanty meed of tole-
ration.
A succession of events demonstrated the impossibility of peace with
Rome. An armed league for the support of the Roman Church, and
the expulsion of its enemies from France, was already in existence,
under the connivance, if not sanction, of the Sovereign. The Parlia-
ment of Toulouse, the Cardinal of Armagnac, many Ecclesiastics,
nobles, and burgesses, were preparing to raise troops. After the
death of Anthony of Navarre, his widow established the Reformation
in her kingdom, and thus raised a tempest of wrath on every side.
The Pope cited her to appear before the tribunal of the Inquisition,
and, this failing, issued a Bull of excommunication (September 29th,
1564). France, fearful of the Pope and Spain, expressed sufficient
indignation ; and however willing the Court and Clergy might be to
extirpate Calvinism, they unanimously rejected the attempts of Rome
to compel five French Bishops to appear before the Roman Inquisition
under accusation of heresy, and to force upon the Gallican Church the
decrees of the Council of Trent, — decrees utterly incompatible with
civil liberty and national independence. But the rage against the Queen
of Navarre was not abated on this account. Her Spanish enemies,
awed by the attitude of France, in resistance to any open attempts
of foreign powers to coerce a Sovereign, entered into a conspiracy to
CHARLES, CATHERINE, AND THE DUKE OF ALVA. 447
seize the person of Her Majesty and her two children,* carry them
away from Pau, where they then resided, and throw them into the
prison of the Inquisition at Madrid. The plot was providentially
discovered in time to save the royal family. The relatives of the late
Duke of Guise appealed to Charles IX. for justice on account of his
murder, which they still pretended to helieve had been committed by
Coligny, notwithstanding his undoubted innocence. The object was to
deprive the Reformation in France of his influence and aid. The
same Ambassadors who came from Rome to ask for the reception
of the Tridentine decrees, entreated Charles to break the edict
of pacification, and offered Papal troops to help him to root out
Calvinism.
Catherine and her son made a progress to the south, ostensibly for
pleasure, but really with far different purposes. They met the Duke
of Alva at Bayonne, had him much in their company, and imbibed
his horrid policy of pitiless and indiscriminate destruction. From
that time the proceedings of the French court became more and
more like those of the Spanish. They also visited the Queen of
Navarre ; but no effort of theirs could persuade her to re-establish
Popery or to renounce her faith. Jeanne of Navarre consented, indeed,
to accompany Catherine on her return to Paris, not unwilling to
withdraw from the neighbourhood of Spain ; but besides many occa-
sions of dissatisfaction, she suffered persecution in the person of her
Chaplain, who was placed under arrest for having preached in her
private apartments. The edict of Amboise had become a dead letter.
Inquisitors raged in the Netherlands, war followed, and the Duke
of Alva began to exemplify the principles which he had inculcated on
Catherine at Bayonne during many nocturnal interviews in the apart-
ments of her daughter, the Queen of Spain, carried on after their
households were asleep. By intercepted letters it was discovered that
an extirpation of the French Huguenots was intended simultaneously
with the slaughter of the Gueux in the Netherlands. The arrival of a
body of six thousand Swiss mercenaries to guard the passage of Alva
into Belgium, over some part of the French frontier, confirmed
suspicion, and the Reformed were again compelled to take measures
of self-protection. They had found neither justice nor mercy at the
tribunals, nor protection from any earthly authority. In spite of the
edict and its amnesty, three thousand persons, they calculated, had
been murdered by mobs and Magistrates on account of their religion
since the day when it was ratified.
Their first measure was to solicit the amicable interference of the
German Protestant Princes, some of whom sent Ambassadors to
remonstrate with Charles — now a child no longer — on the infractions
of his compact with their brethren. But this only provoked him to
anger. Conde and the Admiral were treated with open indignity.
At Valleri and at Chatillon the chiefs of the Reformation held
secret conferences. They pondered the insolent boastings and
menaces of their enemies. They received intelligence of councils
holden to concert measures for the imprisonment and execution of the
* One of these lived to occupy an eminent position as Heury IV., King of France.
448 CHAPTER VI.
Prince and the Admiral. Two thousand Swiss were marching to
reinforce the garrison of Paris, four thousand to Orleans, and others
to Poitiers. Not only courage, but common prudence, required them
to strike the first blow, and they agreed to call their fellow-sufferers
to arms, hoping to gain possession of a few towns in which to garri-
son forces for war, to recruit an army, and overthrow the Guise
government. But, first of all, they wished to surround and seize the
King. With profound secrecy they organized an insurrection all over
France, suddenly made their appearance under arms, approached
Monceaux, the royal residence, and necessitated the King and his
mother to commit themselves to the charge of a body of Swiss, and
flee to Paris. They pursued them to the gates, reduced the city to a
state of siege, engaged a very numerous force in battle for an entire
day, and only retreated at night-fall before numbers many times
greater than their own, leaving the Constable, Montmorency, mortally
wounded on the field (November I Oth, 1567). While the issue
of this conflict was doubtful, they received an overture for negotiation,
and eventually agreed — being pressed by the impatience of their
volunteer troops, who were glad to return home on any tolerable
terms — to the following conditions of peace : The edict of pacifica-
tion of March 7th, 1 563, was to be kept and observed in every point,
without reserve or modification. All subsequent interpretations, by
which its articles had been explained away, the King now annulled,
and granted a full amnesty to Conde, the Admiral, and their followers.
The Prince was once more acknowledged as " dear cousin," and the
others as faithful servants and subjects. The towns agreed to return
to their obedience. The foreign troops were to be disbanded on both
sides. And, lastly, the negotiating parties limited the operation of
their compact to the time when it should please God to make them
all of one religion. An edict to this effect was published without any
expression of reluctance by the affrighted Parliament of Paris (March
27th, 1568), and proclaimed in the camp of the Reformed before
Chartres. Thus terminated the second war ; but to the great dis-
satisfaction of the Admiral, and many others, who clearly foresaw that
this " uneasy peace " would not be permanent.
Conscience, honour, and even common sense, forsook the counsels
of the King. Faithful to their treaty, the Reformed disbanded their
forces, and dismissed their mercenaries ; but the royalists remained in
arms, retaining the Swiss and the Italians. They placed garrisons in
the towns, and detachments on the roads. Some of the towns,
indeed, and chiefly Rochelle, Montauban, Sancerre, Albe, Milhaud,
and Castres, refused to admit the troops ; but this reasonable refusal
exasperated the quarrel. The Government strengthened its alliances
in Germany, and the acknowledgment of the Council of Trent seemed
imminent. Everywhere the Huguenots were oppressed, and often
persecuted unto death. The Cardinal of Lorraine incessantly urged
the Queen to adopt the policy of Alva. The Popish preachers deli-
vered sermons surpassing in vehemence their former denunciations.
They plainly said, that the Huguenots had not three months to live,
and that the King himself should rather be tonsured, and shut up in
OCCUPATION OF ROCHELLE. 449
a cloister, than suffered to protect them. To make peace with
heretics they called a crime ; to keep faith with them, a weakness ;
to murder them, an acceptable sacrifice to God. Obedient to this
impulse, the rabble at Amiens and Auxerre murdered their townsmen
by hundreds. In Auvergne they burnt a man alive without the
least judicial form, merely because he had not hung out tapestry on
the feast of Corpus Christi. A nobleman murdered his own brother,
boasting that he was his thirtieth victim, and avowing that what he
had done was under express counsel and command. The Parliament
of Toulouse arrested and executed the very person who brought them
the edict of pacification to be registered. The secret league, noticed
above, was renewed in unprecedented force, especially between the
ecclesiastics, nobility, and more wealthy burgesses. Besides the
" Holy League," spread over France, the King had a private Council
of his own, without official appointment or authority, who intrigued
for the single purpose of crushing the Reformation. The Chancellor
De 1'Hopital, whose counsels were pacific, as they always had been,
was banished from court, and, relieved of his presence, Catherine
undertook to ruin Conde, by demanding 300,000 crowns on account
of expenses of the war. A form of oath was sent into the provinces,
by which every Huguenot was to swear never to take up arms or
distribute money without express permission of the King. An edict
bade all the Reformed to resign every office or dignity they might
chance to hold, and prohibited future nomination of such persons to
any place of trust or honour. Thus Coligny ceased to be High-
Admiral, and D'Andelot to be Captain-General of infantry ; and all
Protestant Governors were degraded. It was resolved to arrest all
the leading Huguenots at the same moment. To cover this plot, as
regarded Conde, letters from the King and his mother, full of affec-
tionate expressions, invited him to visit them at court ; but the
bearer, suspecting treachery, confidentially disclosed the peril. At
the same time judicial murders and private assassinations suddenly
multiplied. The Prince of Conde and his friend Coligny, with their
helpless families, fled from their homes in one company, guarded by
one hundred and fifty horse. The first Prince of the blood saw his
wife, great with child, carried in a litter, and their three little children
in cradles. The others were in a similar condition. They fled over
by-ways towards Rochelle, and had to cross the Loire, while the
principal roads and bridges were all occupied by troops. But the
waters were low, and they passed by a ford known only to those
familiar with the river. Conde carried his youngest infant, and the
whole pai'ty safely waded through. Scarcely had they passed the
channel, when a body of cavalry was descried in full pursuit, and death
appeared inevitable ; but the flood began to swell, and, ere the horses
could try the ford, came boiling down ; and even their enemies record
this instantaneous interposition of God's most gracious providence.
Volunteers now flocked to the fugitive Prince.
Leaving his family, however, at Brouage, he first went alone into
Rochelle, disguised as a sailor, to ascertain the disposition of the city.
The magistracy and inhabitants gave him an enthusiastic welcome,
VOL. III. 3 M
450 CHAPTER VI.
and he then made a public entry with his family and friends (Septem-
ber 18th, 1568). No royal Governor or garrison had occupied the
place. The inhabitants had recently refused to make an oath of
unconditional submission, and receive royal troops. Fortified towards
the laud for resistance, open for supplies towards the sea, and filled
with a flourishing commercial population, lovers of liberty and
friendly to the Gospel, it was just the station wherein the persecuted
might rally forces for resistance, if not for aggression. Conde
addressed the multitude, describing the perfidious and treasonable
proceedings of the Cardinal of Lorraine, then chief of the Romanist
party ; represented the power of that party over the young King,
who, as he thought, would more gladly pacify France by edicts for
religious liberty, than, by breach of faith, massacres, and war, deso-
late the land. Ministers and members of their flocks, fleeing for
life, crowded into Rochelle ; many thousands of volunteers came
armed from the neighbouring provinces ; and the Queen of Navarre,
fearing to remain in that remnant of a kingdom, came thither with
her two children, and a strong contingent of three thousand foot and
four hundred horse. Such as were not in a condition to unite with
the Reformed endeavoured to escape from court, or from the country.
De 1'Hopital, suspected of intelligence with the Huguenots, was
deprived of the seals. The Cardinal of Chatillon, disguised as a sailor,
escaped to England.
At Paris all was alarm. Instead of having been taken in the broad
net laid for them, the leading Huguenots had all escaped, and, \vith
an unprecedented promptitude and energy, were already fortified in
the free city of Rochelle, and determined to raise the standard of
resistance, without condescending to a parley. Yet, as before, it was
hoped that their strength might be broken by entangling them in
correspondence ; and an offer of pardon, with " liberty of conscience,"
was made to those who would lay down their arms. But they were
not again to be deceived. Other edicts were next launched against
the Huguenots, equivalent with a declaration of civil war ; the Parlia-
ment and people of Paris partook in the rage of hostility against their
fellow-countrymen ; a general procession, surpassing all such exhibi-
tions within memory, was made on the day following, the Cardinal
of Lorraine carrying the pyx, the most precious relics coming after, and
King, Queen, and courtiers bringing up the rear, to engage the dead
saints to fight against the living.
The Duke of Anjou then set out in command of the royal army ;
and during six months a warfare desolated the insurgent provinces,
more fierce than any that had preceded, until the fatal battle of
Jarnac plunged the Reformed into extreme sorrow and perplexity.
Already the day was lost, for the bulk of the half-disciplined army
had made a premature retreat ; but Conde disdained to quit the field.
The waves of battle flowed up close around him, overwhelming his
companions everywhere ; but he resolved to keep his ground to the
last ; and, even after his horse had fallen under him, continued fighting
on one knee. At last, surrounded by a heap of faithful friends who
had rallied round him in the face of death, he surrendered his sword
CONDE DEFEATED AND KILLED. 451
to a gentleman named D'Argence, raised his visor, and gave his
name. D'Argence received his prisoner with the courteous humanity
that throws a gleam of dignity even over the horrors of war, and,
dismounting from his horse, lifted up the wounded Prince, assisted him
to reach the shadow of a tree, and seated him against it on the grass,
faint and full of anguish. A circle of officers surrounded him,
to gaze on the man whose valour they had witnessed throughout the
hard campaign, and to render him those expressions of respect which
might assure his drooping spirit that he had fallen into the hands
of men who would fain guard him, at that moment, even from a
shadow of discourtesy or violence. But an officer was seen galloping
towards the spot, — it was one Montesquieu, Captain of Anjou's Swiss
guards, — in an instant he drew up upon the circle, and, before any
hand could stay him, levelled his pistol at the captive chief of an army
already beaten. Conde understood the savage glance, and, covering
his face in his cloak, leaned forward to receive the bullet. D'Anjou,
delighted at the consummation of the murder, which the army under-
stood to have been perpetrated under his command, had the body, so
disfigured that its features could scarcely be recognised, flung on an
nss, carried to the castle of Jarnac, and thrown on the floor of the
chamber where the Prince had slept the night before. He even
proposed to build a chapel on the spot where his officer had shot
him, that masses might be said there in time to come for the destruc-
tion of heresy, and his own name be associated with the detestable
assassination ; but his companions in arms dissuaded him from buying
Roman honours at the cost of world-wide infamy (March 13th, 1569).
It was well that the retreat that had left Conde unsupported saved
the main body of the army ; and the loss of the battle, therefore,
did not terminate the campaign. The Admiral, at that juncture
considered more cautious than brave, did not succeed him in the
chief command, which, by common consent, was conferred on the
Prince of Navarre, then scarcely sixteen years of age ; and he and
the young Prince of Conde were presented together to the army as
future chiefs of reformation and liberty. The courage of the army
was revived, and some successes gave them new confidence ; but they
were inexperienced, and sustained an almost utter defeat in the battle
of Moncontour by the Duke of Anjou (October 2d, 1569). Yet again
they rallied. Sustained, under God, by the wisdom of Coligny and
the Queen of Navarre, and the courageous activity of young Prince
Henry, they traversed the south of France, effected military operations
that proved an amazing power of endurance, and assumed the bravery
and patience of veteran troops. An apparently final victory, on the
other hand, had deceived the courts of Paris and Rome ; and Charles
IX., even after the delirium of joy raised by the victory of Moncon-
tour, was glad to ratify a treaty with the Huguenots at St. Germain
(August 8th, 1570). The treaty is exceedingly important in relation
to subsequent events, and we must note it well. " We have per-
mitted," said the King in this edict of peace, " all gentlemen and
other persons, inhabitants of the kingdom, having high justice or full
fief of halbert in the realm and country of our obedience, as in
3 M 2
452 CHAPTER VI.
Normandy, whether in property or usufruct, in all or in part, with
our Bailiffs and Seneschals, to have the exercise of the religion which
they call ' Reformed,' in their principal places of abode, as long aa
they reside there, and their wives and families in their absence, for
which they shall answer, and be bound to name the said houses to
our Bailiffs and Seneschals, before enjoying the benefit of this edict."
They should also enjoy the same right in any other houses on their
estates when present there, but not otherwise, for themselves, fami-
lies, and dependents. In other houses they might only exercise
private worship for their families alone, or friends to the number
of ten. Baptismal parties, also, might assemble to the same number.
The Queen of Navarre was allowed to have divine worship performed,
even in her absence, in the duchy of Albret, counties of Armagnac,
Foix, and Bigorre, in houses to be named by the King, and set apart
for that purpose. Towns were specified in fifteen " governments "
of France where the Reformed might exercise their worship, besides
" all the towns where the said exercise should be found to have been
publicly made on that 1st day of August." Most expressly were
they forbidden to assemble for purposes of worship, conference, or
instruction, in any other places than the above ; and from Paris or
the royal court, and two leagues around either, they were utterly
excluded. Some other limitations being added, the edict granted
permission to the Reformed to bury their dead in cemeteries of their
own, but under an escort, with no more than ten persons following,
aud at night. They were bound to submit to the limitations of the
existing marriage-laws respecting degrees of consanguinity and
affinity. Universities, schools, hospitals, and alms-houses were to be
open alike to all, without regard to their religion ; but they were to
submit to the Romish regulations on days of fasting and abstinence.
And because the memory of recent war could not but be attended
with inquietude, the towns of Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La
Charite were given in trust to the Princes of Navarre and Conde and
twenty gentlemen of the said religion as places of retreat, to be held
by them for the King, and surrendered at the close of two years.
But in those towns, as in every other, the Romish religion was to be
freely exercised ; and the Ecclesiastics were to enjoy their revenues and
honours without hinderance. The whole was concluded by a form
of amnesty for all who had been concerned in the war.
The Spanish Ambassador, being present at St. Germain, loudly
declaimed against the treaty. " Rather," said he, " would the King,
my master, render any amount of help, than see the French Monarch
condescend to treat with sectarians and brigands." Philip offered three
thousand horse and six thousand foot for the extermination of the
Huguenots ; and the Pope had striven by incessant remonstrances to
prevent any peace not made by the extirpation of his enemies.
Neither Philip II. nor Pius V. knew that Catherine and the Cardinal
of Lorraine cherished the idea, however undefined as yet, of destroy-
ing those by guile whom they could not overcome by force. Had they
known this, they would have been at ease. To this event everything
now tends.
SECRET CONSPIRACY. 453
There was, as we have seen, a secret Council, apart from the osten-
sible Government of France, and it consisted of three persons : Saulx,
(or Tavannes,) Gondi, and Biragua, of whom brief notices are given
in a foot-note.* Aside from the proper business of government,
Catherine — whether alone, or in conspiracy with these persons or any
others, it is impossible to say, except that Lorraine cannot be exempted
from suspicion — entertained a fixed purpose to effect what the Cardi-
nal had once attempted by his " trap," and what he had more lately
failed to attain by a general assassination of the chiefs and more
conspicuous members of the Reformed communion. Even persecu-
tion, therefore, was suspended ; and the external condition of France
appeared to show that all were weary of war, and anxious to prevent
its recurrence. The Admiral, indeed, with the young Princes and the
Queen of Navarre, instead of dispersing to their respective places
of abode, continued at Rochelle, reasonably suspecting that a tran-
quillity so sudden and so general would not be permanent, and sure
that so perfidious a Cabinet could not suddenly have become honest.
They therefore continued in communication with their brethren, com-
bined their resources, and, as was usual for persons in their position,
kept some troops in pay. Rochelle was thus the centre of a great
moral confederation, which might at any time resume the posture
of defence. The Cabinet, therefore, as well as the Cabal, laboured to
disarm suspicion, and allure the Reformed from the strong walls
* SAULX, Lord of Tavannes, by which name he is generally known, was once a page
of Francis I., and rose into notice in the army by military merit. He was best known
to Charles IX. as a companion in debauchery ; and in the wars with the Huguenots
signalized himself by cold brutality almost without an equal. After the taking of Macon,
he placed the city under the secondary command of one St. Poinct, who made large
numbers of the Reformed leap from the wall of the city into the river. Tavannes,
pleased with the sport, used to ask after dinner, if " the farce of St. Poinct " was ready
for the entertainment of the ladies. " This was, as it were, the watch-word, upon which
his people were wont to bring out of prison one or two prisoners, and sometimes more,
whom they carried to the bridge of the Saone, and he, being there with the ladies, after
he had asked them some pretty and pleasant questions, caused them to be thrown down
headlong, and drowned in the river. It was also an itsual thing to give false alarms, and.
upon that pretence to drowa or shoot some prisoner, or any other whom he could catch,
of the Reformed religion, charging them with a design to betray the city." His wife
find he had accumulated an immense quantity of spoil, sufficient, as was calculated, to
secure him a revenue of 10,000 livres annually. For his accommodation, Charles
created (November 28th, 1570) the place of Marshal of France. " His temper," says
Moreri, " was deceitful and given to trickery."
ALBERT DE GONDJ, Marshal of Retz, an Italian, son of the Maitre d'Hotel of Henry
II., and Marie de Pierevive, governess of the royal children, a woman of infamous
reputation, crept into favour by pandering to the vices of the yoxing King, and the guilty
caprices of his mother. He is described as " polite, sly, corrupt, a liar, and great dis-
sembler." In short, he had no originality of character, nor the slightest touch of honour-
able principle. He thought that the best way to deal with the Huguenots was through
their coolts. He was suspected of poisoning Charles IX.
RENATO BIRAGUA, a native of Milan, son of an old diplomatist, his father having
been Ambassador from the Duke of Milan to the Emperor. Francis I. had made him
Councillor of the Parliament of Paris, and he had been employed on missions for the
service of the Church at the Council of Trent, and for the suppression of heresy at Lyons.
He, too, lived on the court, knowing no other law than the will of the Prince. Many
characteristic sayings are recorded of him ; such as that he called himself " Chancellor
of the King, and not of the kingdom." And when, at last, he was rewarded with a
Cardinal's hat, he called himself " Cardinal without title, Priest without benefice, and
Chancellor without seals." That 5s to say, he meddled with every person's business
rather than do hi* own, — a fit agent to be held iu reserve for secret service.
454 CHAPTER VI.
of Rochelle. Bigotry was apparently laid aside, as unsuited to the change
of times, and the policy of France was altered. The King had been on
the point of a marriage treaty with Philip of Spain for his daughter ;
but Catherine changed over to Germany, and negotiated with the
Emperor Maximilian, with whose daughter, Elizabeth of Austria,
Charles was wedded (November 26th. 1570) ; and the Parisians were
told that since a religious peace had been established in France, it was
fitting that their new Queen should be brought from a country where
the principle of toleration had been acknowledged. The German Pro-
testant Princes distrusted this novel profession of liberality ; and their
Ambassadors solemnly exhorted the King and Queen, in their visit
of congratulation, to equal administration of justice, promise-keeping,
and indulgence to those of different religion, advising him not to give
ear to those who said that faith should not be kept with sectarians ;
and citing the examples of Charles V., Ferdinand, and Maximilian II.,
who had been brought to see the evils of intolerance, and whose
prosperous reigns abounded in evidence that religious uniformity is
not necessary to the stability of an empire. They spoke of the liberty
enjoyed by Mohammedans in Poland, Jews at Rome, and Christians
in the Turkish dominions. Charles gave them an answer of ceremony
next day, passing over their chief point in silence.
The lull of the tempest, however, soon ended. That Priests and
Monks would cease to persecute was too much to be expected, or that
now, for the first time, a favourable edict would be everywhere
observed by riotous populations. At Rouen, the guards at the city-
gates insulted and beat some persons who went into the suburbs for
morning prayers (March 12th, 1571) ; and, emboldened by the con-
nivance of their superiors, attacked a congregation returning from
worship in the evening, killed five, and wounded many more. The
rabble at Dieppe attempted a similar outrage, but were prevented by
the Prefect. The King, "fearing that the conduct of the military
would be interpreted to his own discredit, or would interfere with the
completion of his designs," instituted an inquiry, and caused a few
obscure persons to be hanged, some others banished or fined, and
about three hundred, who had run away, condemned to death for con-
tumacy, which, says Thuanus, "appeased the Protestants, although
querulous by nature." In Orange, the populace, instigated by two
Monks, killed a large number in a tumult which lasted three days,
and among them several women ; and many more lives would have
been lost, had not the Governor of the castle afforded refuge to the
survivers. Here, also, having received a complaint from Rochelle,
Charles caused justice to be done. The messengers, too, were
received with great kindness, and returned to their fortress delighted
with the new appearance of courtesy, cordiality, and justice.
Commissioners had already been at Rochelle, in conference with the
Queen of Navarre, the Princes, and Coligny, labouring to remove every
cause of dissatisfaction ; and again another messenger carried propo-
sals of matrimonial alliances that should unite the adverse members
of the royal family, and be a pledge to all France that religious dis-
sension would for ever cease. To the Prince of Navarre the King
SECRET CONSPIRACY. 455
offered bis youngest sister, Margaret of Valois ; and to the Prince
of Conde, Mary of Cleves. And the King engaged to promote a mar-
riage which the Admiral desired for himself with a lady of the duchy
of Savoy, although the Duke had issued an edict to prohibit his sub-
jects from marrying foreigners, in order to prevent this union with a
Huguenot. And, to crown the whole, Charles signified his intention to
carry out the new principle of religious liberty by assisting the Prince
of Orange in Flanders to drive out the Spaniards, and consented to
make war on Spain for the recovery of some fiefs originally belonging
to France. But he assured the Admiral that in order to fulfil these
intentions he needed his presence, counsels, and assistance.
Affairs underwent an entire change. Rochelle was no longer a
strictly-guarded fortress, the refuge of fugitives, and head-quarters
of an army. Fear had vanished ; Coligny received his Savoyan spouse
through the intercession of the King, against whom he had been so
recently in arms. The young Princes were on the wing to migrate
towards court. After negotiations had continued for several months,
the Admiral quitted Rochelle (September 1 1th), and, attended by a
train of fifty gentlemen, met Charles at Blois. Weeping with joy. and
kneeling at the feet of his long-alienated Sovereign, he placed himself,
with undissembled loyalty, entirely at his disposal. Charles raised
up the veteran, embraced him, and said pleasantly, " We have you
this time, and you shall not give us the slip again." The good man
could not suspect treachery, nor imagine the cruel thought that must
have lurked in that playful sentence. Honours and gifts were lavished
on him ; and when his brother, the Cardinal of Chatillon, died in
England, he received a year's revenue from the vacated benefices.
The Cardinal's death was sudden : he had been poisoned by his own
servant ; and the man was afterwards discovered at Rochelle as a spy,
and convicted. Thus fell the first victim ; but none suspected that it
was so. As if to carry dissimulation to the utmost possible extent,
Chatillon had been employed to negotiate, in conjunction with the
French Ambassador in England, for a marriage between Queen Elizabeth
and the Duke of Anjou, the King's brother ; and they despatched him
when his unconscious participation in the illusion was at an end.
The Duke of Guise was mortified at the favour lavished upon
Coligny, and, to keep up the intrigue, Charles allowed him to imagine
himself neglected, and signified his pleasure that he should withdraw
from court. The Pope, too, was exceedingly displeased at the pro-
posed marriage with the Prince of Navarre, and refused to grant his
dispensation ; but Lorraine, simulating dissatisfaction, had also
absented himself from court, and gone to Rome, not to confirm Pius
in his aversion to the proposed marriage with a heretic, but to obtain
the necessary dispensation from the impediment of consanguinity, and
thus facilitate the object of Catherine to draw the whole party into a
snare.
Overcome by the solicitations of both friends and foes, the Queen
of Navarre next came to Paris (February 1st, 15/2), to take part in
arrangements for the intended marriage of her son. The Pope, not
sufficiently assured of the reason of the concession he had made, had
456 CHAPTER VT.
sent a Legate to endeavour to break off the marriage ; the Legate
reached Paris about the same time, and the actors in the plot found
means to parry his opposition, or to cool his zeal. The good Queen
was loaded with caresses, yet wearied with misgivings, and miserable
in a court where she could feel no confidence in any one, and could
ill conceal the depression of spirit that almost overwhelmed her ; but
she hoped that, after his marriage, Henry might take his wife away to
Beam. In a few weeks (April 1 1th), the marriage-articles were signed ;
and as war with Spain appeared to be in actual preparation, the Admiral,
who had not yet revisited Paris, was induced to come thither from
Chatillon, in order to promote it, counsels being still divided, and
the King seeming to be irresolute. Thither he went, notwithstanding
the entreaties of his friends, who feared to see him betrayed to death ;
and a royal proclamation forbade all persons to recall the memory
of past events, pick new quarrels, carry muskets, fight duels, or even
wear swords, in the royal court of Paris and the suburbs, under pain
of death ; and special tribunals were appointed for the settlement
of quarrels, should any unhappily arise, either among nobles or com-
mon people. The Admiral placed unbounded confidence in the authors
of these precautions, laughed at the fears of others, and said that he
would rather be dragged round Paris with a hook, than have recourse
to civil war again. The question of peace or war, necessarily enter-
tained by persons who regarded the warlike proposals as made in
earnest, produced great commotion, amidst which the Queen of Navarre
fell sick. Her sickness might have been the consequence of much
anxiety ; but it is a coincidence too important to pass by unmarked,
that she died in Paris after an illness of five or six days (June 9th).
Again the storm lowered so deeply that the Huguenots would have
provided for their safety if not utterly deluded. Catherine almost
quarreled with the Admiral, retired sullenly to Monceaux, and there,
with Tavannes, Gondi, and another, resolved to assassinate him, and
actually engaged a man to perform that service, whom the Duke
of Aumale undertook to assist with a lodging near his intended victim,
and a fleet horse whereon he might escape. The Duke of Anjou,
also, was in the secret ; but their purpose was not yet carried into
execution.*
* Some one, with either knowledge or suspicion of the plot, wrote a letter to the Admiral,
containing a full exposition of the truth, and supplying a key for our understanding of this
unparalleled passage in modern history. Thuanus gives this letter. " You remember
that it is a fixed principle of the Papists, sanctioned by the name of religion, and con-
firmed by the authority of Councils, that faith is not to he kept with sectarians, in which
number Protestants are counted. You also know that in remembrance of the late wars,
Protestants are the objects of bitter hatred, so much so, that there can be no doubt
that it is the determined purpose of the Queen that, by any means whatever, the Pro-
testants shall be made an end of. This woman is a foreigner, an Italian, descended
from a race of Popes, whom they oppose, and of an Etruscan and most crafty temper ;
and it is impossible that she should not devise the utmost vengeance against her ene-
mies. You now see in what a school the King was educated, where, even under the
most excellent masters, he imbibed from his mother the habit of perjury, profanity, and
polluting himself with whoredom and adultery. And tampering with faith, raligion, and
counsel, and wearing a mask of hypocrisy, is but sport to him. 'J hat he might be
accustomed to blood-shedding, he was trained from childhood to the sight of slaughter-
houses, and. familiarity with death. You know that he is persuaded that there is no
Other religion than that which is supported by the state ; and that, according to his
.(i!nn;iirpf IIP Ynlniei
THE HUGUENOTS ENTER PARIS. 457
Henry Prince of Beam, now King of Navarre, made his entry into
Paris (July 20th), accompanied by his cousin the Prince of Conde,
recently married to Mary of Cleves, and a large concourse of Hugue-
not nobility, in order to celebrate his own nuptials with Margaret.
Truly they were at peace with Charles, the Guises had professed a
reconciliation, the Protestants were protected by an edict, France was
making war with Spain and entering into alliance with England,
despite the excommunication of Elizabeth ; and, by royal command,
Paris was to receive him respectfully, at least. To provide for himself
in some degree, merely to second the effort of the King for the pre-
servation of public tranquillity, he brought a powerful train of eight
hundred gentlemen, clothed in mourning for his mother, and a thou-
sand well-appointed cavalry. Many of those gentlemen, impoverished
by war, had mortgaged their estates that they might sustain the
honour of their order by appearing well at court. Many Ministers
were there too, mingled in the cavalcade, which advanced severe and
solemn, as if it had been a funeral pageant, through the gate St.
Antoine. While those two thousand horse passed along the narrow
streets, the Parisians gazed with jealousy on so stately an array. No
voice welcomed them. " Huguenots ! Huguenots ! cursed Hugue-
nots ! " were the words lowly murmured : for the King's edict
repressed outward manifestations of hostility. Navarre and Conde rode
onward, thinking over letters of warning that they too had received ;
but thinking again of treaties, alliances, and crowns. Hate brooded
on them ; and high thoughts of war, and higher meditations of prayer
and trust, rose from the hearts of Princes, Knights, and Ministers.
But at court they were received with overflowing demonstrations
of hospitality. Canonical impediments hindered the espousals. The
Cardinal of Lorraine at Rome had obtained a brief; but it was written
with sibylline obscurity, and did not satisfy his brother of Bourbon,
who was to perform the ceremony. But Catherine had a letter forged,
master Machiavelli, no other should have place in a kingdom; for that kingdom cannot
be at peace as long as there are two religions within its borders. You also know that
be has been filled with the idea that the Protestants are bent on teking away his life
and his empire, and that therefore he will never suffer that they who have once borne
arms against him, whether justly or unjustly, shall have the benefit of an edict ; nor will
he think himself bound to observe a compact into which he entered with subjects under
arms. You know that these are the arts of Princes, the elements of civil science, the
secrets of empire. Thus did Commodus destroy Julian, whom he had caressed and
honoured as a father. Thus did Antoninus Caracalla command the first youth of the
city to be massacred after he had assembled them under pretext of recruiting the army.
And thus Lysander killed eight hundred Milesians whom he had invited under profession
of friendship and alliance. Thus did Sergius Galba wreak his vengeance on six thou-
sand Iberians ; and, more lately, by command of Anthony Spinula, the chief men of the
island of Corsica, when assembled at a banquet, were put to death. With the like art,
in our own memory, has the barbarous King Christiern perpetrated his butcheries at
Stockholm. Thus Charles VII., although reconciled to Bourgogne, could not withhold
his hands from killing him. Neither is a recent conversation of the King with his mother
at Blois any secret. When, insolently jesting, an his manner is, he asked her, in God's
name, if he had not acted his part finely towards the Queen of Navarre on her arrival,
she answered, that he had certainly begun well, but that a fine beginning would be of little
service unless he persevered. 'But I,' said he, swearing, 'will bring them all into your
net.' From these words, of which you cannot but be well informed, you should derive
counsel ; and if you are wise, you will keep away from that city and court, as from an
impure sink of all mischief."
VOL. III. 3 N
458 CHAPTER VI.
as from the French Ambassador at Rome, assuring the scrupulous
Cardinal that the brief was to be interpreted liberally ; and the royal
couple were affianced in the Louvre (August 17th). On the day fol-
lowing they were married in Notre Dame. The display was magnifi-
cent. Gentlemen of both religions mingled at the ceremonial with
studied affability ; Margaret stayed to mass after the benediction ;
while Henry, as a Protestant, walked with friends of his religion into
the Bishop's palace until she had finished ; and then began the days
of banqueting and plays, such as were usual on occasions of royal
marriages, and were exceedingly splendid then. Coligny was present,
by necessity, at every grand spectacle, but intent upon affairs of state,
and snatched every moment to promote the expedition to the Nether-
lands, on which he counted for the humiliation of Spain and the
deliverance of his persecuted brethren. Banners lost at Jarnac and
Moncontour hung in the cathedral, and, as he surveyed them, he told
his friends that he longed to replace those saddening trophies by
others to be won from Alva in the Low Countries. But let us make
a diary of this fatal week.
Tuesday, \9th. King and court wearied and in bed after the dissi-
pation of the day and night preceding. The Admiral and his friends
gravely writing and conversing concerning complaints from the pro-
vinces. They hear that a company of the Reformed, returning from
a baptism in Troyes, have been attacked by the mob, and the infant
killed in the nurse's arms. A grand dinner in the palace of the Duke
of Anjou. A ball at night in the Louvre.
Wednesday, 20th. A masque in the palace of the Bourbons. Para-
dise and hell are fitted up, and it is so contrived that in a sham fight
Navarre and some Huguenot gentlemen are shut up in the said hell
for an hour, to the amusement of the court. They are wise enough
to keep their temper. We read that before this trial of patience,
Charles had taken Coligny aside, and addressed him in such words as
these : " You know, my father," (for in this respectful style he usually
addressed the aged Admiral,) " that I have promised you that none
of the Guises shall show you any incivility, as long as you are at
court. They have promised me that they will not, but conduct them-
selves honourably and moderately towards you, as is their duty. I
have entire confidence in your words, but put little faith in their
promises ; for I not only know that these Guises are disposed to seek
occasions of revenge, but are daring and lofty, and great favourites
with the common people of Paris. Exceedingly sorry should I be
if they, now that they have come to Paris with a very large body
of armed men, for the sake, as they say, of being present at the mar-
riage, should contrive to injure you. Any harm done to you I should
consider as done to myself; and, therefore, as it occurs to me just now,
if you think well, I will have a regiment of guards brought into the
city, and put under the command of men whom we can trust, that
if anything of the sort should be attempted, it may be put down at
once." Coligny assented, approved of officers whom Charles named,
imagined himself perfectly secure, and was more persuaded than ever
of the King's kindness. A regiment was accordingly introduced, and
THE ADMIRAL. SHOT. 459
the Protestants suspected nothing. Their patience at the masque
secured them from assault that night.
Thursday, 2lst. The Marshal de Montmorency, foreboding worse,
took leave of Coligny this morning, pleading indisposition. He had
just returned from England, and was thought to be exhausted after
the voyage. Another officer called on the Admiral to say that he was
going, and that if he were to do the same it would be better for him-
self, and for them all. Another came to pay his respects before quit-
ting Paris, observing, in answer to Coligny's expression of surprise at
his timidity, that he would rather be saved with fools than perish with
wise men. A tournament closed the day.
Friday, 22d. The Admiral was engaged this morning at the Louvre
in public business. Tavannes was there also, and saw him leave the
palace, linger for some time in conversation with the King and others,
and then return towards his hotel. Some one put a memorial into
his hand, just after he had left the company, and he was walking very
slowly past the house of an old tutor of the Duke of Guise, now
Canon of the neighbouring church of St. Germain, attentively reading
the paper, when the report of an arquebuse was heard, and three bullets,
missing the Admiral's heart, shattered two fingers of his right hand,
and wounded his left arm. Maurevel, a man who had already com-
mitted an assassination, and was sheltered from justice by the Guises,
— the very Maurevel whom Catherine had some months before retained
for that service, — had shot him through a grated window in the
Canon's house, and was mounting a fleet horse at the back-door before
any one could think of entering on pursuit. The Admiral uttered no
exclamation, nor manifested any discomposure, but pointed to the
house, sent a messenger to inform the King, and was led to his hotel.
Navarre, Conde, the Count de la Kochefoucault, and many other
of his friends, crowded the apartment ; while Pare, the King's surgeon,
took off the two broken fingers with a pair of blunt scissors, and
handled the severely-wounded arm with a rudeness that must perhaps
be attributed to the clumsy surgery of those times. On hearing some one
express fear that the wounds were poisoned, Coligny calmly observed
that nothing could come to pass without divine permission ; and endured
the extreme pain inflicted by the royal surgeon with but a single
exclamation of displeasure : " And is this the fine reconciliation for
which the King stood guarantee?" "Ah, my brother!" said he to
the Chaplain of the late Queen of Navarre, " I now feel that God loves
me, since for his most holy name's sake I have received these wounds.
God grant that I may never forget his goodness towards me."
Another Minister endeavoured to console him with promises from the
word of God ; and he poured forth earnest supplications that he might
never be forsaken, nor the divine pity towards him ever fail. When
the surgical operation was finished, he whispered a request to his
Minister, Merlin, to distribute a hundred crowns among the poor.
Conde and Navarre hastened to the Louvre, complained to the King
of the indignity of the deed, and prayed that they might be allowed
instantly to depart, as it was not possible to remain with security in
Paris. Charles played a fit of most furious anger, swore vengeance
3 N 2
460 CHAPTER VI.
on all concerned in the attempt, and declared that he regarded it as
an insult offered to himself. While he seemed to be dancing with
fury, Catherine came in, joined in the exhibition, and said, that at
that rate the King himself was no longer safe in his own house. The
Princes suffered themselves to be entreated to remain in Paris, and
gave credit to his violent asseverations that vengeance should pursue
the assassin and his accomplices, for an everlasting example. Maurevel
had fled, as the King knew, but the city-gates were shut, and strict
search made for the murderer, in whose stead a servant-woman and
errand-boy of the Canon were taken into custody and interrogated ;
and by their evidence it appeared that a dependent of the Duke
of Guise had brought him into the house the night before, under a
false name, that he had slept in the Canon's chamber, and that a
horse had been kept in waiting for him that morning.
The Duke of Guise, although understood to be guilty, — and
Catherine had even endeavoured to excuse him, as having but avenged
on the Admiral the murder of his father by Poltrot under the walls
of Orleans, — was not arrested, but sat quietly at home while Charles
went to see the sufferer, who had sent to invite him to his chamber,
that he might make some communication of importance before his
death, which seemed to be near at hand. Queen Catherine, the King's
brothers, the Dukes of Anjou and Alengon, the Duke of Montpensier,
the Cardinal of Bourbon, two of the original conspirators, Tavannes
and Retz, with some others, went in company. On entering the
chamber the King commanded the Huguenot gentlemen to withdraw,
which they did, but reluctantly and murmuring, two excepted, who
kept the door, and overheard part of the conversation. With many
dire execrations the King swore that he would take such vengeance
as never would pass away from the memory of man. Coligny, as
became the condition of a man on the brink of eternity, was calm ;
thanked the King for his attention ; pointed out the danger to which
France was exposed by the treachery of members of his court, — men,
whom the King well knew, and they were then present, who com-
municated secrets of state to their enemy, the Duke of Alva. He
then remonstrated against the persecutions permitted in the provinces,
instancing the recent murder of an infant at Troyes ; charged the
Commissaries, who had been sent to investigate similar cases, with
collusion with the criminals ; and gave the King such plain, yet
solemnly respectful, admonition as he had probably never heard
before. But they had him in their grasp, and could therefore indulge
him in an honesty that would not again find utterance. Retz pro-
posed to his attendants that he should be removed to the Louvre, to
be safe there, in the event of any popular tumult ; but they appre-
hended none, the King's physician thought him unfit to be removed,
aud Teligny* reminded him that, after the honour of that visit, it
was not likely that the populace would presume to disturb his dying
master. The visiters quitted the apartment. Much of the following
night was spent in anxious discussion by the leading Huguenots.
Most of them urged an immediate retreat from Paris, a last effort to
* Son-in-law of the Admiral.
THE HUGUENOTS ENSNARED. 461
save the Admiral and themselves. They remembered menaces spoken
half in jest and half in earnest, dark sayings heard among the multi-
tude, and friendly advices to some of them to make excursions into
the country. But the King of Navarre, Conde, and Teligny, entirely
persuaded that Charles was sincere in his professions of affection to
the Admiral, favour to themselves, and displeasure towards the
authors of the present calamity, prevented them from following the
only way that ought to have been taken. Charles and his mother
spent much of the night in writing letters of exculpation to their
Ambassadors in foreign courts, and letters of another kind to
Governors of provinces.
Saturday, 23d. As the morning advanced the suspicions of the
Huguenots gathered confirmation from every rumour. Some went to
the King, and demanded justice on the assassin ; and, at last, in spite
of the dissuasion of their chiefs, five hundred gentlemen went in a
body to the Louvre, and said that if justice were not done them, they
would find means of avenging themselves. On the other hand, the
Duke of Guise had an audience, complained of the calumnies that
were circulated to his dishonour, and of the King's expression of
suspicion, and asked permission to quit Paris. Charles put on an air
of cool dignity, and told him that he might go if he pleased. This
was intended to serve him as an occasion of appeal to the populace,
who were already wrought up to great rage against the Huguenots :
so the Duke mounted his horse, and rode, with a company of his
friends, towards the gate St. Antoine, as if to leave the city ; but,
instead of proceeding, turned back again. This irritated the people,
who thought him to be in disgrace, and vengeful murmurings filled
the remote streets and alleys of the city. The conspirators, agitated
by rage and guilt, held secret councils in the Louvre, councils
described so variously, even by some who took part in them, that it
is impossible to say to what extent their plans were carried, or what
were the precise means employed or suggested for the consummation
of their crime ; but every incident was made subservient to the medi-
tated massacre. The rabble of Paris, burning with impatience to
avenge the imaginary insult of their patron, were hurrying to and fro,
as if looking for a leader to head them in an insurrection. At the
Louvre, too, there were evidently active communications, messengers
incessantly hurrying to and fro, and the troops appeared to be
receiving orders in preparation for some movement. Coligny, appre-
hensive of a popular tumult, but still confiding in the government,
applied to the King, towards evening, for a few archers of the guard
to watch at his hotel during the night, and protect him from any
violence that might be attempted ; and the Admiral's messenger
further requested that several gentlemen of his friends might be
allowed to take lodgings for the night in the neighbourhood, as an
additional precaution. Charles was embarrassed for a moment, sup-
posing that the plot had been discovered ; but Anjou, \vho heard the
request made by Cornaton, coolly suggested that he should take one
Cosseins, with fifty men. Cornaton, taken by surprise, could net
refuse the formidable guard, but dreaded the presence of Cosseins, a
462 CHAPTER VI.
declared enemy of the Admiral, with such a force at his command.
Cosseins marched to the spot quickly, and placed his men in two
shops, immediately opposite the Admiral's hotel in the Rue Bethisy ;
and, as it had been requested that some of his friends should lodge
near at hand, another officer came with an order to turn out all the
Catholic lodgers from neighbouring houses, and leave the rooms
vacant for the Calvinists. Coligny did not suspect the true reason
for collecting them thus together, but regarded it as done in com-
pliance with his own request, and for his better protection. A friend
then came into his chamber, — the Vidame de Chartres, — described
the threatening appearance of the rabble, repeated some of their
ominous expressions, and entreated him to allow himself to be con-
veyed away on a litter. He had just seen Cosseins mounting the
extraordinary guard under the windows, and this added to his fear.
But the King of Navarre described the indignation of Charles against
the Duke of Guise, whom he suspected of ill designs ; said that, at the
King's desire, he was selecting some of his best friends to sleep that
night in the Louvre, for greater security ; and the majority, fancying
that all those measures were taken for their protection, feared to
frustrate them by any proceeding of their own that might indicate
distrust. The truth was, that the murderous cabal had merely deter-
mined to preserve Navarre and Conde for political reasons. Navarre
returned to his usual apartments in the Louvre, and met there the
few friends whom he had been desired to invite. Coligny bade his
company good night, and, with Teligny and one or two others, was
soon tranquilly asleep.
Sunday, 24th. ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S DAY. Everything had been
prepared the night before. Reports had been circulated among the
Parisians that the King was in a secret understanding with the
Huguenots, and that a force was approaching the city to support
them against the Catholics, and against the Duke of Guise. The
Duke, like a man threatened with assault, had sent for the authorities
of the city, and with them organized a system of " defence " through
all the sixteen districts of Paris, in order that the whole population
might be called out in case of alarm by any hostile movement of the
Huguenots. Full use was made of the incautious menace of the five
hundred gentlemen who had demanded justice against him in the day.
Two forces were prepared, — the civil and the military. Late in the
evening the Provost of the Merchants * assembled the Captains of the
sixteen divisions, and their subalterns, and told them that, at length,
the King had resolved to permit the people to take arms and exter-
minate the rebels who had so long kept France in confusion ; that
he wished that no one might escape ; that a massacre would begin
that night in Paris, and be followed by other similar massacres
throughout the kingdom. A little before day-break, he told them,
the bell of the Palace of Justice would toll, and at that signal every
good Catholic should place torches in his windows, that there might
be light for the work, and, with a white cross on his cap, and a white
* This personage, in Paris and Lyons, was placed over the Hotel de Ville, or " Town-
House," with a sort of police authority over the freemen of the city.
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 463
scarf round his arm, that he might be distinguished from the heretics,
should come out to do justice on his enemies. The officers dispersed,
and, with ferocious haste, those good Catholics prepared the crosses,
scarfs, and torches. While the Provost was communicating the
King's pleasure to the city, the Duke of Guise was addressing the
Captains of the French and Swiss guards. " The hour has arrived,"
said he, " when, by command of the King, capital vengeance must be
taken on him who is hateful both to God and men, and on all that
rebellious faction. The brute is in the net, and you must take care
that he does not escape. Do not miss this opportune occasion
of gaining a most glorious triumph over the enemies of the kingdom ;
a triumph such as we have not yet won, after all the blood shed in so
many provinces during the past wars. Victory is easy. You shall
have rich booty, the reward of one good deed, without a drop of your
own blood being spilt." The mercenaries needed no persuasion, and
immediately took their posts around the Louvre, with orders not to
suffer any member of the families of Navarre and Conde to quit the
palace. At midnight Guise went to the Town-House, where the civic
authorities were in waiting, and received him with acclamation. It
was the King's pleasure, he told them, that Coliguy and all the other
rebels should be put to death. They were, therefore, to allow no one to
be spared, nor any of those wicked men to evade their vengeance.
Thus the King willed and commanded, who would see the example
of Paris followed in all other cities of the kingdom. He also repeated
the directions already given for a simultaneous illumination of the
streets, and for the badge of cross and scarf.
Shortly after midnight the Queen-Mother, impatient, and fearing
lest her son's courage should falter, went into his chamber, attended
by Anjou and Nevers, with Tavannes, Biragua, and Retz. The King
was indeed hesitating. Conscience, feeble as it was, was awakening,
and the young man looked wretched. She drew him into conversa-
tion, rallied him on his weakness, reasoned on the admirable oppor-
tunity now given them by the providence of God for making an end
of all their enemies ; quoted sentences from Italian Divines in con-
firmation of a religious resolution to show no pity to the enemies
of God ; and pointed out what the fury of those enemies would be
if his intention, no longer possible to be concealed from their know-
ledge, should not be executed. When she perceived him to be suffi-
ciently stirred up, she bade him give his order for the fatal signal.
He commanded the tocsin to be rung. The Palace of Justice seemed
then too distant ; and, that no time might be allowed him for
remorse, she caused the bell of St. Germain, a church close by the
Louvre, to be rung. Lines of soldiers were already distributed along
the streets by the diligence of Guise. The knell boomed over the
dark city, and, in a few moments, a glare of torches blazed from all
the windows, except those of the Protestants, who started with terror
from their beds. Catherine and her sou looked out upon the scene
from a window over the gate of the Louvre, while Anjou and the
others stood behind them. A guilty fear seized on the whole com-
pany, and, \vithout consultation, they recoiled at the same instant,
464 CHAPTER VI.
and sent a messenger to call back Guise, and bid him spare the
Admiral, But Guise was gone.
Guise made his way, through the lines of military, towards the
hotel where Coligny lay asleep, while the Papists were rushing into
the streets with such impetuosity that he could scarcely advance ; and
some Protestants, who lodged near the Louvre, were already running
thither for protection, and, on asking the soldiers what the alarum
and multitude of people meant, were told that there was to be a sham
fight that morning, and the people were making haste to see it. The
sentinels then drove them from the gate, the Queen beckoned to the
sentinels, and at her signal they were cut down by the soldiers and
the mob. By this time Guise had reached Coligny's lodgings, where
Cosseins was waiting with his guard, and, on his arrival, knocked at
the door and demanded admission, saying that he had come from the
King with a message to the Admiral. On the door being opened,
he stabbed the porter, and forced his way through door after door
until he reached the chamber of his victim. At the first noise the
venerable Admiral had risen from his bed, supposing that the mob
were breaking into the house, and was now leaning against the wall
in prayer. His friends and domestics, unable any longer to barricade
the doors, which gave way under the blows of the assailants, ran into
the room. Cornaton, a faithful attendant, told him that resistance
was no longer possible ; that not the King, but God, called him. In
reply, he advised them to save themselves, if possible ; said that he
was prepared to die, and commended his soul to God. Most of them
fled just as the guards were rushing up the staircase ; and Besme, a
valet of the Duke of Guise, entered the chamber, sword in hand,
crying, " Are you Coligny ? " "I am," answered the Admiral, then
seated in an arm-chair, and looking calmly at the murderer, " I am,
indeed ; but respect my grey hairs, young man : whatever you do,
you cannot shorten my life." Besme plunged the sword up to the
hilt in his breast, others mangled his body with their swords, until
they heard the Duke of Guise, shouting under the window, " Besme,
have you done ? " It was done, he told him ; and then the Duke
of Angouleme, too, raised his voice, calling out that Guise would not
believe it until he saw the body. The body, gashed as it was, was
thrown out at the window, but so disfigured that it could not be
recognised ; and the Duke of Guise, to be certain, wiped the blood
from the face with his handkerchief, and, having certified himself that
there was no mistake, cried out, " I know him ; " and " giving a
kick to the poor dead body of him whom, living, every man in France
had feared, ' Lie there,' said he, ' venomous beast ! thou shalt not spit
thy poison any more.' " Having satisfied his vengeance on the
Admiral, he turned to the soldiers, and told them that they must now
go forward with the work so happily begun. The bell sounded from the
tower of the Palace of Justice, and the unbridled multitude, bursting
into one terrible shout, began the general slaughter. The air rang
with a deafening din of execrations. The dwellings of the Huguenots
were attacked, and nothing could be heard but the crashing of doors
and windows before stones and hatchets, the clang of arms, the
MASSACRE OP ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 465
shrieks of men, women, and children, mingled with vociferations
of blasphemy and fury, such as the world had never heard before.
The streets streamed with blood. Heaps of naked and mutilated
bodies clogged the ways. The dying and the dead were stripped,
and their houses emptied. Guise and his companions ran about
among the mob, shouting, " Kill, kill ! Blood-letting is good in
August. Kill, kill ! The King commands. For the King ! For the
King ! O Huguenot ! O Huguenot ! " Now the gates of the Louvre
were shut ; but the soldiers in the court were let into the apartments
of the Protestant guests, after Navarre and Conde had been sum-
moned to the presence of the King, and commanded to give up their
fine religion. Navarre had little to surrender, and he submitted.
Conde remonstrated stoutly, and declared that he would rather die
than renounce the truth. But it was not part of the plan to put a
Prince of the blood to death; and he was only loaded with indignity,
called a madman, traitor, rebel, and told that he should have no more
than three days allowed him to come to a better mind. Meanwhile,
sixty thousand armed Frenchmen were butchering their brethren, and
the King, frantic with thirst of blood, looked out from the windows
of the Louvre on the piles of dead bodies that had fallen on the
pavement, and the cartloads of them that began to be taken past,
and flung into the Seine. The ladies of the court amused themselves
with examining the bodies of the Huguenots with whom they had
been feasting but a few hours before. Catherine, with the madness
of a fiend, ran from room to room, chiefly busied in threatening the
less brutal members of her family, such as the Duke of Alencon,
sending to her chamber the young Queen-Consort, Elizabeth, and
ridiculing Margaret of Navarre, as she was fainting in hers at the
sight of the wounded and pursued who, in vain, rushed into her
presence to beg for mercy. Never did morning rise on such a scene.
There could be seen but two divisions of the people : the living, blind
with rage, and hunting after more Huguenots to be killed; and the
warm and gory dead, whose spirits, escaped from a living hell, cried
at the altar of God for judgment, or their doomed survivers, just
ready to be slain. But the last groan had not risen. The last yell
of defiance had not died away, and Paris, drenched in blood, but
began a new reckoning with the Judge of the whole earth for retribu-
tion. Five hundred gentlemen and ten thousand persons of inferior
rank fell in that and the following days. The royal family of France,
excepting only Navarre and Coude, and two or three ladies in whose
bosoms woman's pity could not be extinguished, sank into a horrid
complacency ; and Catherine maintained her odious pre-eminence in
guilt, by receiving the Admiral's head, washed from its gore, that she
might better gaze upon the features, and a sack-full of papers found
in the hotel. The body, after being stripped, mutilated, dragged
through the mire, kicked and trampled on from street to street, was
hung by the heels on a gibbet at Montfaucon, and the head was sent
to Rome. The massacre continued through seven days.
Still there was a remnant spared, even in Paris. Some fugitives
found a hiding-place in the arsenal. Sully, then a young student,
vol.. in. 3 o
466 CHAPTER VI.
saved himself by putting on his scholar's gown, and taking a Missal
under his arm, and thus walked through the streets when the
massacre was at its height. Merlin, the Admiral's Chaplain, in clam-
bering over^the house-tops, when the assassins had broken into the
hotel, fell into a hay-loft, lay concealed there many days, and must
have perished for want of food, if a hen had not laid an egg there
daily, which kept him alive. And the Reformed who lodged in the
Fauxbourg St. Germain, separated from Paris by the Seine, all
escaped. They were about to cross the river in boats, early in the
morning, to ascertain the cause of the disturbance, when other boats,
filled with French and Swiss guards, made their appearance. The
guards opened fire, directed by the King himself, on some who were
on the bank, ready to embark ; but they then perceived that it was time
to flee, and, making their way to Rochelle or to the frontiers, out-
stripped pursuit. Through that dreadful week brutality itself dege-
nerated. Men stabbed infants while the innocents were smiling in
their arms, and playing with their beards. Children killed lesser
children, servants slaughtered their masters ; and when the parents
had been murdered, aunts and uncles tormented and destroyed
the orphans. Many Romanists were killed for the sake of their
wealth ; and, at last, the torrent of death flowed so deep that Guise
himself became alarmed, and the King issued order after order to cease
from violence ; but the masses had cast off all restraint, and would
not be hindered from carnage that repaid in plunder. The Sorbonne,
as well as the Louvre, was invaded. Pierre de la Ramee, (Ramus,)
Professor of Mathematics, one of the most learned men in France, but
marked as having once corresponded with Theodore Beza, was pointed
out as a Calvinist by Charpentier, one of the King's physicians. The
murderers broke into his house, dragged him from a cellar, where he
had hidden himself, killed him, and threw him out at a window,
when some students ripped him open, and trailed his bowels through
the street. Denis Lambin, Professor of Greek and Latin, was so
shocked at the sight, that he died of horror.
The Priests were careful to stimulate the mob to massacre from day
to day. On St. Bartholomew's day, or, as some say, the day after, a
white-thorn in the cemetery of the Innocents happened to put forth
some blossoms. An old Monk published the " miracle," which they
say that he contrived, as a sign that the Church had once more put
forth her blossoms ; and a fresh impulse was thereby given to the
defenders of the Church to prosecute their work of extirpation.
On the Monday, either sickened and terror-stricken with the scene,
or fearing the consequences to himself, the King sent letters to the
Governors of the provinces, throwing the entire blame on the Guises.
He assured them that the sedition had been raised without his know-
ledge ; that having discovered that the friends of the Admiral were
resolved to avenge his wound, the Guises had assembled a great num-
ber of gentlemen and Parisians, and, after disarming the guards given
to Coligny, had killed both him and those whom they found with
him ; and that this example had been followed with so great violence
and fury in other parts of the city, that it became impossible to inter-
CHARLES IX. AVOWS THE MASSACRE. 467
pose a remedy. The massacre, he affirmed, was to be attributed to
the ancient enmity between the two houses ; and as the misfortune
had come to pass against his will, it was but right to make known
that the edict last published had not been violated in any article, but
religiously observed. He further desired that peace might be pre-
served in the provinces, under penalty of death to the disobedient;
" and, finally," he added, " here am I with the King of Navarre my
brother, and ray cousin the Prince of Conde, ready to share their
fortune." On that day Catherine wrote letters to the same effect,
addressed to the Governors, and also to the Swiss Republic, which
letters were circulated in Germany and England ; and the King's
guards were sent to Chatillon-sur-Loing, to bring the widows and
children of Coligny and D'Andelot to Paris. Their eldest sons escaped,
but the others were brought back in custody.
Charles had intended that, after the death of the Admiral and the
Huguenots, Guise should have retired from Paris for a time, to take
the entire reproach. The Duke, on the contrary, was unwilling that
the revenge and the disgrace should fall upon himself alone ; and the
Queen-Mother, with Anjou, fearing that by that scheme the country
would be again plunged into civil war, and her own comfort inter-
rupted, found means to engage the King to accept the responsibility.
She had, from the first, desired that all papers found in the houses
of the Calviuists should be brought to her ; and partly by selection,
but partly by forgery, she and Anjou produced documents which
tended to prove that the Marshal of Montmorency had promised to
take vengeance of him who had caused the Admiral to be wounded,
and to punish the attempt as severely as if committed against him-
self. They represented that to devolve the blame on Guise would
certainly encourage Montmorency, with whom the remnant of the
Huguenots would join, to renew the war ; and that, to prevent so
great an evil, it behoved the King to acknowledge his own act by a
public declaration, and, by so doing, induce the Guises to disarm, and
prevent the Montmorencys from taking up arms, and the Protestants
from joining them.
On Tuesday morning, therefore, (August 26th,) the King came to
the court of Parliament, attended by his brothers, the Dukes of Anjou
and Alengon, the King of Navarre, and many others, and there openly
declared that he had been obliged to take the violent measures
which he came there to acknowledge, in order to save himself, his
mother, his brothers, and even the King of Navarre, although pro-
fessing the same religion, from death, by Coligny and his adherents,
who had intended to set young Conde on the throne, and then kill
him also, the only remaining member of the royal family, and usurp
his place. Extreme dangers, he said, required extreme remedies, and he
therefore wished all the world to know that the murders of the last
few days had been authorized by his command. Under equal date he
sent out an edict prefaced with a similar declaration, and commanding
the provincial Governors to protect the Protestants in their dwellings,
inasmuch as the royal massacre had not been executed on account
of heresy, but treason, and the concessions made to them were not to
3 o 2
468 CHAPTER YI.
be withdrawn. Bat he added a clause which might serve to justify
further persecution, commanding that since their sermons and assem-
blies had been occasions of public disturbance, they should not be
repeated anywhere, either in public or in private, until his permission
had been obtained. Whoever transgressed this prohibition was to be
punished with death, and his property confiscated. Secret messen-
gers were sent to enforce the most rigid interpretation of this contra-
dictory decree. Two days afterwards, while the murders were still
continued, notwithstanding a proclamation at the street-corners com-
manding bloodshed to be stayed, a jubilee was celebrated, the King
and court, followed by a long train of devotees, walked in procession,
chanting psalms, and returned thanks to God for the happy accom-
plishment of their undertaking for the glory of his cause. Yet many
persons, through fear, only pretended to approve what in heart they
condemned ; as, for example, Christopher de Thou, father of the his-
torian, who said in Parliament that a King who knew not how to
dissimulate knew not how to reign ; but he ventured to lament to
Charles in secret that, if he thought the Huguenots were guilty
of treason, he had not proceeded against them legally.*
On St. Bartholomew's eve messengers had been sent to the
Governors of the principal towns to engage them to head similar exe-
cutions, f First at Meaux, on St. Bartholomew's day, more than two
hundred men were thrown into prison ; many escaped ; but twenty-
five women were dragged into the market-place by ruffians, violated,
and then killed. Cosset, a profligate Magistrate, had the prisoners
brought out one by one, killed, and thrown into the castle-ditch, until
the butchers were weary of the tardy execution, and drowned the
remainder in the Marne ; and Cosset then bade the inhabitants follow
out that " good beginning." The presence of Fran9ois de Montmo-
rency at Chantilly, as Governor of the Isle of France, repressed violence
at Senlis. At Orleans, where the King's public letter, disapproving
the attempted murder of the Admiral, was followed by a secret emis-
bary, with instructions to execute a massacre, one Bouilli, a royal
Councillor, invited a Protestant gentleman, La Cour, to sup with
him. After supper a party of assassins brought in the dreadful news
from Paris, and asked a gratuity for their trouble, which was given
them, as the signal that they might proceed to murder La Cour. Then
began a massacre that lasted for three days ; and the zealots boasted
that they had slain one thousand eight hundred men, and one hun-
dred and fifty women and children. Many of the neighbouring towns
imitated the example of Orleans. At Angers, as the Reformed Pastor
* And he cited these verses of Papinian : —
" Excidat ilia dies aevo, nee postera credant
Saecula ; nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa
Nocte tegi proprise patiamur crimiua gentis."
MASSACRES IN THE PROVINCES. 469
was walking in his garden, his wife, suspecting no danger, admitted a
stranger who desired to speak with him. That was an assassin. The
Pastor fell, and after him his flock were led to the slaughter. At
Troyes guards were placed at the gates, and all suspected of heresy
imprisoned. After five days, Simphalle, the Governor, received the
King's ambiguous edict, when he killed all the prisoners, buried them in
one ditch, and then published the edict. Bourges, Rouen, Nevers, Tou-
louse, and Bourdeaux, were scenes of slaughter ; persons being first made
prisoners either on alleged suspicion of some crime, or under pretence
of being protected from popular violence, and then brought out to
death. A messenger from Catherine brought a royal order to Mande-
lot, the Governor of Lyons, to imitate the example of Paris. Mandelot,
although an adherent of the Duke of Guise, shrank at first from the
execution of the mandate, and begged of the good Catholics — who
instantly surrounded him with a clamorous request for authority to
begin the massacre — to wait for a few days until he should have
received further instructions. However, by the public crier, he sum-
moned all the Protestants to appear at the town-house, to hear the
King's pleasure ; and thither they flocked, vainly hoping for protec-
tion. They were then thrown into the prisons of the city ; but as
those buildings were not capacious enough to receive them, other
prisons were also crowded ; and about three hundred of the principal
inhabitants were placed in the dungeons of the Archbishop. While
Mandelot hesitated, one Pierre d'Autisse came to buy horses for the
army, and, although possessing no authority, assured Mandelot that
he was expected both by the King and Queen to carry their pleasure
into execution, and put to death all the Huguenots that were already
in custody, or that could be found. Surrounded by a crowd of impa-
tient murderers, the Governor resisted the last check of conscience,
aud, turning to the messenger, gave him permission in such words as
these : "To thee, Peter, I say, as Christ said to Peter, ' That whatso-
ever thou bindest shall be bound, and whatsoever thou loosest shall
be loosed.' " No sooner were these words pronounced than the ser-
vants of the Church proceeded to fulfil their mission. First of all
they went to the public hangman, and required him to execute the
prisoners ; but the hangman told them that, although willing to exe-
cute any lawful sentence, he could not lend himself to a promiscuous
murder. They then went to the guards in the castle; but the guards,
indignant at such a request, told them they were honourable soldiers,
not executioners, and would not take part in any violence towards
persons who had not done them any injury. They then succeeded in
collecting three hundred archers belonging to the city, who consented
to undertake the massacre, and began at the prison of the Franciscans,
which was freely opened to them by the Monks, and they killed all
the Protestants there in custody. Thence to the Celestines, where
they made a great slaughter. Then, led by Mandelot, they went to
the Archbishop's prison, emptied the purses of the three hundred
Protestant gentry, and while their victims embraced each other, and
implored help of God and pity of men, — children clinging round the
necks of their parents, parents clasping infants in their arms, brothers
470 CHAPTER VI.
and friends exhorting each other to constancy, — the brutes rushed on
them with clubs, knives, and hatchets, and hewed them down like
cattle. Their cries were heard far through the city ; and Mandelot,
who had retreated while the murderers did their work, came back after
it was finished, pretending to have been ignorant of their intention,
and, asking what they had done, with ridiculous dissimulation, offered
a reward for the detection of the murderers. That evening the same
persons renewed their task, went to the public prison on the Rhone,
beat the prisoners, and then, putting ropes round their necks, dragged
them out, and drowned them in the river. All that night the dregs
of the people gave themselves up to murder and robbery. Furniture
was taken from the houses, and goods from the shops. Dragged from
their hiding-places, all suspected of heresy were killed, some des-
patched with knives or clubs, and others thrown into the river. The
courts of the Archbishop's palace were covered with dead bodies ; and
Mandelot, pale with horror, commanded them to be thrown into boats,
and taken for interment to a cemetery across the river ; but the Monks
declared that burial could by no means be allowed to the carcases
of such wretches. Some one cried that they should be flung into the
river, and the mob dragged them away to the bank. The druggists,
however, asked and had the fattest bodies, which they made use
of for the preparation of ointment, " that some good might be got
out of people who had done so much mischief." The bodies floated
down the Rhone in one mass. The inhabitants of the towns on the
banks, appalled by the ghastly spectacle, flew to arms ; and, although
they had been taught to hate the Huguenots, poured imprecations on
the barbarians of Lyons. Red with blood, the water of the Rhone
could not be drunk. At Aries, even the wells were corrupted, while
the fish in the river died, the inhabitants sickened, and sent to
distant streams for water. Claude Gaudimel, " an excellent musician
of our age," as the indignant Thuanus styles him, who had set the
psalms of Beza and Marot to music, was among the martyrs. The
number of the dead was estimated at eight hundred. At Toulouse a
similar horror took place, and on the same Lord's day. But we must
shorten the recital, and can only note further, that the number of
victims was incalculable. Romanist historians are our informants, and
not disposed to exaggerate ; but they vary widely in their estimate,
some counting so high as one hundred thousand, and others so low as
twenty-five thousand. Provence and Dauphine were honourably
excepted from this reproach.
Medals, struck at Paris, in gold and silver, to commemorate the
event, are still in our cabinets. But remorse gnawed the heart of
Charles IX. Nocturnal spectres seemed to chase away his slumbers,
dreams awakened him, and day and night his mind was haunted with
apprehensions of rebellion. The news of the matins of St. Bartholo-
mew were welcomed at Rome with extravagant demonstrations of joy.
The Cardinal of Lorraine rewarded the messenger with one thousand
crowns. Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, and the whole mass of Roman
Clergy, walked in a triumphal procession. Mass was performed by
Lorraine, who also preached a sermon of congratulation to the Church.
DEATH OF CHARLES IX. 4/1
Paintings of the most interesting passages in the massacre were placed
in the Vatican, the death of the Admiral being the subject of one
of them ; and for perpetual memory of the thing, a medal was struck,
and is yet extant, with " Gregorius XIII. Pont. Max. An. I." on the
obverse, and on the reverse, "Ugonottomm strages" — (" The slaughter
of the Huguenots"). Excepting at Madrid, where a courier, after
travelling for three days and nights, announced the " good news,"
and filled the heads of both Church and State with transports of joy,
the intelligence was heard with disgust and indignation in all the
other courts of Europe.
At this point we stay. The massacres of St. Bartholomew quenched
the brightest lights of Reformation in France, and deprived the fol-
lowers of Christ and the lovers of religious liberty of their chief
secular dependence. But many of them still remained. So strong a
feeling of discontent arose in those sections of the population that lay
beyond the direct influence of the Romish Clergy, of Government,
and of civil faction, that every element of resistance to abused
authority combined for common preservation. Some fugitives from
the untouched quarter of Paris, and others from various parts of
France, fortified themselves in Rochelle, and, although there were but
two thousand armed men, they stood a siege of several months by the
whole force of the French army, headed by the chief officers of the
kingdom ; but the besieging hosts, without unity of purpose or con-
sciousness of right, melted away under their sallies, or were dispersed
by their own dissensions. The smaller town of Sancerre held out
against a detachment from the main army with unparalleled endurance
amidst the horrors of a famine ; but both Rochelle and Sancerre
capitulated honourably, and received the benefit of a pacification.
From that time forth, under the name of religion, civil war was waged
or interrupted as one party or the other gained a temporary advan-
tage ; but the same ferocious bigotry displayed itself at every possible
opportunity, and with perfidy as flagrant as that practised on the
Huguenots in 1572. The revocation of the edict of Nantes, in 1685,
O
is an example that remains engraven on the universal memory of
Christendom ; and if our space permitted the continuation of this
history into the times usually distinguished as those of the anti-
Reformation, it would be necessary to examine with close attention
the " Catholic League " of France, in conjunction with the Pope and
Spain in 1576, the part taken by the Jesuits in this great counter-
movement throughout Europe, and new displays of Christianity strug-
gling again with racks and fires, as in the ages already traversed in our
Martyrology. The field is too vast to be presented by an incidental
notice ; and the development of principles, good and evil, without
which history is useless, could not be attained in a hurried compen-
dium. This chapter, therefore, shall close with a notice of the last
hoars of Charles IX.
The Duke of Anjou, one of the chief conspirators with Catherine to
destroy the Huguenots, had been elected King of Poland, and, when
he went to take possession of the throne, was accompanied by Charles
towards the frontier, as well as by their mother, who could not
472 CHAPTER VI.
conceal her discomfort at losing this confidential son, and her hope
that he would soon return. Charles desired the contrary ; and, after
having accompanied him some part of the way, left him and his
mother to proceed, and returned to St. Germain, exceedingly
depressed. From that time he languished, and the decline was
accelerated, if not by any other cause, at least by the discovery of a
plot for seizing on the government by the King of Navarre, the Duke
of Alencon, (now bearing the title of Anjou,) and the Prince of
Conde. Hearing of nothing but intercepted correspondence, arrests,
tortures, executions, and insurrectionary troops, he was carried in
precipitate haste to Paris, — whither the court fled with every sign
of cowardice, — and laid on the bed from which he never rose.
France hastened to cast off the dying King, and he found himself
insecurely protected against the vengeance which he too well knew
himself to merit. Catherine beset him with importunity until he had
appointed her Regent of the kingdom after his decease ; and, this
done, he sank into a state of bodily suffering and mental anguish too
distressing to allow another thought of state affairs. His mother,
utterly indifferent to his condition, except as it might be a source
of satisfaction to herself, came to tell him of enemies captured or put
to death ; but he turned away from her like one surfeited with
cruelty. His limbs were distorted with spasms. Blood oozed out,
not only from his ears and nostrils, but from the pores of his skin.
Thus he lay bathed in gore, suffering the agony and humiliation of a
lingering death. By his bed-side there waited a faithful old nurse, —
but she was a Huguenot, spared, no doubt, because useful to the royal
family, — and into her bosom he poured a confession that no Priest
would have accepted : " Ah, my dear nurse, (ma mie,) I have fol-
lowed bad advice. My God, forgive me ! God, have pity on me !
Where am I ? I know not where I am. What will become of all
this ? What shall I do ? 1 feel it now, I am lost ! " On the day
of his death he called for the King of Navarre, — the man whom he
had compelled, during the massacre, to deny his faith, who had since
been forced to mass, charged with treason, and was at that moment a
state-prisoner in the Louvre. Navarre, like one going to receive
sentence of death, followed the guards, trembling, through the vaults
of the palace, and came to the bed-side. The Queen-Mother was
there to watch the interview, after having endeavoured to prevent it.
" He is my brother," exclaimed Charles, stretching out his arms
towards him. " My brother, I know that you have no hand in the
trouble that has come upon me. If I had believed what they told
me, you would not have been alive to-day. But I have always loved
you. I commit my wife and child to you alone. I give them to you.
Do not trust . God keep you!" So did he pay the tardy
tribute of conscience to a former leader of the Reformation, unsaying
every charge of treason he had ever uttered. He was then in" the
agony of death ; and Navarre (afterwards Henry IV.) saw him breathe
his last (March 30th, Io74), in the twenty-fifth year of his age,
suddenly cut off in the flower of life. An athletic frame and remark-
ably robust constitution, with a mind of rude strength, even to
ITALY. 473
temerity, gave way as if withered by some sudden stroke. Catherine
had endeavoured to forestall suspicion by putting on the rack a man
accused of witchcraft. But common rumour attributed the guilt to
two of her Italian accomplices in other crimes, Gondi and Biragua.
The spasms, prostration of strength, and exudation of blood, were
supposed to indicate the action of a mineral poison ; and an examina-
tion of the body, far from removing that suspicion, gave it confirma-
tion. Whoever may have been guilty, the wretched end of Charles
IX., who had surrendered himself to the most criminal advisers, is
but in correspondence with all the events of a reign more deeply
stained with guilt than that of any other Sovereign whose name
stands in the list of persecutors.*
CHAPTER VII.
ITALY, with the Alps, the Sub-Alpine States, and the Islands of Sicily and Malta,
from the Date of the Confession of Augsburg, in 1530, to the Massacre of the
Hruldenses of Piedmont in 1655, and a few subsequent Events.
ITALY shall be the subject of this chapter. From Nice, on the
shore of the Mediterranean, you follow the range of the Alps north-
ward, including Savoy, a province almost French ; and, leaving the
S\viss cantons, except where the Italian language marks them as
belonging to your history, you pass eastward through the wild moun-
tain region north of Lombardy ; and descending by the same natural
boundary towards the south-east, having European Turkey eastward,
and the Adriatic on the west, you take the sea-port of Trieste and the
Istrian peninsula as the outposts of Italy on that side. The field
of observation thus included, consists of the entire Alpine region, —
marked in the annals of Christendom as the refuge of evangelical
doctrine, in various degrees of purity, from the days of the Apostles,
— Savoy, Piedmont, the Milanese, Lombardy, and Venice. Then come
the lesser republics and free cities, the commercial state of Florence,
or Tuscany, and Ferrara. After these the Papal States, having Rome
as their metropolis, and claiming an imperial supremacy over Chris-
tendom. Naples occupies the southern portion of the peninsula ; and
the islands of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and even Malta, can only
pertain to Italy ; and the whole of these territories, notwithstanding
political diversities, must now be comprehended under a single desig-
nfition. And again we take the date of the confession of Augsburg
for the commencement of our inquiry, and examine the state of this
important section of Europe in respect to the Reformation, in the year
15.30.
Chiefly in the valleys of Piedmont there are not less than eight
* Theodore Beza, Hiatoire des Eglises Reformees du Royaume de France ; and De Thou,
Historiarnm sui Teuiporis Libri ; are the perpetual authorities employed in the preparation
of this chapter. But their statements have heen collated with those of other historians
of France, Spain, Italy, and the Council of Trent.
VOL. III. 3 P
474 CHAPTER VII.
hundred thousand Waldenses,* whose brethren are dispersed over
Italy, and have important settlements in Calabria. The peasantry
of the Rhsetian Alps, or Orisons, have recently received some know-
ledge of the Gospel, and seceded from the Romish worship in many
of their villages. For some years past there have been witnesses to
the truth in Milan. Venice, a great commercial city, and head of a
republic, serves as a market for Lutheran books, which are translated,
printed, and sold there without any hinderance, and circulated thence
all over Italy ; and Luther was rejoicing, two years ago, that the
Venetians had received the word of God. They are now in active
correspondence with Germany ; and while Melancthon has been
labouring at Augsburg to conciliate Romish theologians, Venetian
brethren have been exhorting him to firmness and intrepidity. Two
of them, Carnesecchi and Lupetino, are eminent for learning and piety,
and will soon be crowned with martyrdom. They have not yet
organized churches, but are now purposing to do so ; and the Senate
is not indisposed to authorize such a proceeding. The Duchess
of Ferrara, Renee, daughter of Louis XII. of France, is a Christian
lady, and retains learned and devoted Protestants in her husband's
court, who spare no effort to communicate scriptural knowledge by the
channels of education and literature. It will be found that most
of the eminent Italian Reformers have resided in the court of Ercole
II. At Florence, the teaching of Savonarola is not forgotten. Some
of his disciples are yet alive. Bruccioli and others have been busy
in translating the holy Scriptures, which are now published in the
vernacular of Italy, and will be stamped with absolute prohibition ;
and the doctrine of justification by faith is already denounced from
the pulpits of the city as a prevalent heresy. A native of Florence,
Peter Martyr, is now in the city of Naples reading evangelical lectures
to ecclesiastics and nobles, assisted by Mollio, and by Ochino, at this
time a man of undoubted orthodoxy, who preaches Christ from the
pulpit. A Reformed church will soon arise, the fruit of these labours.
The sack of Rome by the Germans is a recent event, accounted to
have been a visible judgment of God on the Pope and his court. And
this is repeated in the sermons which the Evangelicals, (Evangelici,) as
they properly call themselves, deliver in private houses throughout the
Papal States, and especially in Faenza, notwithstanding the sovereign
jurisdiction of the Pope over that city, and the residence of a Bishop
there. Believers in the Gospel multiply from day to day. The tidings
of salvation have crossed the strait of Messina; and although
obscurely recorded by Protestant writers, the murmurings of others
disclose the fact that there are "many heretics" in Sicily.
In this year (1530), the Vicar-General of the preaching Friars repre-
sented to Clement VII. that " the Lutheran heresy was gaining strength
in many parts of Italy:" and that Pontiff issued the Bull Cum sicut
ex relatione, reciting the statements of the Vicar ; commanding the
Inquisitors to proceed instantly against suspected persons, but espe-
cially against Monks who had imbibed the new doctrine ; and giving
* In Martyrologia, vol. ii., p. 494, the Waldenses arc described.
WALDENSES. 475
them authority to absolve such as would recant.* By an offer of in-
dulgences, he stimulated the zeal of all who would take up the badge
of a cross, and become servants of the Holy Inquisition ; and com-
manded the Bishops to assist the Inquisitors in their work.f Simul-
taneous, then, with the Diet of Augsburg, was the revival of the
Roman Inquisition, first intended to exercise jurisdiction over Italy,
but afterwards set at the head of the inquisitorial system throughout
the world. And at the same time that this tribunal received new
strength, the islands of Malta and Gozo, by a remarkable coincidence,
were given to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, " that they might
employ whatever belonged to their religion for the benefit of the
•Christian commonwealth, and exercise their forces and their arms
against the perfidious enemies of the Christian religion." J Thus did
the diploma of Charles V. constitute the employment of their arms
against Lutherans or Calvinists, as well as Turks, a condition for their
tenure of those islands ; and although the Knights of St. John were
not specially commissioned to make war on heretics, such was the
general idea which pervaded military orders, and which found expres-
sion shortly afterwards in the institution of the order of St. Lazarus
for the suppression of heresy in Savoy. Here, then, we perceive, on
one hand, an advance of the Reformation in Italy ; and, on the
other, a preparation of temporal force for its resistance. To what
extent this force was employed we soon shall see.
Even in the depths of the Alpine valleys the remnant of Waldenses
could scarcely find a hiding-place. Watched by Inquisitors, they had
discontinued public worship, and only ventured to unite in prayer in
their cottages by small companies, and under a perpetual consciousness
of danger, until their enemies almost fancied that the dragonnades
of the preceding century under Albertus de Capitaneis, and the
lesser persecutions that followed, had eradicated the last shoot of the
heresy of Valdo from the valleys of Savoy and Piedmont. The Barbes,
however, and the few aged fathers yet surviving, longed for a revival
of religion, prayed for it, and sent messengers into Germany and
Switzerland to confer with the Reformers, and evangelists to awaken
the slumbering courage of their scattered brethren in Provence, on
the one side, and in Italy, and especially Calabria, on the other.
The voice of God's children could no longer be smothered in silence.
Hymns of praise again resounded in those valleys ; and the echo, heard
in Turin, alarmed the Archbishop and the Inquisitor, who ran to the
Duke of Savoy and Prince of Piedmont, and implored him to deliver
* The Bull may be cited as an authority in this case. It witnesses to the state
of Italy thus : — " Since it has been made known to us, to the great grief of our heart,
that in various parts of Italy that pestiferous heresy of Luther is rite, not only among
secular persons, but even among Ecclesiastics and regulars, both mendicant and not
mendicant, that sometimes some by their discourses and words, and, what is still worse,
by public preachings, infect great numbers with this pest, and grievously scandalize the
faithful of Christ who live under the obedience of the holy Roman Church, and observe
the precepts of the same, to the augmentation of heresy, the offence of the weak, and
to the no small detriment of the Catholic faith," &c. — Gerdesii Specimen Italiie Reforin-
ataR, p. 9.
t Limboreh, Hist. Inquisit., lib. i., cap. £9,
i Malta Illustrata, lib. ii., not. 14.
,3 i- 2
476 CHAPTER VM.
over all his subjects of that religion to the secular arm ; not to exe-
cute the sentence of any tribunal, but by a mere act of power to
extirpate the troublers from their haunts (A.D. 153-1). Duke Charles,
forgetting the declaration of his predecessor, Philip VII., that he had
no subjects so good, so faithful, and so obedient as those Vaudois,
commanded Pantaleone Bressour, Lord of Roccapiatta, to fulfil the
pleasure of the Church in their destruction. Honoured with this
commission, as he thought himself, Pantaleone secretly collected five
hundred men, of the sort best fit for that kind of service, suddenly
marched into the condemned district, and for one day they murdered
every person whom they could find. The greater part of the popula-
tion, however, having fled into their familiar hiding-places, rallied
their forces during the night ; and next day, when the brave soldiers
were marching through the valley of Lucerne to continue the massa-
cre, they found themselves surrounded by the inhabitants, who charged
them so vigorously on the rear and flank, that they were obliged to
run. But many were left dead on the ground ; and the surviversr
half dead with terror, hardly reached the open country, the booty
remaining behind them. Their mode of attack was therefore changed.
Small parties of men, accustomed to skirmish, infested the valleys,
and frequently surprised stragglers : for His Highness had found
that " every skin of a Vaudois cost him fifteen or twenty good
Catholics;" and, avoiding the peril of open invasion, employed his
servants to infest the country after the manner of brigands, and thus
for a long time they horribly tortured and put to death as many as
they could take, or, when circumstances favoured, extorted ransoms to
eke out their pay. But the endurance of the persecuted was invinci-
ble ; and it is related of Catalan Girard, a native of the valley
of Lucerne, that when bound to a stake in the town of Reuel in Pied-
mont, he asked for two large pebbles, and, holding them out to the
bystanders, told them that as easily could he eat and digest those
stones, as could they extirpate the churches of Christ by the death
of their members.
Meanwhile Piedmont was the seat of war between the Sovereigns
of Germany and France, until Savoy, and a part of Piedmont, includ-
ing Turin, fell into the power of Francis I., and a Parliament was
established at Turin, similar to courts bearing that name in France.
With Francis, the Pope Paul III. entered into intimate alliance ; and
both united to impel the Parliament to a persecution of the Vaudois,
which was effected by vexatious penalties inflicted on them for no
other cause than that of their religion ; and when they appealed to
their new King for protection, the only answer he vouchsafed to their
humble petition was, a command to live according to the Roman laws,
with a threat that, if they failed to obey, he would punish them as
obstinate heretics ; adding, by way of reason, that he would not burn
them in France to let them live on the Alps. The Parliament, in
pursuance of this command, required them to send away their Barbes,
receive Priests in their stead, and assist at mass ; but the poor Wal-
denses refused to abandon their Ministers, and answered, that they could
not possibly obc>y orders so contrary to the word of God ; and although
CHARLKS V. AT NAPLES AND ROME. 4/7
they were willing to render to Caesar the things that were Caesar's, they
could not fail to render to God also the things that were God's. After
the example of the holy Apostles, they resolved to obey God rather
than man, and rather to abide by His word than by the traditions
of the Popes. Terrible vengeance would certainly have fallen on them
if Francis had not been heavily pressed in warfare with enemies that
were more than able to resist him, and necessity compelled him. to
leave the Parliament and the Inquisitors to expend their zeal, unas-
sisted by the sword, in Piedmont, as they were doing elsewhere ; and
especially in the Milanese, where a Bull of Paul III. called on the
Bishop to disperse conventicles that were crowded with certain nobles
" of both sexes," to awaken the multitude to zeal by means of ser-
mons against the revived heresies of the Beguins and paupers of Lyons,
and to inquire diligently after innovators and punish them to the
utmost extent of law (June 26th, 1536).
Wliile Francis gained ground in Piedmont, and contested it in Lom-
bardy, his antagonist held undisputed sway in Southern Italy, Naples
being a Spanish possession. But one of Charles's most trustworthy
servants, Juan Yaldes, a Spaniard, who had attended him in Germany,
and there associated with the Reformers, and was now discharging
the duties of royal Secretary at Naples, displayed fervent zeal in the
propagation of the truth, being constrained by the love of Christ to
exhort all around him to repentance. Four learned Italians aided
him in the same work. These were Bernardino Ochino, a Capuchin ;
Giovanni Montalcino, a Minorite of St. Francis ; Lorenzo Romano,
of Sicily, a Monk of St. Augustine ; and Pietro Martire Vermigli, —
the celebrated Peter Martyr, — a Canon. They all preached the doc-
trine of the Reformation to crowded audiences, wherein many thou-
sands of the common people, and not a few persons of high rank,
openly professed the same faith as that of Luther and Melancthon,
whose writings, translated into Italian, were read with avidity in
every circle of society. While Naples rang with the applause of these
preachers, and the priesthood knew not how to resist the torrent
of evangelical influence, Charles V. visited the city, and resolved to
suppress the innovation which had caused him, as he believed, so
much trouble in Germany. For this purpose he published an edict,
prohibiting, under pain of death and confiscation of goods, all inter-
course or correspondence with persons suspected of the Lutheran
heresy (February 4th, 1536) ; and, on his departure, commanded his
Viceroy, Pedro de Toledo, to exert his utmost diligence to preserve
Naples from the contamination which had laid hold on the other
Italian states. Don Pedro resolved to spare no pains to assimilate
the condition of Naples to that of Spain ; the Waldenses, too, abounded
in Calabria, a Neapolitan province, and a persecution not less san-
guinary than that of their brethren in the north might have followed,
had not they striven to avert it by using extreme caution, or had it
not pleased God to shelter them for the time. From Naples the
Emperor proceeded to Rome. Supported by two Cardinals, he entered
the city (April 5th). A train of Cardinals, Bishops, and civil func-
tionaries followed. Laymen lined the streets, and through their ranks
478 CHAPTER VII.
he rode to the church of St. Peter, knelt at the high altar, adored the
Pope, and accepted lodgings in the Vatican. During a sojourn of ten
days the heads of the empire and of the popedom held familiar con-
ferences,— visiting each other's apartments without ceremony and
without attendants, — pondered the state of Europe, agreed that by all
means the Reformation should be suppressed, but differed as to the
means to be employed ; Paul craving a crusade, which Charles durst
not venture to attempt.
At the court of Ferrara, one Oritz, a French Inquisitor, Ambassador
of Henry II., by this time seated on the throne of France, bore
instructions from his master to engage the Duke to compel Renee
by force, if persuasion failed, to return to Popery, or, if she would
not yield, to separate her from the society of the Reformed,
whom she protected, and even from her own children, and to place
her under personal restraint, but without the scandal of a formal
imprisonment. The Duchess accepted those hard conditions, and, shut
up from all Christian society, and torn away from all her children,
except one, that one being of age,* surrendered everything but the peace
that Christ had given her, and stood steadfast in his cause. Calvin,
Marot, and other Frenchmen, with Peter Martyr, who had taken
refuge there on the approach of danger at Naples, and other Italians,
were driven from the duchy. Calvin became a refugee from Ferrara
in Geneva, and Ochino found an asylum from the persecution at
Naples in Venice, f
No great revival of religion, at that time, gave character to the
Italian Reformation. During many years the believers in evangelical
doctrine associated with each other secretly, or, by a management like
that which marred the same cause in Spain, carried caution so far that
it degenerated into dissimulation ; while, on the other hand, the phi-
losophism of Italy had served as a cloak for error, a vehicle of specu-
lative doctrine so exhibited as to be tolerable, even when true, and an
apology for faithfulness to truth in doctrine, as long as the enmity
of the human heart was not awakened by any very loud appeal to
conscience. Neither was there any general persecution ; and during
this interval the ecclesiastical history of Italy affords but one notable
event (A.D. 1540), the sanction, at Rome, of the new order of Ignacio
Loyola, which has since risen into unexampled notoriety. But as yet
it does not require further notice on these pages.
But while the infant and imperfect churches had rest, the profes-
sion of evangelical religion grew more vigorous, especially in the city
and republic of Venice, and, by uniform consequence, persecution was
aroused. At Rome, the Pope once more saw the Emperor embark on
* She was so unfortunate as to marry the Duke of Guise, and was present at the
massacre of Vassy, which she attempted to prevent, hut in vain.
t Ochino became a Socinian ; and it is to be lamented that by means of the Socini
and other Itah'ans, Socinianism spread iuto other countries and especially into Poland ;
and some Popish writers have thence endeavoured to make it appear that Sociuianidm is
a mere consequence of the Protestant Reformation. But whoever repeats this charge
must be reminded that the Socinian heresy is but the re-production of an elder infidelity,
even that which was condemned as Arianism by the Council of Mice, and that its
revival came from Italy, the high seat of Romanism, of infidelity, and of licentiousness.
For these three have nowhere been more thoroughly combined than at Rome and Naples.
ACADEMY OF MODENA. 479
an expedition against the Turks (A.D. 1,512), without consenting to
turn his arms against the Protestants of the empire, and therefore
determined to improve the Inquisition on which, after all, the Church
would have to depend for the subjugation of her enemies ; and, to
that end, framed a new constitution for the Holy Office in Rome. Six
Cardinal-Inquisitors were appointed to take cognizance of heretical
pravity in all places of the Christian republic, whether within the
mountains or beyond. They were invested with authority against
heretics of all sorts, together with persons suspected of heresy, and
their accomplices and abettors, of what state, degree, order, condition,
and pre-eminence soever. To these six Eminences were added a Pro-
curator-Fiscal, Notaries, and other officers, the whole body being em-
powered to degrade Clergymen, coerce the refractory, invoke the aid
of the secular arm, appoint provincial Inquisitors everywhere, receive
appeals, and exercise plenary jurisdiction. And, finally, he defined
the penalties to be inflicted on the disobedient, and denounced on all
such the indignation of Almighty God, St. Peter, and St. Paul. The
principles of the Inquisition had been already settled, but its plan had
never been so clearly drawn. Here, in fact, began the Congregation
of the Holy Office, that still exercises its functions in Eome. This for-
midable measure alarmed the Evangelicals, who began to emigrate into
Protestant countries ; and as the Grisons were an independent repub-
lic in open separation from the Church of Rome, many of them
emigrated thither. Here and there, however, even on the peninsula,
under the remains of municipal independence, a congregation assem-
bled openly, as at Pisa, where the mass was superseded by the
eucharist (A.D. 1543).
A more scriptural theology had found place in the Academy of
Modena, where the Rotnish dogma was not, indeed, openly contro-
verted, but, under the conviction that it would be submitted to
revision in an Ecumenical Council, passed by in silence. Following
such a course, the academicians could not but arrive at the same
point with the theologians of Wittemberg ; and Modena, therefore,
incurred the wrath of the newly-constituted Roman Inquisition. One
of the six Cardinal-Inquisitors went thither to investigate the state
of the Academy, and, not venturing to begin with extreme measures,
endeavoured to obtain subscription to an accommodated Romish
confession of faith. Most reluctantly, and in deference to Cardinal
Morone, himself suspected of Lutheranism, and afterwards imprisoned,
they signed the formulary ; but retained their convictions, and were
completely alienated from the Clergy. The Clergy, on the other
hand, dreading the severe criticisms of the academicians, almost
deserted the pulpits; and as, on the first Sunday in Advent, 1543,
no one could be persuaded to submit a sermon to the ordeal of their
learned judgment, there was no preaching on that day. After long
silence, the Bishop found a Friar to re-occupy the pulpit, and the
whole Academy came to hear him ; but the preacher suppressed
Popish doctrine entirely, and his employer committed him to the
Inquisition, under whose coercion he signed a retractation of forty-six
propositions noted in the sermon ; but afterwards received an address
48tl CHAPTER VII.
of approbation of the condemned teaching from a large body of the
most respectable citizens. Another Friar was engaged to preach ;
but he also offended the Inquisition, and was, in his turn, condemned.
Shortly afterwards, a discontented member of the Academy went to
Rome, and gave the Holy Office information of the disaffected members,
especially marking one of them, Filippo Valentino. Paul III. then
sent a mandate to the Duke of Ferrara, under whose jurisdiction
Modena was, requiring him to arrest that child of iniquity, Filippo
Valentino, author and head of the Lutheran heresy in Modena. He
was to be kept in custody at the Pope's pleasure, his books and
papers being seized, and his accomplices put to silence (May 2Tth,
1545). The informer himself, now a Commissary Apostolical, came
back from Rome to see the mandate executed, attended by an armed
force, and would have dragged him from his bed ; but, when the
company reached his house at night, he had escaped, and they could
only get possession of his books and papers. Next morning the dis-
mayed inhabitants read a ducal edict prohibiting the reading of
heretical or suspected books, and any private or public disputation on
religion, under penalties advancing, to the third offence, from the fine
of one hundred thousand crowns of gold or the strappado, to death
and confiscation. The academicians fled, and the Academy of Modena
ceased to be. A few vestiges of Reformation re-appeared in the city
after this dispersion ; but, in spite of some endeavours of the Duke to
save his subjects from the Inquisition, the Pope being absolute, they
were swept away.
A similar mandate (February 7th, 1545) produced the like effect at
Mantua. Cardinal Gonzaga, Bishop of that see, had refrained from
persecuting several Priests, Monks, and humble laymen, dissentients
from the Roman standard of belief; but the Pontiff commanded him
to be vigilant, arrest the delinquents, put them to the torture, deliver
definitive sentence, and then send them to Rome, just made ready to
be burnt. For a time the Duke parried the blow ; but only for a
time, and at his own peril. The Reformation was crushed in Mantua.
Ferrara still sheltered a multitude of less eminent Christians. But the
Duchess was a prisoner in her own palace. The illustrious Reformers
who had resided in that court and university were banished, and a
Papal brief (A.D. 1545) instructed the ecclesiastical authorities to
proceed, as usual, to apprehension, torture, and sentence of the
Lutherans. As open accusation could not easily be obtained, fami-
liars were dispersed all over Italy, disguised under every variety
of character, and haunting every circle of society. Many of them
were in Ferrara ; and, under their slow, stealthy, and incessant
diligence, the Reformed Church melted away by imprisonment,
banishment, or voluntary exile. During this persecution in Modena,
Mantua, and Ferrara, the Inquisition at Rome found an easy oppor-
tunity for striking terror into the hearts of Italian heretics through
the sacrifice of a stranger, whom no Duke protected, and for whose
lescue no population would revolt. Jayme Encinas, or Dryander,* a
* Encina, in Spanish, is equivalent \vith Spvs, " an oak," whence Dryander, his name
being Gneciaed, after the custom of those days.
FANNIO. 481
native of Burgos, in Spain, and student of Louvain, had received the
knowledge of Christianity while in Paris, and was confirmed therein
by the constancy of the martyrs whom he saw swung over fires in the
streets for the entertainment of the courtiers. At the earnest desire
of his father, who wished him to devote himself to the priesthood,
and to labour for ecclesiastical preferment, he visited Rome, had
spent some time there, and, weary of the place, was preparing to join
his brothers, then in Germany, and Protestants, when a countryman
of his own reported him to the Inquisition as a heretic. The parti-
culars of his examination we do not know, except that his being at
once a Spaniard, a Lutheran, and a scholar, stimulated the curiosity
of the Clergy, and drew many Cardinals and Bishops to his trial,
which was not altogether secret ; and that his confession of Christ was
so bold as to irritate both Judges and spectators. The latter, espe-
cially those of them who were Spanish, clamoured for his instant
condemnation. He was summarily condemned ; but afterwards
offered life if he would put on a sambenito, after the Spanish manner,
and profess penitence. But he refused, and was hurried away to the
stake, where he died as became an aspirant after the eternal crown
(A.D. 1546).
The Spaniard was soon followed by an Italian martyr. Fannio, or
Faventino, so called from Faventia, or Faenza, the place of his birth,
was a member of the persecuted church of Christ in Italy. First, in
Faenza, he fearlessly confessed his Lord, and, being of noble family
and independent fortune, spent his time in teaching his fellow-
townsmen. In pursuance of the mandates above described, he was
thrown into prison, and there, yielding to the entreaties of his wife,
children, and other relatives, submitted to sign a recantation (A.D.
1 547), and was dismissed. But such liberty soon became intolerable ;
and, filled with horror at the thought of having fallen into denial
of Christ, he quitted Faenza, and, travelling through Romagna,
publicly preached Christ from village to village. A few sermons
sufficed to bring him into the grasp of his former persecutors, and,
being seized at a place called Bagnacavallo, he was convicted of heresy,
and condemned to die. Reluctant, as it would seem, to hazard a
tumult by executing the sentence, the Inquisitors removed him to
Ferrara, where he remained in durance for two years, sometimes in
one prison, and sometimes in another ; for so numerous were his
visiters, and so successfully did he exhort his fellow-prisoners, that
the authorities found it necessary to break up the little congregations
that gathered round him in each place, not excepting some noblemen,
state-prisoners, in his last place of confinement, whose ridicule was
changed into weeping for their sins, and who came out of prison new
creatures, and, in their turn, witnesses to the grace and power of the
Saviour, declaring that they had not known happiness until they
found it in a prison. No solicitations could again move him to
recant, nor could Pope Paul III. find courage to command his execu-
tion. Julius III., succeeding to the tiara, had no such hesitancy, but
ordered that the Church should be avenged. The messenger who
brought notice of this decision received his thanks for the glad tidings
VOL. ITI. 3 Q
482 CHAPTER VII.
of deliverance. To the jailer and his fellow-prisoners lie spoke at
great length of the blessedness of that life into which he was about to
enter ; and to several who again implored him to save his life by
returning to the Church of Rome, if it were but for the sake of his
family, he replied that he had placed his wife and children under the
protection of the Lord Jesus Christ, a faithful keeper, who would
preserve all confided to his care. The messenger departed in tears.
Next day he was taken to the common prison, and delivered over to
the secular Magistrate. . Magistrates and their wives, with persons
of all ranks, crowded around him in the cell, some begging him to
recant and accept life from "the Holy Father," and others weeping.
All were amazed at the fluency with which he, a layman, quoted
Scripture ; and one asked how he could go to death so jocund and
gladsome, when Jesus Christ himself, in the garden, sweat as it were
great drops of blood. " Christ," said he, " sustained in his body all
the sorrows and conflicts with hell and death that were due nnto us,
by whose suffering we are delivered from sorrow and fear of them all."
Thus passed his last night of earthly conflict. Three hours before
day, that the people of Ferrara might not see the murder, nor hear
him speak, he was taken to the place of execution, and, after fervent
prayer, by an extension of mercy more common in Italy than in
other countries, was first strangled, and, after some hours, burnt.
The Priests and Magistrates were all ashamed to undertake the
removal of his ashes, and, at last, some of the people consented to
perform the odious office (October 31st, 1550). During his long
imprisonment he wrote several pious treatises and epistles, which were
not only read in Italy, but translated into German, and printed.*
The church at Vicenza cannot be regarded with unmingled satis-
faction, inasmuch as it was tainted with Socinianism ; but it would
be too much to affirm, with some, that it was a Socinian congrega-
tion. As it lay within the Venetian territory, the Pope addressed a
brief to the Senate of that republic, complaining that the Podesta and
Captain had allowed Lutheranism to be openly professed there, and
requiring that they should be made to assist the Vicars ol the diocese
in seizing and punishing the heretics. The Senate complied, and the
church of Vicenza was dispersed (A.D. 15-16).
The dioceses of Capo d'Istria and Pola, under the influence of
their respective Bishops, Pierpaolo Vergerio, once Papal Nuncio in
Germany, and Gianbattista, his brother, were rapidly emerging from
the ancient superstition, when an Inquisitor, Annibale Grisone, came
from Rome, read a Bull from the pnlpits, commanding the people to
deliver up heretical books, and aid in the apprehension of heretics.
At first they received him coolly; but his perseverance and zeal
revived the expiring spirit of obedience to the Church, the work of
inquisition began in earnest, consternation seized the inhabitants,
every tie of kindred and of gratitude was broken, the son betrayed his
father, the wife her husband, the client his patron. At last he called
on the multitude, when preaching in the pulpit of the cathedral
* And are noted thus in tlie Index Expurgatorius :— " Faventinus (Didymus),
Germ. TL. Luth. 1. cl."
FLORENCE. . 4S3
of Capo d'lstria, to rise against their Bishop, whose heresy was
drawing down blight, as he said, on their land, and murrain on
their cattle. The people grew furious, Vergerio fled, and his brother
of Pola died suddenly, not without suspicion of poison. The Clergy
followed up this stroke, and the dispersion of the church in Capo
d'lstria and Pola was soon complete.
Persecution began at Florence by the medium of legislation.
Severe penalties were enacted on the possessors of heretical books, as
well as on their printers (A.D. 1547). Then followed the usual
inquisitorial searchings ; and when the number of prisoners had
become sufficient to render an act of faith formidable to the citizens,
twenty-two persons were paraded as penitents in dresses resembling
those used in Spain, and among them was one * who had formerly
served the Duke as Ambassador at the court of France. These
penitents were then "reconciled" in the cathedral, and a company
of females underwent a similar humiliation in the church of S.
Simone (December, 1551). A triad of Inquisitors had been intrusted
with the work of purifying Florence from Lutheranism ; but it was
not found easy to preserve, with such an executive, the profound
secrecy and singly inexorable purpose of their chief. Two were,
therefore, removed, and Florence was placed at the mercy of one man,
ignorant and reckless, who filled the once-flourishing city with terror
and mistrust. Foreigners, whom he suspected as innovators, and
pursued with incessant vexations, ceased to frequent a mart where
familiars haunted them at every step, and their ships no longer glad-
dened the course of the Arno. The merchants were impoverished,
the inhabitants emigrated, artists and literary men shunned the halls
of the Medici, the more eminent Protestants sought refuge in
Germany or England, and the less instructed, left without a shepherd,
perished for lack of knowledge. A similar process of expurgation
swept away known Protestants from all the Tuscan territories. A
severe persecution visited Sienna (A.D. 1567), and even Germans who
had come to study in that University were delivered to the Pope, in
breach of public faith.
The intention of the Emperor to extirpate heresy, when at Naples
in 1536, had been announced, but not executed, and the Neapolitans
had always manifested an insuperable repugnance to the establishment
of an Inquisition. But after other parts of Italy became familiarized
with that tribunal during a period of ten years, conducted, however,
with a caution unexampled in its history, both Pope and Emperor,
actuated by very different motives, desired to erect it there also.
Paul III. would fain extend thither the Roman tribunal, and gradually
establish it among the institutions of Italy, waiting until the sanction
of time should prepare the people to submit to higher degrees of
rigour. Charles V. would rather act in Naples, as in his other
hereditary dominions, with an extreme severity, that would stun the
multitude at once, and leave all things at his disposal. The Priest
wished for the Roman, the soldier purposed to introduce the Spanish,
Inquisition in Naples. The Viceroy, Don Pedro Toledo, both from
* Bartolommeo Panchiarichi.
3 Q 2
484 CHAPTER VII.
taste and policy, was intent on carrying out the intention of his
master. Ambitious to overawe the Italians by the sanguinary solemni-
ties of a Spanish auto, yet aware that the Pope would not readily
forego his owu scheme, he began by merely requesting a Commissary
from Rome to begin the inquisition of heresy, but with absolute
power over the Clergy both regular and secular. Paul, secretly
hoping that this measure of severity would arouse the Neapolitans to
revolt against the Viceroy, and enable him to interpose with a milder
form of inquisition, and so strengthen the Roman See at the expense
of Charles, instantly granted the petition.
Toledo received the desired Bull, and, in concert with the Arch-
bishop, caused it to be published amidst the festivities of Palm Sun-
day (April 3d, 1547), hoping that, at such a season, people would be
too much dissipated to reflect seriously on the unexpected announce-
ment. But when a copy of the Bull, with the royal exequatur, was
affixed to the doors of the Archbishop's palace and the cathedral, and
the Parliament was assembled in the church of St. Augustine to
deliberate on the actual establishment of the abhorred tribunal, the
terror and indignation of all ranks became indescribably intense.
A deputation, representing the nobility and the people, proceeded to
Pozzuolo, where Toledo resided, on account of the salubrity of the
air ; and Antonio Grisone, a noble, addressed him to the following
effect : —
" Most illustrious and most excellent Seignior : This banner, and
this our most faithful city of Naples, inasmuch as we have always
thought aright concerning the catholic and orthodox faith, has ever
been reputed most religious ; and we believe that this is nothing
new or doubtful to any one, and especially to you, who so well know
us all. On the other hand, it is clear and manifest to all the world
that the name of Inquisition has always been not only odious, but
formidable, to this city and kingdom, and this for many and most just
reasons ; and chiefly because, while in every part of the kingdom
false witnesses and ribalds, men without conscience, may be so easily
corrupted by hatred or for money, the city and kingdom would soon
be utterly undone and ruined. Ever since the time when, under the
government of the Catholic King, Ferdinand of Aragon, of happy
memory, this scheme of an Inquisition was attempted, but, through
the grace of His Majesty, and our just resistance, set aside and utterly
abandoned, we have been at ease and secure, and the more so since
your Excellency, a few days ago, led us to hope that it would never
be revived. But now, by this edict, we are filled with trouble and
with dread ; and fearing an Inquisition more than pestilence, we are
come with confidence to your Excellency, first Minister of His Coesarean
Majesty, and therefore our chief protector, regarding you no less as a
citizen of our own, so to speak, than as supreme President and
Governor, hoping that this affair may so end that we shall continue
in our wonted quiet and security. We, therefore, implore your
Excellency to be pleased not to suffer that, in your time, Naples be
stained with such an opprobrium and shame, nor subjected to so
intolerable and unmerited a yoke. And we commit and confide into
INQUISITION RESISTED AT NAPLES. 485
your hands our property, our wives, our children, and, what is of all
most precious, our honour." *
The Spaniard eyed them all intently during the delivery of this
most unwelcome address, and, when it was ended, assuming an air
of perfect gentleness, answered in his own Castilian with mild and
measured words. It was quite unnecessary, he assured them, for
them to have taken the trouble of that journey, and for the city to
have given way to so great anxiety and suspicion. He did, indeed,
account himself a citizen of Naples, by long residence and family
alliance ; and neither the Emperor nor he would suspect them of
heresy, nor force an Inquisition on their religious city. Might God
avert such a calamity during his government ! and, if the Emperor
were to give such a command, and should he be unable to dissuade
him by remonstrance, he would rather resign the government than
enforce it. Assuredly there should be no Inquisition ; but as there
were some persons in Naples infected with heresy, he hoped they
would not think it wrong to seek out heretics, and punish them in
the ordinary way, according to the canons. For that end, and for no
other, had those edicts been framed. The deputies, charmed with
the gracious answer of Don Pedro, returned to the city, and related it
to the multitudes in the public places. Their report, at first, drew
forth thunders of applause ; but, when repeated and re-considered, a
new suspicion chilled the gladness of the Neapolitans. What meant
those words of the Viceroy, " punish the guilty ? " For, although he
had said that the punishment should be inflicted in the ordinary way,
might he not advance from gentler beginnings even to the horrible
severities of Spain ? Yet they suffered themselves to be persuaded
that those fears were groundless, and Naples was again tranquil.
Gianpietro Caraffa, Cardinal Archbishop of Naples, also went to
Pozzuolo, to the very spot where primitive Christian charity had
welcomed that ambassador in chains who bade the servants of God
not to strive, but meekly instruct their opponents, and feed, not
worry, the flock of God. The effect of consultation between the
Cardinal and the Viceroy was made patent in a day or two. Another
edict, affixed to the Cardinal's gate (May llth), much clearer and
more forcible than the former, dispelled the illusion ; nor was the
word " Inquisition " wanting to confirm the terror of the people.
A murmur of indignation broke from every lip. There was no time
for second impulse, or second thought. Quickly as groups could
gather in the streets a simultaneous cry burst forth in all directions :
" To arms ! To arms ! Long live the Emperor ! Death to the
Inquisition ! " The multitude, armed with all sorts of weapons, and
rushing like a torrent through every street, lay round the palace
of Caraffa, as when the sea that has washed down the embankments, no
longer to be resisted, floods the land. One Tommaso Anello, a rude
peasant of Sorrento, mad with rage, tore down the edict, and trampled
it under foot, while the walls trembled with dreadful peals of execra-
tion. A tumultuary assemblage, in the square of St. Augustine,
deposed several Magistrates, who were known for servility to the
* Botta, Storia d'ltulia, libro vii., 1547.
486 CHAPTER VII.
Viceroy ; but they did no further violence. The nobles then mingled
with the populace, glad to exasperate their hatred of Don Pedro, and
all agreed that they would have no sort of Inquisition, neither Spanish
nor Roman.
Don Pedro, unaware of his position, gave orders to one of the
remaining Magistrates to arrest Anello, and Mormile, a young noble-
man, and put them both to death, for an example to the multitude.
Being summoned to appear, they obeyed the summons ; but came
attended with trains of men in arms, to the terror of the Magistrate,
who complimented them on their courage, in defect of courage of
his own, and saw them return to their houses on the shoulders of the
people. Not yet instructed, Pedro threw a force of three thousand
Spaniards into the city. But three thousand men could only resist
the entire population in one desperate and sanguinary struggle.
Dispersed through the streets of Naples, after killing thousands of the
people, they were every one cut to pieces. The horrid strife lasted
out the day. All business was suspended, all authority inert, and the
last Spaniard had expired ere the evening bells bade prayers for the
dead. Nothing daunted, Don Pedro resolved to punish the insur-
gents, and caused two gentlemen to be beheaded in the open street ;
on which the whole city united in revolt, refused him obedience, sent
messengers to the Emperor, imploring that the Viceroy might be
removed, and that the Spanish Inquisition might not be forced upon
them. The former petition was not granted ; but, after Naples had
surrendered to the authority of the Emperor, Don Pedro was
instructed to refrain from introducing the Inquisition under thnt
form, but to proceed against heretics after the usual manner. While
the agitation consequent on this attempt continued, the Priests
allowed nonconformists to continue their secret meetings, but no
longer. A Sicilian, Lorenzo Romano, who had formerly preached the
doctrine of Zuinglius at Caserta Vecchia, about five leagues north
of Naples, and afterwards had gone to Germany, returned, and, in a
class of logic, expounded the Scriptures to his pupils. But the
Spanish Inquisition failing, the Roman had been extended into
Naples, and Romano was brought to that. Overcome by fear of
death, he not only consented to abjure and do penance in the
churches of Naples and Caserta, but gave information of a multitude
of persons who had received evangelical instruction, both in the
capital and the provinces. The Inquisitors used this information
diligently, threw many into prison, and sent some to Rome to suffer
death. And, at last (March 24th, 1564), two noblemen, Giovan-
francesco d'Aloisio, of Caserta, and Giovanbernardino di Gargano,
of Avarsa, were beheaded in the market-place, and then burnt. As
in some of the academies the lecturers had entered on theological
discussions, or made allusions to the holy Scriptures, in order to
prevent the spread of Lutheranism, the Viceroy caused those
academies to be closed. This again filled the city with terror of the
Inquisition, whole streets were deserted by their inhabitants, com-
merce declined, and Naples lay in sackcloth.
A lingering, but effectual, persecution nearly suppressed the
VENICE. 487
Reformation in Venice. The Senate, at the instance of the Nuncio,
published an edict (A.D. 1548), commanding all who had prohibited
books to deliver them up within a week, under penalty of being prose-
cuted as heretics, since a strict search would be made by officers
appointed for the purpose. Money was offered to informers, with
promise of secrecy and favour besides. But it must be noted that
the republic of Venice would not permit the Inquisitors alone to
execute this edict, but associated the local magistracy with them ;
and the zeal of Paul III. nearly outran his discretion when he
launched a Bull against the Doge and Senate, who had infringed on
the liberties of the Church, as he said, by employing lay Judges to
assist the servants of the Holy Office in destroying heretics. This
Pope loved the Inquisition to distraction. He could speak of little
else in the Consistory ; and, in the article of death, prayed the Cardi-
nals, whatever they did, to take care of the Inquisition, " the sole
hope of the Church, the only defence of Italy." Paul IV., his suc-
cessor,* with like zeal, engaged the Senate to do the drudgery of
persecution ; and at his command they arrested Pomponio Algieri, a
man of eminent erudition, who, while prosecuting his studies at
Padua, had become experimentally acquainted with Christianity, and,
unable to hide his lamp under a bushel, exhorted his fellow-students
to accept the truth which had been made the power of God to his
own salvation. The Governor of the city threw him into prison, by
direction of the Magistrates of Venice, whither he was immediately
transferred, and subjected to a long incarceration ; but the extreme
heat of his dungeon in summer, the cold of winter, the entreaties
of friends, and the visits of senators, with heavy fetters, and the
sufferings and ignominy of the place, could not subdue his constancy.
He meditated on the sufferings and the triumph of martyrs, confided
in the promises of Christ to those who suffer for his sake, wrote a
long and admirable epistle to his persecuted brethren, which is still
preserved ; and was, at last, taken to Rome, that the Church might
have no partner in putting him to death, which he endured by fire
without a murmur, after having made his murderers blush under the
keenness of his reproofs (A.D. 1555).
By virtue of their universal jurisdiction, the agents of Rome pro-
cured the imprisonment of even foreigners who came to trade in
Venice. And the Republic so far surrendered its own rights as to
allow the Inquisitors to seize whom they pleased, put him to torture,
and send him to Rome. Some of the Grisons were imprisoned ; but
released by the Senate, on the remonstrance of special Envoys, after
long delays. In the provinces the Magistrates were often more
obsequious to the Clergy than in Venice, until there, also, the civil
authority threw itself prostrate at the feet of the Inquisition. Some
citizens, who had purchased a vessel, and were about to embark for
Istria, were arrested, and taken to the prisons already occupied by
other brethren. Cupidity quickened bigotry, and then the Senate
threw off all restraint. They slowly thinned the numbers of the
Lutherans by nocturnal drowning. In the dead of night the con-
* Marcellns II. succeeded Paul III., but reigned only twenty-two days.
488 CHAPTER VII.
demned person was carried, bound, into a boat, and rowed out to sea,
where another boat had gone before. The two boats were then
brought stern to stern : on a plank laid on between them he was
chained, with a heavy stone lashed at his feet. A Priest offered him
absolution in return for a confession, if he would make it ; and then,
the boats being pulled off, the plank dropped, and the martyr's body
sank into its resting-place, until the day when the sea shall give up
its dead. The first sufferer was Giulio Guirlanda, of the Trevisano,
about forty years of age. When stretched on the plank between the
boats, he cheerfully bade the Captain farewell, and was plunged into
the waves (October 19th, 1562). The records of those martyrdoms
are extremely scanty, and three years elapse before another name is
added to our catalogue. Antonio Ricetto, a gentleman of Vicenza,
was thrown into prison in Venice, and his property sequestered.
Although condemned by the ecclesiastical Judges, the senators would
have spared his life if he had pronounced a sentence of recantation.
They surrounded him with solicitations to submit ; his son, a boy
twelve years of age, was brought into the prison, fell at his feet, and
implored him not to leave his child an orphan ; but he had freely
surrendered life, fortune, and family, and would not take them back
again at the hazard of his soul. One of his brethren gave way, and
the jailer ran to tell him that such an one had recanted, and renewed
the entreaty that he would do the like ; but he only answered,
" What is that to me ? " In the boat, as they rowed away seaward
in the dark night, he prayed for his murderers, commended his soul
to the Lord Jesus, and without fear dropped into the water (February
15th, 1566). Ten days afterwards, Francesco Sega followed him.
During his imprisonment Sega had written several tracts for the
consolation and instruction of his fellow-sufferers, some of which are
yet extant among the monuments of the Italian martyrs. Francesco
Spinula, member of a noble family of Geneva, but born at Brescia, in
Lombardy, a Priest, and intimate friend of Aonio Paleario, of whom
we have yet to speak, and author of a Latin metrical version of the
Psalms, was numbered with the Venetian confessors. Thrice was he
subjected to severe examination ; and once the Papal Legate and
several of the high Clergy attended to witness the trial, and heard
him make a clear confession of Christ and Christian doctrine, and
testify against the usurpation of the Pope, the fable of purgatory, and
the worship of saints. Exhausted by the rigours of imprisonment
and trial, he fell sick, and, in an hour of infirmity, made some con-
cession ; but, on recovery, renewed his profession of faith in Christ,
was ceremonially degraded, and laid in the sea-grave with his brethren
(January 31st, 1567). Of Baldo Lupetino, a native of Albona, and
Provincial of the Franciscan Monks at Venice, we have an incidental
notice by Flacius Illyricus,* who thus describes him : " The reverend
Baldo Lupetino, descended of noble parentage and most illustrious
family, a very learned Monk, and Provincial of his order, after he had
for a long time preached the word of God in many cities, and in
both the vernacular languages, (Italian and Sclavonian,) with groat
* Apud Gerdesii Specimen Italice Reformats, p. 173.
THE MILANESE. 489
applause, and had honourably disputed in many places, was at length
thrown into a dark dungeon in Venice by the Inquisitor, and the
Legate of Antichrist, and there constantly bore testimony to the
Gospel of Christ for nearly twenty years ; so that his bonds and his
doctrine became known, not only in that city, but throughout Italy
and Europe, and so much the more widely did the truth of the
Gospel spread. Which doctrine, at length, that most pious and
excellent man, not changed by any threatenings or promises, nor by
the wretchedness of a long imprisonment, nor by pitiable sufferings
of pain, confirmed by a constant martyrdom, being sunken in the sea.
Among many other traces of divine Providence which appeared in his
case, this was especially admirable, that neither the Princes of Ger-
many, who frequently interceded for him, could obtain his deliver-
ance ; nor, on the other hand, could the Papal Legate and the
Inquisitor, — nay, nor could even Antichrist himself, — although they
used much persuasion and unwearied solicitation, succeed in having
him burnt to death. For, even after he was condemned so to die, he
was delivered from the penalty of burning by a sentence of the Doge
himself and Senate." The date of this martyrdom is not pre-
served. Throughout the Venetian territory the inquisitorial plague
prevailed ; but the secrecy of that tribunal, and the contempt of
Italian historians towards heretics, hide their names, and we have
only the general statement of foreign writers that their brethren
of the Venetian republic everywhere suffered bonds, poverty, and
death. Yet Protestant writings were read in secret, even by the
senators, and Protestant worship was held in private, in the earlier
part of the seventeenth century, by Venetians themselves ; and per-
haps at no time was it utterly set aside by German Protestants trading
at Venice.
We now pass into the Milanese, and adjacent territory. In the
market-place of Piacenza, a young man, named Domenico, just
returned from Naples, where persecution has broken out afresh, has a
temporary pulpit erected, and preaches with great boldness concerning
true confession, purgatory, and indulgences. On the day following
he returns, discourses to a large congregation on true faith and good
works, and announces that, on the morrow, he shall depict the mass
and Antichrist in their true colours. We know not whether zeal
against Popery or love for souls predominated in this youth ; but find
that, when he appears on the third day, the Magistrates remove him
from the pulpit, and take him to the Bishop's Vicar, who questions
him as to his vocation to preach, and commits him to prison. Little
more is heard of him, except that he perseveres in refuting the false
doctrine of Popery, commits himself to the mercy and grace of Christ
alone, prays for his enemies, and surrenders himself meekly to suffer
death (September, 1550). Galeazzo Trezio, a nobleman of Lodi,
while a student in the University of Pa via, became converted to
spiritual Christianity, and, rather conspicuous by the sanctity of his
conduct than by any formal profession of his faith, was seized by the
Inquisitors. Thrice, according to custom, they invited him to abjure ;
but as often he refused, until the solicitations of friends partially
VOL. III. 3 R
490 CHAPTER VII.
subdued his firmness. But a slight concession, which he then made,
was more than covered by prompt repentance. He affirmed that the
Spirit of God had written the truth upon his heart ; and it is related
that he discoursed with such fervour to his companions, that they
longed for martyrdom, and were only restrained by the jailer from
voluntarily declaring themselves Protestants. After being four months
in prison, he was burnt alive (November 24th, 1551). " The perse-
cution became more general when the Duke of Alva took the govern-
ment of Milan. In the year 1558, two persons were committed alive
to the flames. One of them, a Monk, being forced into a pulpit,
erected beside the stake, there to make his recantation, confessed the
truth with great boldness, and was driven into the fire with blows
and curses. During the course of the following year scarcely a week
elapsed without some one being brought out to suffer for heresy ; and
in 1563 eleven citizens of rank were thrown into prison. The
execution of a young Priest, in 1569, was accompanied with circum-
stances of peculiar barbarity. They condemned him to be dragged to
the gibbet at a horse's tail, and then hanged. In consequence of
earnest intercessions in his favour, the former part of the sentence was
dispensed with ; but, after being half-strangled, he was cut down,
and, refusing to recant, was literally roasted to death, and his body
thrown to the dogs." * But this is little to what would have taken
place if the Spanish Inquisition had been established in Milan. Alva
fancied that it would be an impregnable rampart against heresy, and
had obtained permission of the Pope to try the experiment. The
citizens remonstrated, but Alva persisted ; they exclaimed against the
brutality of the Spanish Inquisitors, and he offered them Italians,
who would handle the heretics more gently ; but the dissatisfaction
assumed the appearance of a general insurrection, and, bearing in
mind the terrible revolt of Naples, he prudently withdrew the project
(A.D. 1563).
Amidst the dearth of information respecting these martyrs, it is
satisfactory to possess a very distinct account of Francesco Ganiba, a
native of Brescia. Having received some knowledge of evangelical
doctrine, and experienced the power of true religion, he determined to
visit Geneva, in order to receive further instruction from some of the
eminent Ministers of that Church ; and, having proceeded thither
from Como, as it would seem, united with the congregation at Whit-
suntide in celebrating the eucharist. The report of this act soon
reached his townsmen, and they prepared to commit him to the
avengers of their Church. Not apprehending any danger, he was on
the lake of Como, returning from Geneva, when a party seized the
boat, took him to the town, and committed him to prison. The tale
of his martyrdom is thenceforth related by a friend, in a letter to his
brother, probably a resident in Brescia, and is as follows : — From
the time that he was first in custody, an incredibly large number
of persons of all classes, and especially noblemen and scholars, went
to visit him, and entreat him most earnestly that he would not persist
obstinately in the vain opinions that, as they supposed, he had
* These lines are borrowed from M'Crie, History of the Reformation in Italy, chap. v.
FRANCESCO GAMBA. 491
adopted. They prayed him to have heed to his salvation, and
renounce those idle fancies. But the good man replied steadfastly,
and invariably maintained that he would abide by, and defend, what
he had professed ; that those were not empty speculations or vain
opinions ; neither was he under a delusion, or insane, as they
imagined, but spoke the pure truth of God, the holy word and
salutary doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ. And this he laboured to
confirm by citing weighty testimonies of holy writ ; and closed his
conversations by declaring, with unconquerable constancy, that he
would rather suffer death, following Jesus Christ, our only Saviour
and Redeemer of the world, whose cause and doctrine were dear to
him, than betray the truth of the Gospel by perfidy ; but would
persevere unto death in the cause confided to him by his God.
When the Doctors, Monks, and Priests had given over their boot-
less disputation, the laity crowded round him, some hoping to move
him from his opinions, others actuated by compassion for one whom
they all knew to be a good and upright man, and endeavoured to
dissuade him from his error, as they deemed it, by offering hopes
of honour and temporal advantage if he would but lay it aside. But
when they found that their labour was ineffectual, they sent a mes-
senger to tell him that, unless he renounced the notions he had taken
up, he would be put to death. To this he answered cheerfully, that
that was the very thing which he desired above all others ; and that,
therefore, a more welcome message could not have been brought.
Then came a letter from the Senate of Milan, commanding that
Francesco Gamba should be burnt alive. But as the Judges were
preparing to execute the sentence, they received intercessory letters
from the Imperial Legate, and from several noblemen of Milan, which
deferred the execution for some days, while Gamba awaited the issue
with undisturbed calmness. The decision, however, did not linger.
Other letters required the Judges to proceed ; and the faithful con-
fessor was brought out of the castle into the presence of the Podesta,
or chief Magistrate, who pronounced the final sentence that, unless
he would repent and renounce his false opinions, he should suffer
capital punishment. On hearing this he rejoiced exceedingly, and,
with great modesty, returned humble thanks to the Podesta for having
brought him such good tidings ; and the Podesta, yielding to the
intercession of some friends, remanded him to prison for a week.
This interval he spent in free conversation with all who came to visit
him, alleging from holy Scripture reasons and authorities why he
should persevere ; his holy courage grew stronger from day to day ;
and as the end of his life drew near, his confidence appeared more
and more triumphant. At length the Judge summoned him again,
and told him that, by order of the Senate of Milan, he must die the
next day, or, at latest, on the day following. His reply was the same
as before, that no intelligence could be to him more joyful. The
Podesta repeated the offer of life, asked him if he would retract what
he had dared to speak concerning the sacrament of the mass, and
proposed to reward him with honour as well as pardon, if he would
submit ; but he stood unmoved as a rock in the breeze, and in few
3 R 2
492 CHAPTER VII.
words replied, that the conveniences which they then offered him
were nothing in comparison with the eternal benefits which he knew
he should receive from the Lord, in whose hand is the crown of life
eternal, to be given, in fulfilment of a sure promise, to all those who
worship God aright.
When the Podesta dismissed him from his presence, and he was
beset by the enemies of the truth, who left no promise nor threaten-
ing untried to move him, the majesty of his faith did but rise the
higher, towering over all ; and when the Magistrate saw that per-
suasion and threatening were alike vain, he appointed that on the
morrow he should die. When he knew this, he sent for his friend,
and besought him to write a distinct account of his whole cause and
suffering to his brother, for the honour of God, and in token of bro-
therly affection, together with a message of consolation and encou-
ragement, telling him that, in view of the death which he was going
to suffer gladly for the sake of Jesus Christ, he was full of comfort
and joy, acknowledging the great goodness of God, who had called
him out of the world to suffer shame, and to endure a cruel death, in
order that the cause of his Son Jesus Christ, who had not spared
his own life, but died to give salvation to all believers, might be
promoted. Finally, he desired his love to his sisters and their
children, for whom he prayed that God would keep them in peace,
and crown them with grace for His service.
On the next day the executioner brought him notice of his death,
and, as usual, asked forgiveness. He bade him do his office boldly,
and not only forgave him, but prayed God that he would enlighten
him by his grace, and give him knowledge of salvation ; adding, that
if he had possessed any money, he would have given it to him gladly.
Then the Podesta himself begged pardon for proceeding to that
extremity, excusing himself by the necessity laid on him to submit to
the authority of his superiors. Francesco modestly replied that he,
too, was exceedingly sorry that those superiors were doing they knew
not what, and prayed God that he would show them mercy. As they
were thus speaking, the bell tolled the signal, and four Capuchin
Friars made their appearance to offer their service for confession, and
beg him to be comforted ; but he declined accepting their services,
and beckoned them to withdraw. Neither would he fix his eyes on a
crucifix, as they desired him to do, in order to refresh his memory
of the cross of Christ ; but told them that that image was excellently
impressed upon his heart, with remembrance of His death, and
assurance of its power. He told them that, far from sinking into
despair, as they thought he would, if without the comfort of a
crucifix, his heart was overflowing with gladness, with joy surpassing
all human understanding. And as for the cross which he was about
to bear, that would be soon surmounted, and then he would be a
partaker of the future blessedness of heaven in the society of happy
spirits and angels, and enjoy bliss beyond what eye of man had ever
eeen, or ear had heard. But, as if they envied the power of utterance
to one who could speak thus, or feared the effect that such discourse
would have upon the multitude, they pierced his tongue, and led him
LOCARNO. 493
away to the place of death. There, on bended knees and with
uplifted hands, he offered prayer, not framed in words, but such as
God can hear, and the murmuring of the crowd was hushed in
reverence of that singular devotion. As he rose from his knees, the
hangman threw a cord round his neck, and strangled him, the pain
of burning being remitted by an act of mercy. When in the hands
of the hangman, he signified, by gesture, to his friend a final injunc-
tion to write to his brother ; and this last desire being expressed, he
surrendered his life in testimony to Him who redeemed it with His
own. Four thousand people fixed their eyes on him in silence, and,
when the body lay lifeless on the ground, separated, wondering why
such a man should have died so ignominiously, and saying that a
most excellent and innocent person, a true martyr and witness of
Jesus Christ, had been put to death that day (July 21st, 1554).
Locarno, now annexed to Switzerland, had, until very lately, been
a part of the duchy of Milan. The Reformed doctrine had been
introduced there early, but did not find much acceptance until the
year 1546, when Benedetto di Locarno, a native of the canton, who
had been preaching the Gospel in Sicily, and in various parts of the
Italian peninsula, returned to his native country. Giovanni Beccaria,
called, for his great zeal, Apostle of Locarno, whose only book had
been the Bible, and his only teacher the Holy Spirit, also proclaimed
the glad tidings of salvation. Other persons of high respectability
and undoubted piety, aided these in laying the foundations of a
church which was eventually organized under the direction of a Minis-
ter from Chiavenna. The usual routine of Romish assault followed. A
popular Priest challenged Beccaria to a disputation, wherein the Priest
was beaten in argument, and the Prefect sent Beccaria to prison, by
way of solace to the baffled theologian (A.D. 1549). The inhabitants
were so indignant at this injustice, that the Prefect saw it good to
release Beccaria ; and the Priests, therefore, awaited some other occa-
sion of revenge. This good man, and the other leaders of the
Locarnese Reform, were compelled, by incessant persecution, to quit
their home ; but the seed which they had sown bore fruit, and a large
proportion of the inhabitants no longer sent for Priests to administer
"the sacrament of the dying," nor brought their children to the
accustomed font, nor purchased funeral ceremonies and masses for the
dead. Ministers from Chiavenna had admitted their children into the
visible church by baptism, and interred their dead. The revenue
of the Priests was much diminished, and this alone was enough to
stimulate their ingenuity for the eradication of " the new religion."
They revived the old calumny of secret meetings and licentious feasts ;
and by the time that this began to be believed, the town-clerk had a
forgery prepared, — a deed, said to have been executed several years
before, whereby he made it appear that the senators and citizens
of the town and bailiwick of Locarno had bound themselves to the
seven Popish cantons, under oath, that they would abide by the dis-
cipline of Romanism until the meeting of a General Council. This
paper he sent to a Diet of the seven cantons, who received it as
genuine ; and agreed, that all the Locarnese, agreeably to that bond,
494 CHAPTER VII.
should be required to confess in Lent, and submit to a rigid exaction
of conformity (March 10th, 1554). Two hundred families in Locarno,
brought to the brink of ruin, appealed to the Protestant cantons, and
their case was discussed in a General Diet ; but there the majority
decided against them ; so did the arbiters, to whom the final decision
was intrusted ; and they were driven to a hard alternative. All inhabit-
ants free from crime were required to conform to Romanism, or to
quit the country. Any who had reproached the Virgin Mary, or
become Anabaptists, or dissented from either of the authorized confes-
sions, were to be punished. The canton of Zurich protested against
this decision ; but their protest availed nothing. Commissioners from
the Popish majority of the Diet went to Locarno, convened a meeting
of the inhabitants, read the decree, obtained the signatures of the
municipal authorities, and bade the dissentients take one day for con-
sideration, and then return their answer. Another sun witnessed their
confession. In the morning the waverers came over, asking pardon
of the Commissioners for anything that might have been offensive in
their past conduct. In the afternoon two hundred fathers of families,
accompanied by their wives and children, came to the council-chamber.
The men walked two abreast, leading their elder children, and fol-
lowed by their wives, who carried the little ones ; and thus they pre-
sented themselves to the representatives of Popery in Switzerland,
who received the supplicants with contemptuous levity. One of their
number addressed the Commissioners, denied charges of Anabaptism,
Arianism, and disloyalty to the state confederation, pronounced a
confession of their faith, professed allegiance to the cause of their
common country, solicited a strict investigation of the conduct of
every one, and then implored pity on the women and children, that
they might not be driven from their dwellings in the depth of winter.
The Commissioners haughtily replied, that they were not come there
to hear a recitation of their faith, and that the sentence of the seven
cantons was neither to be argued nor disputed, but they were to say in
one word, would they quit their faith or not ? With one voice the
congregated families exclaimed : " We will live in it ! We will die in
it ! We will never renounce it ! It is the only true faith ! It is the
only holy faith ! It is the only saving faith !" Men, women, and
children reiterated these sentences for several minutes ; and the hearty
confession yet again lingered ou their lips in devout asseveration.
Then, without one exception, or one faltering voice, two hundred
fathers gave their names to the clerk, whose record of each confirmed
the expatriation of a household. The day for their departure was
fixed, March 5th, 1555, while yet winter reigned over the Alpine
region which they would have to traverse. This expulsion might
have satisfied the ecclesiastical authorities, but the measure of their
vengeance was not full. Riverda, the Pope's Nuncio, who had
laboured with dire success in the assembly that condemned them,
came also to Locarno, and, having thanked the deputies for their dili-
gence, requested that they would desire the Grison league to deliver
up Beccaria, who had taken refuge among them, that he might be
punished for the perversion of his countrymen ; and that they would
ROME. 495
confiscate the property of the exiles, and retain their children, to
be educated in the holy Catholic, apostolic, Roman faith. The
deputies would gladly have thrown Beccaria into the fangs of the
Tibriue wolf ; but he was beyond their power. As for the children,
they durst not venture on an outrage that the Protestant cantons
would have avenged. The Nuncio, with some zealous Dominicans,
laboured to decoy the confessors into the snares of Romanism ; but
not one could he take. On the morning of the day appointed, the
entire church departed from Locarno, to take refuge in the Grisons,
and would have taken the better road ; but the Senate of Milan would
not allow them more than three days for transit over the Milanese
territory, a term utterly insufficient. They therefore embarked on the
lake Maggiore, sailed to the northern extremity, landed there, crossed
the Helvetian boundary near Bellinzone, and made their way to Rove-
redo, a small town subject to the Grison league. There they waited
two months, with scarcely roofs to cover them, until the thaw opened
a passage for them by the Rheetian Alps to Zurich. A few remained
in Roveredo ; the greater number were welcomed to the rights
of citizenship in Zurich ; and reformed Christendom thus received a
colony of good citizens, of whom Popedom was not worthy.
Rome and the Roman states were watered, as well became them,
with the blood of martyrs. In the church of Sta. Maria, near
Minerva, there was held a meeting of solemnity then unprecedented
in that place (September 5th, 1553). The six Cardinal-Inquisitors,
with their assessors of the tribunal, occupied chairs of state. A crowd
of penitents, as we must call them, stood on a rude platform, wearing
the sordid livery of the Inquisition. A full congregation covered the
floor, and listened to a sermon in dispraise of heresy, delivered by a
Dominican, who failed not to inveigh against the prisoners that were
brought thither to undergo the salutary discipline of the Church, and
be reconciled by the sacrament of penance. Among them stood
Giovanni Mollio, of Montalcino, a Doctor in Divinity, and Professor
of the University of Bologna, a man of travel, a well-tried confessor
of Christ, who had been four times imprisoned, and after having
foiled many disputants in argument, and instructed many thousands
of Italians in the first elements of Christianity, had been seized at
Ravenna by command of Pope Julius III., brought to Rome, passed
through the ordeal of a dungeon, and the forms of the Holy Office,
and was brought there to make a public recantation with the rest.
By his side, in Christian brotherhood, stood a humble weaver, an
evangelist from Perugia. The Professor and the artisan both resolved
to disappoint their Master's enemies that day. Therefore, after the
Dominican had finished his oration, and descended from the pulpit,
and the others had recanted, Mollio advanced to the front of the
platform, and raised his voice. He defended the articles of Christian
faith that he had taught, and refuted those of Popery, briefly, but
with a strength of eloquence that held the Cardinals and Clergy dumb
upon their seats ; and charged on them the infidelity, licentiousness,
ambition, and cruelty for which they were notorious. " Your great
object," said he, "is to amass wealth by every sort of injustice and
496 CHAPTER VII.
of cruelty. Without ceasing, you thirst for the blood of the saints.
Can you be successors of the holy Apostles, you who despise Christ
and his word, you who live as if you believed not that there is a God
in heaven, you who persecute his faithful servants unto death, you
who make his laws of no effect, you who tyrannise over the conscience
of the saints? I appeal from your sentence. I summon you,
tyrants and murderers, to answer at the judgment-seat of Jesus Christ
in the last day, when your titles and your pomp will not dazzle, when
your guards and your instruments of torture will not terrify us. And
in testimony of this, take back that which you gave me." Thus
saying, he flung his taper to the ground, where it lay extinguished.
The weaver, also, threw down his. The Cardinals deigned not a
reply, but ordered Mollio and his companion to be removed. Those
Princes of the Church, having temporal jurisdiction, could commit
men to the flames without infringing on the decorum of the priest-
hood ; and they were therefore taken, without further ceremony, to
the Campo di Flora, and there the weaver was first hung. Mollio
invited the executioner to hasten his end, and in a few moments
followed his brother into paradise. The two bodies were then burnt,
their ashes thrown into the Tiber, and the insulted dignity of the
Roman court was pacified. Some years passed away before they
immolated another victim in the Holy City, and then they caught a
Minister on his way from Geneva to Calabria, Giovanni Aloisio, and
burnt him (A.D. 1559). Another would have been put to death at
the same time ; but, for some reason unexplained, he was sent across
the strait, and suffered at Messina.
Next after these followed Lodovico Paschali, a Waldensian Pastor
from Calabria. The colleague of Paschali, Stefano Negrino, had died
of hunger in a prison in Cosenza ; and he, after enduring eight
months' confinement, was taken to Naples, and thence to Rome. On
the journey to Naples, he had suffered as much as any living man
could well bear, from a Spaniard who had him in custody ; and at
Rome he was so disfigured with hunger, filth, and laceration, that his
brother, who, after great difficulty, had obtained permission to see
him, fainted at the sight. No entreaty could move the Inquisitors to
mitigate his sufferings in the Roman prison ; but the Lord of mercy
sustained him ; and in letters to his friends at Geneva, and to his
wife, we find expressions of the utmost resignation. He tells them
that he enjoyed an ineffable gladness in his heart, and was so happy
that he forgot his bonds, and seemed already to be at liberty. Ready
to suffer death for Christ, not once only, but a thousand times, he
persevered in prayer, imploring divine succour until the last hour,
lest by any appearance of wavering he should dishonour God. Part
of a letter to his wife shall be translated, as characteristic of the true
martyr. " Wherefore, my dearest wife, rejoice and console yourself in
Jesus Christ. Retain deeply engraven in your memory the first three
petitions of the Lord's prayer, casting all your care and anxiety upon
the Lord. Trust all to him, and he will give you whatever it
becomes you to desire. Rejoice in the Lord : walk reverently before
God : read in the holy Scriptures without ceasing : attend at the
SIX CARDINALS-INQUISITORS. 49~
sacred sermons : succour those who are in distress : visit the sick :
and, as far as you are able, comfort the afflicted and the tempted.
Above all, persevere in faithful and devout prayer, and ask that your
life may be an example and mirror of His doctrine whom thou hast
lately professed to serve ; and study, ever more and more, that as you
are risen with Christ, you may seek not the things which are below,
but those which are above." The good man was taken from prison
to the temple of Minerva to hear the last sentence read, and, next
day, to the open place before the castle of St. Angelo, where the Pope
and a train of Cardinals were assembled to witness the spectacle. On
seeing the supreme Pontiff, Paschali expostulated with him for his
arrogance in pretending to be Vicar of Christ, when the hangman
strangled him. He was then beheaded, and lastly burnt, that the
multiplicity of his offence against Roman majesty might be symbolized
in the manifold fashion of his death (September 9th, 1560).
When the objects of displeasure were beyond reach, the Pope could
only launch his curse causeless at a distance. Thus did he command
the Cardinal-Inquisitors to proceed against the Cardinal of Chatillon,
Odet de Coligny, St. Remain, Archbishop of Aix, and other six or
seven French Bishops. Execution by Inquisitors being impracticable,
he pronounced sentence on each of them in secret consistory, judg-
ing and declaring them to be heretics, schismatics, and blasphemers,
deposed from all profit and honour of the Cardinalate, Archiepiscopate,
and Episcopate, and deprived of benefit of Clergy, with all honours,
offices, and dignities, and placed them under perpetual incapacity, as
heretical and unfruitful branches, cut off from the Church, and here-
after to be legitimately punished, and their persons taken, kept, and
delivered by the faithful to the ministers of justice (A.D. 1563). And
shortly afterwards, that the tribunal of the faith might have a pleni-
tude of power, he authorized the six Cardinals to exercise penal
jurisdiction over the highest dignitaries of the Church, the Pope alone
excepted, reserving to himself, in such cases, the prerogative of pro-
nouncing final judgment in consistory (A.D. 1564). As the fabric
of the Roman Inquisition was not yet deemed secure, its groundwork
was completed about two years afterwards ; and as the Bull of Pius V.,
then published, establishes the Roman Inquisition on the basis which
still subsists under its present form, the reader may not be displeased
by having a translation of it underneath.*
* "Our most holy Lord, the Lord Pius V., by Divine Providence, Pope, established,
decreed, ordained, and commanded that the affairs of faith be preferred to all and
every other, since faith is the substance and foundation of the Christian religion. There-
fore, to all and every of the fair city and its district, Governor, Senator, Vicar, and
Auditor of the Apostolic Chamber, and to all others soever, Legates, Vice-Legates,
Governors of the provinces and lands of His Holiness and of the holy Roman Church,
mediately and immediately subject, and to their lieutenants, officers, bariselles, and
other ministers, as well as to other ordinaries of places, and other magistrates and
officers, and men of every condition and estate existing in all and every land, town, and
city, and in all the Christian republic, under sentence of excommunication pronounced,
and of the indignation of His Holiness, and other penalties to be imposed and executed
at the pleasure of His Holiness, and the most Illustrious and Reverend Lord Cardinals-
Inquisitors, that they obey the said Cardinals- Inquisitors and their precepts and com-
mandments in whatever concerns the office of the Holy Inquisition. But he prayed
Kings, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and all other Princes, in the name of God, that they
VOL. III. 3 S
498 CHAPTER VII.
Whenever the constitution of the Holy Office is revised, its officers
are sure to make trial of their renovated powers, and thus did they at
Home. Pietro Carnesecchi had been Prothonotary to Clement VII.,
and he maintained, for several years, so great an influence over that
Pontiff that people were wont to say that the pontificate was managed
by Carnesecchi rather than by Clement ; yet his reputation survived
after the decease of his patron, when, not occupying a similar place in
the councils of his successors, he quitted the perilous field of public
life, and, living on his benefices, devoted himself to pursuits of learn-
ing. Being an accomplished classic, a poet, and an orator, and already
familiar with the highest circles of society, he found welcome every-
where. His mind had long been imbued with the principles of the
Reformation ; and when the echoes of German preaching resounded
in the select societies of Italy, Carnesecchi, Cardinals Pole and Con-
tarini, Marcantonio Flaminio, and others of the same class, used to
delight themselves in feeding on " that meat which never perishes,"
as Pole confessed it, but which he, more than any other, so shame-
fully rejected afterwards. But Carnesecchi, more earnest and simple-
minded, persevered in search of Gospel truth. Valdes, the Apostle
of Naples, taught him the way of God more perfectly. Ochino, while
yet a believer in the divinity of Christ, and Peter Martyr, were his
intimate companions ; nor did he cease to correspond with them after
they had fled from Naples ; and when good men were reduced to
indigence by persecution, he supplied their necessities. Pursued by
suspicion, and directly accused of heresy, he also found himself com-
pelled to leave Italy ; but, favoured with the good opinion of Paul III.,
eluded the strokes of inquisitorial violence ; and first at the court
of Margaret, Duchess of Savoy, and then at that of Henry II.
of France, found protection. But in all these wanderings, and while
surrounded by the glare and licentiousness of courtier life, he did not
lose his desire after experimental religion, to say the least ; and after
converse with the more eminent Huguenots in France, fearing to
return to Italy proper, he went to Padua, in the Venetian territory,
hoping that the arm of Roman power might not reach him there. An
excommunication, indeed, was hurled on him by Paul IV. ; but, under
a good Providence, the intercessions of friends saved him from the
ultimate sentence during that reign ; and when one of the Medici next
ascended the throne under the name of Pius IV., Carnesecchi, being
also a Florentine, and zealous supporter of the Pope's family, obtained
a recall of the impending curse without being subjected to any condition
of abjuration ; and he continued, perhaps more devotedly than ever,
to correspond with the Reformed, and promote the Reformation.
Then Ghislieri, Prince of Inquisitors, succeeded to the Popedom ; and
•would favour the said Cardinal- Inquisitors, and their officers, and afford them help, and
cause help to be rendered to them hy magistrates, their subjects, in affairs pertaining to
the said Inquisition. And further, that they transmit all prisoners for whatsoever crimes
and offences, even the most atrocious, that are in any way delated to the said office
of the Inquisition, or denoitnced, suspending the cognizance of other inferior crimes, to
the said Cardinals, and to the prisons of the Inquisition, there to be detained in ordur to
the cognizance and examination of the crime of heresy, and afterwards to be sent back
to the said officers for examination concerning other crimes, without delay." — Limborch,
Hist. Inquisit., lib. i., cap. 29.
CARNESECCHI. 499
the noble Florentine, dreading a renewal of persecution, hastened to
his native city, sought momentary refuge in the friendship of Cosimo
the Duke, and purposed to proceed to Geneva and openly join the
church of Christ. This purpose, which was afterwards ascertained from
his papers, was deferred, in consequence of the apparent cordiality
of Cosimo, who showed him every mark of esteem and hospitality.
Hospitality, however, has little sanctity with men who are everywhere
aliens, except under the shadow of the Vatican. The Pope laid his
case before a secret consistory, and sought assistance for gaining
possession of his person by guile, if not by force. Cardinal Pacecco,
proceeding in the confidence of the college, wrote a flattering letter to
the Duke of Florence, pointing out the advantages that would result
to the Church and to His Excellency, if that one man were but
removed out of the way. The indirect overture was followed up by a
direct summons from the Pope, who wrote a letter to Cosimo with his
own hand, and sent it by the Master of " the Sacred Palace." The
letter contained a demand to deliver up the heretic, the inveterate
enemy of the Catholic Church, the corrupter of multitudes. Carne-
secchi was in the palace, seated at table with the Duke in the confi-
dence of an established friendship, at the moment when the official
entered, presented his credentials, and disclosed his message. Cosimo,
charmed with the promise of a smile from the head of the Church,
coolly delivered up his guest, and friend, and subject, to the Papal
messenger, who dragged him from the palace, and took him in custody
to Rome. But ten days intervene between the dates of the letter
of demand and of another letter of acknowledgment, wherein the
Holy Father applauds the dexterity and obedience of the perfidious
Duke, in doing "so good a deed in such an excellent spirit!" The
formalities at Eome were very brief. A former Secretary of his own,
a Portuguese, purchased favour by acting as his legal accuser. A
series of articles, drawn from his letters, reported from his conversa-
tions, and now acknowledged by himself, was material for condemna-
tion. The Pope pretended a desire to be lenient. The Inquisitors
delivered the usual exhortations, and made the usual offers of mercy.
Even Cosimo, — whether in remorse or in hypocrisy, who can say ? —
wrote letters intercessory ; but Carnesecehi neither equivocated, nor
conceded, nor prayed for pity. He witnessed a good confession ; and
after the forms and delays of office, — forms employed to counterfeit
justice, and delays that simulated compassion, — was taken to that
noted church of Sta. Maria supra Minervam, and heard the Inquisi-
torial sentence read, as usual, a second time, together with some other
sentences, probably of so-called penitents. To show the Romans
that, although their Inquisition was eminently gentle, that of Spain
was quite after the heart of their master, the illustrious victim was
covered with a sambenito, as in Spain. As a counterpoise to the
effect of that exhibition, there was a last parade of mercy. A Capuchin
Monk went with him from St. Mary to the prison, and they two were
shut up together for ten days ; and for ten days and nights the Monk
hung on him with wearisome but fruitless objurgations. His noble
soul was kept in patience ; and on the last morning he attired him-
3 s 2
500 CHAPTER VII.
self as well as possible for one who had to wear the Spanish sambenito,
walked with placid cheerfulness to the scaffold, was beheaded, and his
body burnt (October 3d, 1567). There was no one to collect his
sayings, nor describe his constancy. The persecutors charged him
with obstinacy, of course ; and Romish writers, weary or ashamed
of reiterating the old charge of heresy, are pleased to set him down
as a fanatic. We own him as a martyr. His doctrine, as gathered
from the thirty-four articles presented to the Inquisition,* was purely
scriptural : his enemies have not accused him of irreligion or immo-
rality : he displayed neither timidity nor anger during his imprison-
ment and trial : he was happy on the morning of his martyrdom.
Never did Popery rage more furiously within her own states than
under Pius V., who was promoted to the pontifical dignity from the
presidency of the Inquisition. In Bologna " persons of all ranks were
promiscuously subjected to the same imprisonment, and tortures, and
death" (A.D. 1567). In that city the heretics were not always deprived
of life by hanging or beheading, but often by fire. The University,
as usual, was attacked, and many of the students, being Germans,
were compelled to flee. At Rome some were every day burnt alive,
hanged, or beheaded. All the prisons were overfilled, and new ones
were erected. Not even here, however, did the zealots overlook the
meaner considerations that stimulated their brethren elsewhere. Two
persons of great distinction, Baron Bernardo d'Angole and the Count
di Petigliano, were thrown into prison. After long resistance, they
consented to recant, under promise that they should be released. But
the promise was strangely kept. The Baron was condemned to pay
a fine of eighty thousand crowns, and suffer perpetual imprisonment.
The Count paid one thousand, and was shut up in the convent of the
Jesuits to the day of his death. They sought to save their life, but
lost it. Not Carnesecchi alone was betrayed into the gripe of the
Inquisition ; for perfidy, in all its forms, was preferred to force.
Thus, for example, when a rich nobleman at Ferrara had been delated
as a heretic, and the Pope could not command certain means of taking
him at home, he contrived to take him in a snare. He had a cousin
in Rome, and him the Curials summoned to the castle of St. Angelo,
and addressed in such words as these : " Either you must die, or
write to your cousin at Modena, desiring him to meet you at Bologna,
at a certain hour, as if you wished to speak with him on important
business." The letter was sent, the cousins met at Bologna, the one
was dismissed, and the other brought bound to Rome, and dropped
into the vortex of the Inquisition ; and this anecdote is the only trace
of the event. People disappeared from their houses, their beds were
found empty in the mornings, their neighbours whispered that such
an one and such an one were dead; but the rest of the tale was buried
in panic silence ; men were afraid even to betray fear ; and every
man's existence seemed to hang in doubt (A.D. 1568). Not banditti
only, but familiars, spread dismay along the high-roads of the Papal
states, and often appeared at Rome, bringing in their captives. Thus
they brought Francesco Cellario, a Waldensian Barbe, from the Valte-
* They are given by Gerdes, Spec. Ital. Ref., p. 144, from Laderchius.
AONIO PALEARIO. 501
line. When travelling according to the custom of those reverend evan-
gelists, he was way-laid, bound, carried to a Roman prison, and after
suffering there twelve months, was brought out to the stake (A.D.
1569). The sufferings of those good men were intense, no doubt ;
but the grace of God reached them in that extremity ; and, notwith-
standing the cloak of silence thrown over the horrors of Rome in the
time of Ghislieri. we catch, now and then, a distant sound of the
martyr-song, and venture to believe that those Italians were not less
triumphant over death than our own Latimer and Ridley. One,
Bartolommeo Bartoccio, after wandering from city to city, had estab-
lished himself under a feigned name, — we remember that nothing was
more common, — and become owner of a silk manufactory at Geneva.
One day, being at Genoa, he incautiously revealed his real name to a
merchant, was apprehended, and sent on to Rome. Two years'
imprisonment proved his faith, and then he walked firmly to the
stake ; and while the flames were feeding on him, the astonished
bystanders heard him shout, Vittoria ! Vittoria ! reiterating the tes-
timony that he had found victory through the blood of the Lamb
(A.D. 1569).
Few names are to be found in the annals of Italian history more
illustrious than that of Aonio Paleario, born at Veroli, in the Cam-
pagna di Roma, about the beginning of the sixteenth century. He
first attained to eminence as public teacher of Greek and Latin, in
Sienna, appointed by the Senate. In that city he read lectures on
philosophy and literature with great applause, combining the energy
of a manly spirit, during seven * of the best years of his life, with the
charm of a Ciceronian Latin ; and his orations gained him the admi-
ration of the learned throughout Europe. He was familiar with the
works of the German and Swiss Reformers, and studied the Bible for
himself. The sentiment of his discourses was not less dignified and
chaste than the language in which it was conveyed ; and although he
did not assume the character of a Reformer, he was one in reality ;
and the admonitions of his friend, Cardinal Sadolet, did not dissuade
him from insisting openly on truths which many other scholars
laboured to conceal. Such a man could not escape persecution : his
private and unguarded conversations were reported, his writings were
scrutinized, and it became probable that the power of the Senate
would be insufficient to save him from the grasp of the Inquisition.
A person who appears in the works of Paleario under his Latinised
name, Otho Melius Cotta, seems to have been the most diligent and
vexatious of the persecutors. To clear himself from an accumulation
of calumnies, Paleario pronounced an oration before the senators
of Sienna in his own defence, a few passages of which disclose the
moral condition of society in Sienna, no less clearly than his own.
" Cotta," he exclaims, " dost thou think thyself a Christian, because
thou wearest in purple the sign of Christ ? Dost thou think thyself
a Christian while thou art contriving calumny, and trampling, not on
a mute image of Christ, but on an innocent man ? He who attacks a
man with wicked guile, is far indeed from the religion of Christ ; and
* Probably from the age of thirty-four to forty-one.
502 CHAPTER VII.
while thou hast suffered no injury from me, and yet art plotting tins
against me, I know not what thou canst fancy thyself to be in the
sight of Christ. Surely thou hast not learned of him to fling at me
a false accusation like an envenomed shaft, to envy me this dignity,
and circumvent me in every way possible. Hast thou never reflected
that with false witnesses, and by tricks like these, they once assailed
Christ himself, of all beings the most innocent ? 0 egregious piety !
O admirable religion! Surely if thou hast learnt thus to worship
Christ, it must be to recall his death to mind that thou art crucifying
the innocent. And thou, good man, hast gone to the Octovirs,* and
asked them to deprive me, a man that am a heretic, as thou sayest,
of the office of teaching. But that Greek and novel designation I
disclaim utterly : for I am not now addressing thee alone, a barbarian
and vulgar man, but speak to these also, who are persons of under-
standing and religion. Thou didst add, most shamelessly, that I
agree in opinion with the Germans, and that thou wast well able to
prove it ; and those who knew not the hatred that lurked under these
words, took them, not for an accusation, for there is no place for
accusation, but for evidence. Thou sayest that I agree with the
Germans ; but how vulgar a charge is this ! Thinkest thou that all
Germans are tied up in one bundle ? All, all bad ? But if thou
meanest that I agree with the German theologians, this, too, is excessively
perplexing : for in Germany there are many most noble theologians ;
neither is there another country where so many and so various opinions
are in circulation ; wherefore, in saying that I agree with the Germans,
thou hast pronounced nothing. But thy maledictions, although
replete with folly, have a point ; and when thou utterest them, are
full of poison. (Ecolampadius, Erasmus, Melancthon, Luther, Pome-
ranus, Bucer, and others, who have been brought under suspicion,
are Germans. But I think that none of our theologians will be so
stupid as not to understand and acknowledge, that very many things
which they have written are worthy of all praise : written with gravity,
accuracy, and sincerity : either gathered from those first fathers, (the
Apostles,) who left us their healthful precepts, or from Greek com-
mentators, and men of our own, who, although not worthy to be
compared with those pillars of the Church, are not to be despised."
But Paleario declares that he neither follows the Germans, nor is he
at enmity with Frenchmen or Italians ; nor indiscriminately receives
all things, good or bad, that German, Frenchman, or Italian may
have written. And then, with reference to the attempts of Cotta and
his adherents to deprive him of his public employment, he addresses
the Senate. " As for this poverty of mine, conscript fathers, this
domestic indigence, I call it golden, and think it not mean in com-
parison with the magnificence and luxury of these men. It is my
triumph. Truly my means at home are scanty (res angusta domi) ;
but I have a conscience in the depths of my soul that is great,
(augusta,) glad, and free. This conscience the furies cannot agitate
by day, nor terrify with flaming brands at night. Let them sit in
the professor's chair, let them bestow honours, let them adorn their
* The eight Senators.
AONIO PALEARIO. 503
apartments with magnificence ; I will hide me in my library with my
oaken stool, and be satisfied if I can wrap myself in woollen to keep
off the cold, or wear linen for the heats, and rest quietly upon my
bed. And, 0 thou gracious Christ, author, preserver, eularger of thy
gifts, as thou hast given me a contempt for those things, and firmness
of mind that I can speak with a regard to truth rather than to my
own will and comfort, so I pray thee to give me piety, modesty, and
continence, and heap on me those riches which I know are most
precious to thee and thine."
The senators could not, or would not, protect him. In the same
oration he refers to a book written by himself in Italian (Thusce)
that year (A.D. 1543), on the Benefit of the Death of Christ, and
appeals to it as containing his real sentiments respecting Christianity.
The book was printed without a name ; but this open avowal of author-
ship shows that he did not fear to confess Christ ; and although the
Inquisitors have so far destroyed the impression that not one Italian
copy of it is known to be extant, forty thousand were circulated
within six years, and it was soon translated into French, Spanish, and
English. Of this last version a reprint has recently been published,
and attests the orthodoxy of Paleario in every essential point of doc-
trine ; and especially his earnestness in exalting Christ, whose sacred
name ever dwelt upon his lips. But he expected that the composi-
tion of that book would bring on him the penalty of death ; and the
spirit in which he awaited martyrdom is apparent in his own words to
the Senate. " Than which penalty, if I must suffer it, for the testi-
mony I have given, nothing will be more happy for me : neither do I
think that it becomes a Christian to die on his bed in times like these.
It is a little thing to be accused and thrown into prison, to be beaten
with rods, to be hung up with a rope, to be sewed up in a sack, to be
thrown to wild beasts ; it will become us well to be roasted at the
fire, if by these punishments the truth may be brought to light."
And thenceforth he stood prepared for such a death. Under the title
of " Servant of Jesus Christ," he wrote letters to Luther and Calvin ;
but his most important work, subsequently to this oration, and after
his removal from Sienna, which soon took place, is the " Testimonies
of Aonio Paleario to the People and Nations who call upon the Name
of our Lord Jesus Christ ;" followed, as a second part, by an "Action,
or Declaration of the Testimonies against the Roman Pontiffs and
their Adherents, addressed to the Christian Princes and Prefects in
the Council, in whom dwells the Spirit of God." After many pro-
mises and convocations, the Council of Trent was near at hand ; but
while no one could confidently expect that it would be assembled, the
Protestants refused to acknowledge a company so convened to be a
Christian Council. Still they desired and awaited such a Council, and
hoped that before it the Papacy would fall. Paleario participated in the
hope, and privately wrote twenty articles testatory against the antichris-
tian doctrines and practices of Rome, and the larger treatise following,
and confided the whole to friends whom he considered to be " holy
men and full of faith," with a testamentary injunction that it should
be preserved secret, transmitted by them to their heirs, and kept
504 CHAPTER VII.
unpublished until the meeting of the desired Council, when the repre-
sentatives of the Swiss and German churches might receive the Testi-
mony, and when the Declaration should be presented to the Christian
Princes, and read in the Council as from a departed confessor, or, as
he thought probable, a martyr of Christ. These documents are emi-
nently evangelical, and written with the seriousness of one who expects
every moment to be deprived of liberty and life. The only points
of difference between him and the Reformed Churches in general are,
that he speaks of marriage as if it were a sacrament ; and maintains
that judicial oaths are unlawful. When he sat down to write these
Testimonies, he " found himself destitute of all the succours of life,
except CHRIST, to whom he was entirely devoted ;" and he expected
to be compelled " to leave relatives, friends, a most excellent wife and
most lovely children, and be cut off from Italy, and have to roam in
solitudes, or dwell in prison, and then die by violence." At that
moment sorrow and weeping took possession of his house, for he was dis-
missed from his employment, disgraced, and exposed to poverty, reproach,
and peril ; but he provided this testimony of trust in God his Saviour ;
and about fifty years afterwards, having passed through unknown
hands, the manuscript was found, and committed to the press.
His fears, however, were not yet fully realized. The Senate
of Lucca invited the illustrious outcast of Sienna to accept a similar
appointment in their city, where he remained for about ten years, and
then transferred his services to Milan. Shielded by the good provi-
dence of God until an advanced age, he contributed to sustain the
standard of truth in Italy during the persecutions above narrated, and
was about to remove to Bologna when that storm overtook him which
swept over the Papal states under Pius V. His book on the Benefit
of the Death of Christ, his oration before the Senate of Sienna, which
contained, with much that was offensive to Roman ears, a warm com-
mendation of Ochino, and the tenor of his conversation, writings, and
lectures for many years, were all arrayed against him. The Inquisitor
at Milan seized him, and took him to Rome, where he was imprisoned
in the Torre Nona, and subjected to an inquisitorial trial. Their
sentence was, that he should be shut up for three years in a dungeon,
then be hung, and his body committed to the flames. After so deli-
berately severe a sentence, one might suppose that the culprit had
committed some unusually aggravated crime ; but the sum of guilt is
no greater, the annalist Laderchius being witness, than what the
following articles express : —
" 1 . He denied that any purgatory is, or can be, found.
" 2. He disapproved of the custom of burying the dead in churches,
and other buildings ; and said that the ill smell of corpses should be
got rid of, after the manner of the ancient Romans, who were used to
bury their dead outside the city.
" 3. He slighted and thought badly of the state and habit of Monks,
comparing them to the Priests of Mars, who carried shields about the
city, singing and dancing ; and to the Priests of Cybele, mutilated,
and having halters round their necks ; and to the Druids ; and
derided them because of their motley religious habits.
PALEARIO MARTYRED. 505
"4. He appeared to attribute justification to faith alone in the
divine mercy, remitting sins through Christ."
On these points, certainly of most unequal magnitude, Paleario
attempted to reason with his Judges, but found them deaf to reasons,
and therefore ceased from arguing, and surrendered himself to their
vengeance. " Since your Eminences," said he, " have so many
credible witnesses against me, it is useless for you to trouble your-
selves, or me, any longer. I have determined to follow the counsel
of the blessed Apostle Peter, who says, that ' Christ suffered for us,
leaving us an example, that we should follow his steps : who did no
evil, neither was guile found in his mouth : who, when he was reviled,
reviled not again ; when he suffered, threatened not, but committed
himself to Him that judgeth righteously.' Proceed, then, to give
judgment. Pronounce sentence on Aonio. Gratify his adversaries,
and fulfil your office." When the period of imprisonment was
expired, they passed the final sentence, gave him up to a fraternity
of Monks in order to be " converted ;" and the brethren, greedy of an
honour that they could not merit, registered him as one that had
recanted, — which, however, is contradicted by the formal testimony
of their own historians, — and on a Monday morning (July 3d, 1570),
he was brought out to die. Before quitting the cell, he was permitted
to write a letter to his wife, and another to his two sons, which the
Friars undertook to deliver, after copying them into their archives.
To his wife he addressed a few words of affectionate consolation, tell-
ing her that he was going to depart joyfully to attend the nuptials
of the Son of the Great King, a joy which he had always prayed God
to grant him through his goodness and infinite mercy. He bade her
not grieve for him, an old man of threescore years and ten, and use-
less. To his children he gave some information and counsel as to
their family affairs, intrusted their " little sister" to their special care,
gave paternal salutations to other two daughters, and prayed that the
Spirit of God might comfort and keep them all. At the pyre there was
no witness to record the last confession ; but his witness is in heaven,
and his record is on high.
The Court of Rome, arrogating to themselves a jurisdiction over the
whole world in matters of religion, have never acknowledged the right
of foreigners to have protection from the Inquisitors in their city.
An Englishman in Rome has not yet any guarantee for safety. And
it is worthy of observation here, that even when Italians ceased to be
put to death in Rome for Christ's sake, Englishmen were made vic-
tims. About the month of July, 1581,* one Richard Atkins, a native
of Hertfordshire, arrived at Rome, and presented himself at the door
of the English college. The students, supposing that he desired hos-
pitality, came out to welcome him, and invited him to lodge there,
according to custom. But to their amazement he refused the welcome,
and reproved them for their sins. " I come not, my countrymen,"
said he, " with any such intent as you judge ; but 1 come lovingly to
rebuke the great misorder of your lives, which I grieve to hear, and
p;ty to behold. I come, likewise, to let your proud Antichrist under-
* Foxe, Acts and Monuments, Appendix.
VOI . III. 3 T
506 CHAPTER VII.
stand that he doth offend the heavenly Majesty, rob God of his honour,
and poisoneth the whole world with his abominable blasphemies,
making them do homage to stocks and stones, and that filthy sacra-
ment, which is nothing else but a foolish idol." Irritated by this
plainness of speech, one Hugh Griffith, a Welchman, caused him to be
put into the Inquisition, whence, by some unusual effort of charity, he
was released in a few days. But Atkins had seriously gone to Rome to
testify against the wickedness of Romanism, and was not to be daunted,
nor put to silence. Meeting a procession with the host, he endea-
voured to snatch it from the Priest, but failed ; and the people, not
understanding the reason of such a gesture, supposed that he was
moved by a rapture of devotion to embrace the god, admired his
fervour, and allowed him to pass on. But " a few days after, he came
to St. Peter's church, where divers gentlemen and others were hearing
mass, and the Priest at the elevation ; he, using no reverence, stepped
among the people to the altar, and threw down the chalice with the
wine, striving likewise to have pulled the cake out of the Priest's
hands, for which divers rose up and beat him with their fists, and one
drew his rapier, and would have slain him, so that, in brief, he was
carried to prison, where he was examined wherefore he had committed
such a heinous offence : whereunto he answered, that he came pur-
posely for that intent, to rebuke the Pope's wickedness, and their
idolatry. Upon this he was condemned to be burned ; which sentence,
he said, he was right willing to suffer, and the rather, because the
sum of his offence pertained to the glory of God." Many English-
men came to him in prison, endeavouring to persuade him to recant ;
but he " confuted their dealings by divers places of Scripture, and
willed them to be sorry for their wickedness, while God did permit
them time ; else they were in danger of everlasting damnation. These
words made the Englishmen depart, for they could not abide to hear
them." But they could abide the sight of a murdered countryman.
Atkins, naked from the middle upwards, was mounted on an ass, and
led through the city. Four English Priests walked by him, and
preached "repentance ;" and, to give emphasis to their addresses, or
to instruct him in the nature of infernal torment, thrust at his naked
body the burning torches which they carried. But he exhorted them
to repent, and, " for Christ's sake, have regard to the saving of their
souls ;" and as the flaming brands were applied, bent forward to
receive them, and even held the fire to his flesh, to show that God had
delivered him from the terror of the hell they threatened. For about
half a mile they carried him in this way, to St. Peter's, where faggots
were made ready outside the church ; and there, to give him space
for recantation, they did not consume him quickly, but burnt off his
legs first. " Not dismayed a whit," he endured the torment ; and
when some one would have put a crucifix into his hand, that he might
embrace it, in token that he died a Christian, he put it away, telling
them that they were " evil men, to trouble him -with such paltry,
when he was preparing himself to God, whom he beheld in majesty
and mercy, ready to receive him into eternal rest." Then his tender-
hearted countrymen, finding his faith invincible, walked away, crying,
ENGLISHMEN BURNT AT ROME. 507
"Let us leave Lira to the devil, whom Le serves." TLe Romans
understood not a word ; but the crowd stood mute with wonder at
the monstrous zeal of the Anglo-Catholics, in Rome, their country,
and at the superhuman patience of the English martyr. Atkins was
the first Englishman whom they had seen die for the sake of Christ ;
but Dr. Thomas Reynolds, a resident at Naples, had been carried
prisoner to Rome about fifteen years before, and died in the hands
of the tormentors in their secret chamber, refusing to depose anything
against his fellow-prisoners, three Neapolitans.*
The word of God might not be printed for public use ; but Roman
literature was now enlarged by the issue of some important volumes,
such as, a " Formulary of the Inquisition," a " Lantern of Inquisi-
tors" (A.D. 1584) ; and, within twelve months after them, a "Direc-
tory for Inquisitors ; " all tending to reduce their occupation to rules
of science, and to a uniformity worthy of that Church which is always
and everywhere the same. And, at length, Sixtus V. instituted fifteen
congregations of Cardinals to manage the affairs of the city and the
world, confiding to the first of these — matters of faith being indis-
putably most important — the care of the Inquisition. With undevi-
ating assiduity that congregation still prosecutes its labours. The
same Pontiff also deigned to take the literature of Europe under his
paternal care ; establishing, to that end, a congregation "for the Index
of Prohibited Books ;" restoring the library of the Vatican, f on a scale
of great magnificence, that all books in Christendom might thence-
forth be conformed to the standard and expurgated copies that should
be found there ; erecting a printing-office, in order that the typography
of the Christian world might follow a normal institution ; and cau-
tiously ordaining that no printing-office should be permitted to exist in
any place where Inquisitors were not resident, to watch over the
exercise of that dangerous art. He also deemed it right to take the
lead in the matter of Biblical translation, and actually printed an
Italian Bible ; but Catholic Christendom trembled at the announce-
ment of such a work. His Holiness was taught that he had taken a
false step : he retracted, and the vernacular edition is extinct. J But
the Vatican library is now vulgarly regarded as a monument of Papal
liberality, no less than munificence.
The Roman Inquisitors watched with keenest anxiety against the
introduction of heresy from England. In 1595 an Englishman was
burnt alive, together with a native of Silesia ; the former having
snatched the host from the hand of a Priest in procession, and the
offending hand was cut off at the stake before the lighting of the
faggots. Many Englishmen have been imprisoned ; but who, or Low
many, have suffered violent death, it is impossible to conjecture.
Inquisitorial privacy covers their memory with an impenetrable veil.
Atrocities which lay hidden under the secret in the larger conti-
nental Inquisitions, and only transpired now and then by voluntary
* Strype, Annals of the Reformation under Queen Elizabeth, chap. 48.
t Which had been destroyed by the Germans when they sacked Rome.
t Mendham, in his " Literary Policy of the Church of Rome," has collected imicb.
minute information concerning these proceedings, chap. 3.
3x2
508 CHAPTER VII.
disclosure of the persecutors, or in public acts of faith, and might be
reported by strangers who had seen them, were utterly concealed in
the remoter provinces, and in the islands. Of Sicily we have but
indistinct and general reports. Malta, except as the Knights of St.
John made that arid rock visible to the eye of Europe, was shrouded
in its proper insignificance ; and its rude inhabitants must have been
almost impervious to rumours of religious change when wafted from
the busier scenes of continental Christendom. Yet there were Inqui-
sitors there, who watched over the orthodoxy of the Knights, the
army, and the fleet, while the Bishop and his host contended for the
utmost amount of spiritual jurisdiction ; and the advances of civiliza-
tion were as yet too feeble to dislodge the troglodytes from their dens.
As for the Inquisition, it could not keep its prisons with the awfully
severe discipline of Spain, or even of Rome ; and it would seem that
the Judaising or Islamising heretic was consigned to an almost pro-
miscuous detention with common criminals. So much, at least, may
be inferred from some passages of the following narration.*
About the year 1659, when that extraordinary religious movement,
commonly called " Quakerism," was at its height in England, two
pious women, Catherine Evans and Sarah Cheevers, believed them-
selves commissioned by the Holy Spirit of God to leave their husbands
and children, and preach the Gospel in Alexandria. Our business is
not to discuss the propriety of their proceeding, nor to fix the limits
within which it may please the great Head of the church to dispense
his gifts. In the present volume we have to deal with facts ; and
perhaps there are few facts more worthy of remembrance than those
which arose out of this Quaker mission. They do not appear to have
suffered any contradiction at home : their husbands bowed with sin-
cere submission to what they regarded as the sovereign will of God ;
supplied their wives with money, and saw them embark, in the port
of London, irf a vessel bound for Leghorn. "Many weeks" were
they tossed about the Downs and Channel, — a perilous navigation, —
took their departure from Plymouth, and reached Leghorn after a
stormy passage of thirty-one days. — " Many trials and storms, both
within and without ; but the Lord delivered 'em out of them all."
On reaching Leghorn they were welcomed by some Friends resident
there, " went into the city in the living power of the Lord, and stayed
there many days." Every day they met for worship ; all sorts of
people came to their meetings ; no one attempted to molest them ; but
they were suffered to distribute some books, and one paper, — a
written testimony, doubtless, against the prevalent idolatry. The
Friends procured them a passage in a Dutch ship bound for Alex-
andria, by way of Cyprus ; but, another vessel being in company, a
usual precaution of merchantmen in the days of piracy, the two
Captains agreed to put in at Malta. Catherine and Sarah, the first
Protestant Missionaries to that island, stood on the Dutchman's deck
as they sailed into the Grand Harbour, between the towering forts
of Ricasoli and St. Elmo, and passed under the battlements of
* Borrowed from " A brief History of the Voyage of Katherine Evans and Sarah
Cheevers to the Island of Malta," &c., London, 1715.
CATHERINE EVANS AND SAUAH CHEEVERS. 509
Valetta, crowded with so many people, who came to see the ships,
that they fancied that the city was " in some commotion." A great
burden weighed upon their spirits, and Catherine could not forbear
from saying to her sister, that they had " a dreadful cup to drink at
that place." But they remembered their mission ; and, lifting up her
eyes towards the outlandish multitude above them, Catherine said in
her heart, " Shall ye destroy us ? If we give up to the Lord, then
he is sufficient to deliver us out of your hands ; but if we disobey our
God, all of you cannot deliver us out of his hand" The fear of man
could not dwell in bosoms fortified with such a principle. They went
calmly to their cabin ; the English Consul came on board, saw them
not, but left a customary invitation for them to come to his house.
On the first day of the week, in the morning, they went on shore,
met the Consul on the steep way up into the city, answered many
questions, gave him some books and "a paper," were informed that
there was an Inquisition in the place ; but " he kindly entreated them
to go to his house, and said that all that he had was at their service
while they were there ; sending them thither by his servant. So in
the fear of the Lord they went ; and, as they passed along the street,
they gave some books." * Lambs were they among wolves ! Treated
with good cheer at the consulate, they conversed freely with every
visiter, Jesuits not excepted, to whom they gave books, which the
fathers glanced over, and then threw down with disgust. However,
they declared their message to them in the name of the Lord, having
no fear of what they could do to them ; neither did they dread the
Inquisition, nor shrink from the consequence of publishing their
testimony for God, against the superstition and idolatry of that place,
by public preaching and dispersing of books. This aroused all the
monkery of Malta. The Jesuits, too, were filled with indignation,
and ran to the Grand Master^ and demanded punishment on the
heretics ; but he refused to trouble honest women. Failing with the
noble Spaniard, they applied to the English Consul, and found him
quite ready to favour them. On their next visit, therefore, he invited
them to call upon a sister of his in one of the nunneries ; where they
were taken into the chapel, and desired to bow to the host, which they
refused to do, and returned to the Consul's, much depressed. There
they sat, " waiting to know the mind of the Lord ; and it arose in
them that they must give in the great paper which they had ; and
that, if they would go to save their lives, they should lose them."
They were soon put to a severer test. First, they were summoned
into the presence of the Lord Inquisitor, who came to the house, and
noted every particular necessary to identify them in the process ;
and to his question, Wherefore they came into that country, they
answered, " We are the servants of the living God, and are moved to
come to call you to repentance." His Lordship dismissed them for
the moment, and commanded the English representative to detain
them there.
* Printed in Italian.
t " F. Martino de Redin, native of Aragon, from being Viceroy of Sicily was created
Grand Master, in 1657, and died in 1660."— Malta Illustrata, p. 768.
510 CHAPTER VII.
They were detained accordingly for nearly fifteen weeks ; the Con-
sul's wife, also, keeping close watch on them, and the officers of the
Inquisition subjecting them to frequent examinations. Was she a
true Catholic ? they asked Sarah. She told them that she was a true
Christian, one who worshipped God in spirit and in truth. Would
she take an oath on the crucifix ? — She would speak the truth, but
would not swear ; for she understood that Christ had forbidden
judicial oaths.* The Consul entreated her to be adjured, and said
that no one should do her any harm ; but she refused. Would she
swear on a book ? — She would not swear at all. What was George
Fox ? — A Minister. Why came she there ? — To do the will of God.
How did the Lord appear to her? — By his Spirit. How did she
know that it was the Lord ? — He had bidden her go, and promised
that his living presence should go with her : and he who had pro-
mised was faithful, for she felt his living presence. Catherine was
also required to swear, but refused to do so ; and, after answering
several questions, was asked whether she had seen the Lord. Her
answer was, " God is a Spirit, and he is spiritually discerned." Their
time passed heavily, and with forebodings of death ; but the Consul
daily assured them that they should suffer no harm. Meanwhile, a
correspondence with Rome was going forward ; and when, in conse-
quence of the refusal of the Grand Master, Redin, to persecute them,
the Pope, Alexander VII., had authorized my Lord Inquisitor to take
the matter into his own hands, the Consul prepared the way for this
action by telling them that the Inquisitor had sent for them, having
received papers from Rome, and he hoped they would be free. But
at that very moment they were preparing their cell. It is probable
that the Grand Master, their only protector, had died since their
arrival ; and now the Vice-Chancellor of the Order of St. John, repre-
senting the temporal government, a man with a black rod, on part
of the spiritual, and the Consul, to show the concurrence of England,
— unauthorized as he was, — took them to the Inquisitor, who offered
them the alternative of release, if they would change their minds, or
punishment, if they persisted in heresy. " They answered, ' The will
of the Lord be done.' So the Inquisitor arose up, and went his way
with the Consul, and left them there. Then the man with the black
rod, and the keeper, took them, and put them in an inner room in
the Inquisition, which had but two little holes for light or air. And
though they were shut up in darkness, they witnessed the inshinings
of the light of the Lord."
There they remained for many days and nights, stung to fever with
mosquitoes ; even in sleep they were haunted with visions and dreams
of sufferings more dreadful, and lay on their beds overwhelmed with
trembling and amazement. As for the Consul, he, too, was wretched.
He came to see them, weeping with remorse. He had asked them
for a sign that God had sent them to Malta, and from their answer
supposed that the sign had now begun, as perhaps it had. Already
mental agitation blanched his cheeks ; he was sickening, and, long
* She misunderstood the text, indeed, but notly refused to act against her conscience.
CATHERINE EVANS AND SAUAH CHEEVERS. 511
before their release, he died a miserable death. Next came the Black
Rod, two theologians, a Magistrate and Secretary, with the jailer ;
and then the two confessors underwent a formal examination on all
the distinctive articles of Romanism, against each of which they pro-
nounced an unequivocal testimony of condemnation. Next day they
came again, bringing, as usual, a set of articles written, but made
little use of it ; and " then they asked them, How many friends of
theirs were gone forth into the ministry, and into what parts ? — And
they acquainted them with what they did know. They said, All that
came where the Pope had anything to do, should never go back
again. But they answered, The Lord was as sufficient for them as he
was for the three children in the fiery furnace, and their trust was in
God. They said, They (the Friends) were but few, and had been but
a little while ; but they were many countries, and had stood many
hundred years, and wrought many miracles, and they had none. —
They answered, ' We have thousands at our meetings ; but none of
them dare speak a word, but as they are moved by the Spirit of the
Lord. And we have miracles ; for the blind receive their sight, the
deaf do hear, and the dumb do speak, the poor do receive the Gospel,
the lame do walk, and the dead are raised, mystically.' '
Catherine and Sarah betook themselves to fasting and prayer for
twelve days, to the amazement of the Friars, who endeavoured to take
advantage of their exhaustion ; but God sustained their spiritual
strength, and, at the expiration of the time, they ate and were
refreshed, " and glorified God, who comforted them in the midst
of their extremity." The heat of the prison then became insufferable,
they lay on the ground, with their mouths at a chink in the door,
" for air to fetch breath ; " the hair fell from their heads, their skin
became like parchment, often they fainted ; by day they wished for
night, by night they longed for day ; " they sought death, but could
not find it ; they desired to die, but death fled from them." Hoping
to raise a spark of pity, they wrote to the Inquisitor, again and again,
begging to be removed to some other place, but yet more earnestly
imploring him to accept God's truth, which they set forth with equal
force and accuracy ; but the only answer they received was a visit
of a Friar, who took away their ink-horn, having already robbed them
of their Bibles. But they bore this with meekness ; and, after the
Friar left the cell, the door was not again opened for five weeks.
Then came some one with a physician, who found the place in such a
state, that he declared it impossible for them to live in it ; and the
Inquisitor permitted them to be removed. Yet even then Sarah was
threatened to be put in irons, for not adoring a crucifix. The irons
were brought, but Sarah showed no fear ; she bowed her head, and
said, " Not only my feet, but my hands, and my neck also, for the
testimony of Jesus." The Monk relented, and withdrew.
But this relenting was only for a moment : the companions were
separated, because, as their persecutors said, they corrupted each
other. Yet, God being their helper, they singly withstood every art
and terror with as great firmness as when united ; and Sarah even
made use of her new cell in a manner that mortified the Clergy, but
512 CHAPTER VIT.
may not have been unprofitable to some of them. This room was
near the Chancery, where the Inquisitors held frequent sessions, and
where government-business was transacted ; " and she had service
among them daily" In the public hall, the palace, and the church,
her shrill voice could be heard, and she raised it high, calling them
to repentance, and exhorting them to turn from darkness to the true
light, and from their wicked ways, works, and worship, to serve the
living God. Some raged, vociferating, " Burn her ! Burn her ! "
Some came stealthily to listen ; and a prohibition from doing so, under
penalty of imprisonment, was issued. After a separation of twelve
months, the two sufferers were again permitted to occupy the same
room, and their condition was also ameliorated by the removal of their
chief tormentor, an English Friar, who had deprived them of provi-
sions allowed by the Inquisitor himself, and wearied himself in vain
with disputations which moved them not ; and it is further remark-
able that the Inquisitor, at last, became less cruel than the Friars,
and even protected them from grosser outrage. Nothing, however,
could subdue their freedom of speech. They exhorted the prisoners
of all sorts that were brought to the prison ; and when a fleet of
twenty sail had come into the harbour, to join that of the Knights in
an expedition against the Turks, " the dread of the Lord fell upon
Sarah Cheevers, and commanded her to prophesy against those of
Malta, and she cried out daily, saying, ' God is angry, God is angry,
and you cannot prosper. Go not forth to murder, nor to kill one
another. Christ came not to destroy life, but to save it.' " The
night before the fleet set sail, she dreamt of blood overflowing into
the water, and predicted that there would be great slaughter on the
sea. And so it came to pass ; for the fleet suffered severely in an
engagement with the Turks, the Knights were beaten, and returned
covered with confusion.
At last there dawned some hope of deliverance. Another Consul
had been appointed to Malta, and, although he did not presume to
demand their liberty, laboured to obtain it, and, at last, succeeded in
engaging the Inquisitor to promise that they should be released on
bail, if any one would be bound to pay three or four thousand dollars
if they ever returned to the island. But they would not accept
liberty on those terms ; " for they could never desire any man to be
engaged for them after that manner ; because they knew that all
decrees, laws, ties, bonds, chains, and precepts of men must be
broken, through the righteous decree of the mighty Lord God."
Neither could they assure themselves of safety, even after a release
from prison. While they were suffering fresh cruelties, another
Friend, Daniel Baker, came "to offer up body for body, life and all,
for their liberty." He, too, had been moved to visit Italy as a
messenger of the Gospel, with three companions, and had preached
with great boldness, first at Leghorn, and then in Venice, Zante, and
Smyrna. On returning to Leghorn, the sufferings of these devoted
women, of whom he had heard before, were again brought to his
attention ; and, believing it to be his duty to interpose his efforts on
their behalf, he embarked in a French ship for Malta. He was soon
CATHERINE EVANS AND SARAH CHEEVERS. 513
in presence of the Lord Inquisitor, from whom he demanded the just
liberty of his two countrywomen, and, in repeated interviews, resisted
his condition of a bond to hinder their return. In the prison, also,
he stood before the grating of their dungeon, and, in behalf of the
whole body of God's elect, owned their testimony, and told them that
they were a sweet savour to the Lord and to His people. Gladly did
they once more listen to the voice of a Friend, and they all rejoice I
together with sweet refreshment in the presence of the living God.
This correspondence continued through twenty-four days, when the
good man was compelled to leave Malta, carrying letters from them
for their friends in England.
By the way, being wind-bound at Gibraltar, then under the Spanish,
crown, Daniel Baker went on shore, on Holy Thursday, 1662, pro-
ceeded to the mass-house, which he entered during mass ; and having
"stood some time viewing this idolatry, with indignation in his heart
against it, he turned his back upon the Priest, his dead god and
dumb idols at the high altar, and, in the commandment of life, set his
face toward the people, and beheld the ignorant multitude upon their
knees also, worshipping these dark inventions and imaginations of
their sottish leaders and blind guides. After he had looked awhile,
he spread forth his arms, stripped off his vesture, and rent the same
from top to bottom in divers pieces, and cast them from him, and
then took his hat and trampled it under foot, and, having done so, his
sackcloth covering appeared to their astonishment, and then, with an
exalted voice, he sounded ' repentance ' in their ears three times,
giving testimony, like the sound of a trumpet amongst them, that the
life of Christ and his saints was arisen from the dead. And so he
came away, as it were flying from the idolatrous temple, idolatry, and
idolaters, preaching the words of the Lord's message through the
streets, till he came to the sea-side, and there he was moved to kneel
down and pray, and give thanks to the living God, who had so won-
derfully preserved him in doing His pleasure and good will on earth,
that no man offered to touch or do him harm."
The two confessors in the prison at Malta even excelled their bro-
ther in holy boldness ; but, like him, with an eccentricity which
those may take leave to despise who can equal them in triumphant
patience and unconquerable faith. On Easter day, the Maltese, more
glad to be released from the abstinence of Lent, than grateful for the
work of redemption which our Lord had wrought when he burst the
bands of death, gave loose to boisterous festivity, and the sound
of trumpets and voices reverberated in the courts and dungeons of the
prison. Catherine and Sarah felt horror at the idolatry of the people,
pitied them for their ignorance, and resolved to bear a solemn testi-
mony against them, by sitting on the ground bare-footed, bare-headed,
thinly clad, with ashes on their heads, silent, and fasting. For three
days and nights they remained, in the prison-yard, in that "humble
and despicable posture," despite the raillery of some, and the amaze-
ment of all who saw them, and shivering in the cold wind, until the
end of the third day, when, singing a hymn of praise to —
VOL. in. 3 u
511 CHAPTER VII.
-the only God,
A fountain pure and clear,
Whose crystal stream spreads all abroad,
And cleanseth far and near,"
they rose from the ground, shook off the ashes, walked to a fountaiu
that played near them, quenched their thirst, and then satisfied their
hunger. And, after all, a religious awe rested on all within the
prison at this sign of Christian fidelity.
Daniel Baker, who had once been imprisoned in Worcester jail,
was thrown into Newgate shortly after his return to England ; but
George Fox and Gilbert Latye bestirred themselves on behalf of
Catherine and Sarah. Understanding that Lord D'Abaney, Lord
Almoner of the Queen-Mother at Somerset-House, had influence in
Malta, they laid their case before him, and, although he was a Priest
in Romish orders, he received them kindly, and soon gave them the
glad intelligence that he had succeeded in obtaining an order from
the Pope for their deliverance. On the receipt of this order the Lord
Inquisitor went to them, comieously dismissed them from the place
where they had suffered with more than human constancy, defying
the terrors of death, for four years ; and " so they came away from
the Inquisition in peace, according to the example of the holy men
of God, kneeling down, and desiring their heavenly Father never to
lay to their charge what they had done against them, by reason that
they knew them not ; for had they known them, they would not have
persecuted them." Such was the charitable interpretation of the
nefarious doings of the Holy Office by those simple-hearted women.
Eleven weeks elapsed before they could quit the island ; and, in
that interval, they continued their efforts to spread the knowledge
of Christianity, in spite of Consul, Inquisitor, and Clergy, who
renewed their vexations, until the frigate " Sapphire," Captain
Samuel Titswell, under orders for Leghorn, dropped anchor in the
road, and the Grand Master wrote him a request to take on board
" twenty-four Knights, their servants, and two Quakers." Now, for
the first time, could these Chevaliers converse with the late prisoners
of the Church, with whom they had been forbidden correspondence ;
and while they heard them speak of " Christ Jesus, the light of the
world, and the only way to the Father," many of them acknowledged
that they were indeed his servants ; and one, brother to the Inquisitor,
requested the English Captain to provide everything necessary for
their comfort on his account. After cruizing in the Mediterranean,
the " Sapphire " returned to Tangier, which was then an English
possession, where the Governor received these extraordinary women
with the utmost courtesy, by a proclamation protected them from the
disrespectful treatment of the profane and of the bigots, and sent them
to England by the next ship of war returning. Once more they found
themselves on English ground; and, after thanking God for his
mercies, waited on the Lord Almoner, by whose interest at Rome they
had been liberated, thanked him for his kindness, and offered him
their service. " Whereupon this Lord replied, ' Good women, for
what service or kindness I have done you, all that I shall desire
•WALDENSES OF PIEDMONT. 515
of you is, that when yon pray to God, you will remember me in your
prayers.' And so they parted." Two earnestly written tracts, com-
posed in the Inquisition of Malta, — one by Catherine Evans, and the
other by her companion, — were forthwith put to press ; * and the
example of the writers is yet oil record to show how faith can over-
come the world.
The confession of this faith having been revived among the Wal-
denses, the zeal of their persecutors was rekindled. Francis I. of
France, and Paul III., required the Parliament of Turin to proceed
against them in Piedmont ; and their commands would have been
thoroughly obeyed, if other cares had not prevented the French King
from sending sufficiently numerous military reinforcements into that
state. Instead of making open war, therefore, the civil and ecclesias-
tical magistracy laboured, in detail, to extirpate that ancient church.
Many of its members suffered death ; but we only find a general
mention of their constancy, one name alone being preserved, that
of Bartolommeo Ectore, who was burnt alive at Turin (A.D. 1555), in
the castle-yard, before a multitude of spectators, of whom some
wept, others murmured at the barbarity of the Clergy, and others
spoke out in piercing invectives against the Inquisitors and Monks.
But those popular expressions provoked the chiefs of Church and
State to yet greater severity. The Parliament of Turin sent into the
Valleys the President Giuliano, and a collateral, to summon the
\Valdenses to submission. As they went they published a royal edict,
commanding all the inhabitants to go to mass within three days,
under penalty of death in case of disobedience, not considering the
folly of commanding when they had not the power to enforce ; but
soon found that the constancy of the Waldenses was invincible. A
few, indeed, professed conformity ; but they were miserably treated ;
and their weakness confirmed the general determination to " change
the King's word." In the town of Pinerolo a large number of
Waldenses were called into the presence of the Commissaries, and
commanded to go to mass, and have their children baptized. One poor
labourer came with his infant in his arms, and a Priest stood ready to
perform the ceremony of anabaptism ; but he earnestly requested
permission to pray to God before giving them an answer. After lift-
ing up his heart in prayer, the good man answered thus : " Mr.
President, I am quite ready to allow you to re-baptize my child, but
under the condition that you be pleased, by a writing under your own
hand, to discharge me from the sin against God that you will cause
me to commit, engaging, for yourself and for your children, to answer
for it before God another day, and to suffer, in your body and in your
soul, the punishment that you will cause me to deserve." The Presi-
dent, not daring so to carry out the Romish idea of substitution, and
astonished at the intrepidity of the peasant, told him that he had sins
* The titles are, of the first, — " A brief Discovery of God's eternal Truth, and a Way
opened to the Simple-hearted, whereby they may come to know Christ and his Ministers
from Antichrist and his Ministers. With a Warning from the Lord to all People that do
name tBe Name of Christ, to depart from Iniquity:" and of the second, — "To all
People upon the Face of the Earth ; a sweet Salutation and a clear Manifestation of the
true Light which lighteth every one who cometh into the World.''
3 u 2
516 CHAPTER VII.
enough of his own to answer for, bade him depart out of his presence,
and never troubled him again. The two Commissaries could do no
more than serve the edict on the inhabitants of two of the valleys ;
from whom they received a declaration of loyalty to the King, and
readiness to obey his orders, by changing their religion, if it could be
proved by the word of God that they had been in error.
With this reply they rode back to Turin, told it to the Parliament,
obtained two Monks, gifted with fluency of speech, and, by them
attended, revisited the scene of action. The Monks harangued, but
the people were deaf as adders to their eloquence ; they knelt before
the crucifix, but knelt alone ; and both Commissaries and Mission-
aries, on return to Turin, after a long and fruitless expedition,
recited their failure in the Parliament. It was then agreed that the
conversion of the Waldenses was a labour impracticable by subordi-
nates, and only to be effected by the resistless powers of the King.
One year elapsed before the resumption of their enterprise ; and then,
furnished with new orders from His Majesty, threatening death and
confiscation to all who would not attend at mass, they went again.
But the confessors gave them the same answer as before, that they
must obey God rather than man ; and besought them, for the love
of God, that — seeing their constancy, fidelity, and obedience to the
King, that their life was without reproach, and that, in fact of reli-
gion, they all worshipped the same Saviour, Jesus Christ, had the
same law, the same baptism, and the same hope, as His Majesty and
the President himself; and considering that Jews, Turks, open blas-
phemers, and sworn enemies of the Christian name, were suffered in
Piedmont — they should be allowed to live according to their religion,
•which they affirmed to be that of Jesus Christ and the holy Apostles ;
but which they were ready to abandon, if they could be convinced
of the contrary by the sacred Scriptures. Inflamed with rage, the
Parliament recommenced persecution. All the Waldenses that could
be detected in the towns of Piedmont were imprisoned ; and one, at
least, was brought to Turin, and burnt. This was Geoffreddo Varaglia,
a Minister of the valley of Angrogna, who had once been a chief
persecutor of this very people, and was employed to pervert them by
preaching ; but the more he laboured in debate the weaker he found
his arguments, and, at length, won over by their prayers, he became
a partaker of their faith, and sealed the confession of it with his blood.
He sang hymns until the halter deprived him of life ; and then the
body was burnt (A.D. 1557). When interrogated, in his examination,
concerning the number of his brethren, he answered that, in a single
congregation at Geneva, he had seen twenty-four Ministers, almost
all Waldenses; and wished that there might be so many that
faggots would fail to burn them, rather than that teachers should be
•wanting. They and their converts, he said, multiplied from day to
day. And, at the stake, he addressed the spectators with an affec-
tionate earnestness that had seldom been excelled, acknowledged his
guilt when a persecutor, and preached Christ, the only meritorious
sacrifice and source of mercy. Nicholas Sartoris, returning from
theological study at Geneva, where he had been maintained at public
CALABRIAN WALDENSES. 517
expense, in preparation for ministerial labour in the Valleys, was
seized, examined, threatened, and, being invincible by fear, was burnt
alive, in the episcopal town of the valley of Aosta, notwithstanding
the earnest intercession of the canton of Bern (May 4th, 1557).
Many thousand Waldenses were established in Calabria. Their
forefathers, driven from Pragela two centuries before, had settled
there ; and they now chiefly possessed some villages, and even walled
towns, in the neighbourhood of Cosenza. The revival of religion,
too, had reached them, and, in the true spirit of Christianity, they
were spreading their doctrine through the state. On them, therefore,
the Inquisition fixed its eye, and determined that they should be
extirpated. Ghislieri, then Cardinal Alessandrino, and afterwards
Pius V., undertook to superintend the work of extirpation, and sent
two subalterns, Valerio Malvicino and Alfonso Urbino, to carry the
design into execution. The Monks presented themselves in one
of the Waldensian towns, Santo Sisto, and, with an air of gentleness
and profession of peaceable intentions, began their endeavours to
pervert, and, after some conferences, they added exhortations to avoid
the punishment denounced on those who obstinately persist in error.
They then appointed a time for mass, and, nsing authority, required
all to attend. But, instead of coming to mass, the inhabitants
walked out of town, and left the Monks to officiate alone. Mortified
at this desertion, they hastened to the next town, La Guardia, caused
the gates to be shut, assembled the inhabitants, told them that their
brethren of Santo Sisto had all conformed, and invited them to follow
their example. The people of La Guardia, taken by surprise, and
not uninfluenced by the threats of the Inquisitors, yielded to the
demand ; but ere the act of reconciliation could be consummated,
they discovered the fraud, renounced their act, with prayers to God
for pardon, and were proceeding, with indignation, alarm, and shame,
to join their brethren of Santo Sisto in the woods, when a body of
soldiers marched into the town. Whetting their appetite for carnage,
they shouted, " Kill ! Kill ! " and, after butchering a great number,
carried away Stefano Carlino, with sixty-nine others, to Montalto, to
be examined by the Inquisitor Panza, a Spaniard, and therefore well
instructed in the dreadful practice. They tortured him until his
bowels gushed out ; but he would not charge his innocent brethren
with practices of which they never had been guilty. Another,
Verminel, was kept on the gehenna, as they called it, for eight hours ;
but uttered not a syllable to sustain the calumny of having committed
impurities in their religious assemblies. Another, Pietro Marzone,
was stripped naked, beaten through the streets with iron rods, and
then felled to the ground, and killed with blows of torches. Another,
taken to the top of a tower, was offered the alternative of kissing a
crucifix, or being instantly precipitated. Without hesitation he chose
the latter. As they were leading away Bernardino Conte to the
stake, some one forced a crucifix into his hand ; but he flung it
away ;- and the authorities, supposing that so scandalous an act
should be visited with some extraordinary punishment, took him from
Montalto to Coseuza, where they stripped him naked, covered him
518 CHAPTER VII.
with pitch, and burnt him to death before the people. The Inquisitor
Panza, deeming the terror of his office to be yet incomplete, silenced
every murmur in Montalto by help of common butchers, who slaugh-
tered eighty-eight men as if they were sheep, and then cut the bodies
into quarters, which were hung on stakes, erected at measured inter-
vals along thirty miles of the way from Montalto to Castel Villaro, as
trophies of the victory over Waldensian heresy. The butchery of
those men was thus performed. The executioner brought them out
one by one, covered the face of his victim with a napkin, made him
kneel, cut his throat with a knife, left the body palpitating on the
ground, and went for another, his arms dripping with blood. On his
face he bound the same red napkin, and dispatched him in like
manner. A hundred grown-up women were then tortured, and after-
wards put to death. The total number of persons imprisoned in
Calabria was stated by Ascano Carracioli to be one thousand six hun-
dred, of whom it is not likely that any escaped ; but had their throats
cut, were sawn asunder, precipitated from towers and cliffs, strangled,
burnt alive, or starved to death. Then it was that a Pastor was
starved to death in prison at Cosenza, and another sent to Rome and
burnt in the presence of the Pope and Cardinals (A.D. 1560).
Returning northward, we find Piedmont transferred from the rule
of Francis I. to that of the Duke of Savoy, Emanueie Filiberto, who
recovered his patrimony by a victory while" General-in-chief of the
army of Philip II. No sooner had he regained his dukedom than
both Philip and the Pope engaged him to persecute the Waldenses,
who had almost attained to a state of entire religious independence.
One Tommaso Giacomello, a Dominican and Inquisitor, was sent to
Nice, commissioned to keep alive the zeal of the new Duke, and incite
him to imitate the example of " the Catholic King." The Nuncio
aided the Inquisitor at court, and the Friars fanned up the flame
of bigotry by their sermons to the populace. Emanueie did not yield
readily to their solicitations ; and his Duchess, who favoured the
Reformation, might have employed some better influence, but not
sufficient to counteract the power of the Church. The inhabitants
of the Valleys,* after calling on Him who has the hearts of Kings in
his hand, addressed petitions to their new Sovereign and to his
Duchess, professing loyalty, declaring themselves innocent of the
crimes vulgarly attributed to them, and asking for protection in the
exercise of Christian liberty. The petitions were rejected. Even
while their deputies were at Nice, imploring mercy, soldiers collected
from the neighbouring towns, surprised the village of S. Germane at
night, and drove out the inhabitants. The poor people fled to the
mountains, a company of twenty-five excepted, who rallied from some
scattered cottages, first fell on their knees, and sought strength in
prayer, and then attacked the invaders so courageously that they
* " There is a certain valley in Piedmont, near Mount Visol, of about five or six
leagues, called the Valley of Lucerna. With this joins a little valley called, from the
Angrogua which waters it, the Valley of Angrogna. There are also contiguous two
little valleys which take their names from Perosa and S. Martino." — Scipio Leutulus,
transcribed by Leger, torn, ii., p. 34.
VALLEYS OF PIEDMONT. -519
fancied themselves encountered by a great force, fled panic-struck,
leaving many dead on the field, and in crossing a river lost many
more. The little band, who had only expected to sell their lives
dearly, were amazed at the event, and their Barbes quoted appropriate
words of Jeremiah : " Peradventure he will be enticed, and we
shall prevail against him, and we shall take our revenge on him. But
the Lord is with me as a mighty terrible one : therefore my perse-
cutors shall stumble, and they shall not prevail : they shall be greatly
ashamed ; for they shall not prosper : their everlasting confusion shall
never be forgotten."
As if heretics were beneath the rights of humanity, the Duke gave
general permission to invade their valleys, and destroy the inhabitants
at discretion. Bigotry, thirst of blood, and lust of spoil, incessantly
drew on them the incursions of brigands, and provided many a saint
with opportunity for confessing Christ in martyrdom. Judges united
their functions with marauders. Marcellin, a Frenchman by birth,
and his wife Giovanna, were seized at Carignano, and, after a week's
imprisonment, condemned to be burnt alive, and honourably under-
went the ordeal of their faith. " Courage, my brother, good courage !
we shall to-day enjoy the happiness of heaven together," said the
good woman to her husband, as they were walking towards the spot
where their earthly union was to be dissolved, and a higher relation
to begin. Giovanni Cartignano followed them to glory three days
afterwards, by the same fiery path. One Jean, a native of France,
was dragged from S. Germano to a neighbouring abbey, and burnt
alive. The Minister of a village called Meana was burnt at a slow
fire in the town of Susa, remaining immovable and silent, looking up
toward heaven, until he silently breathed out his happy soul. Innu-
merable robberies, murders, and burnings kept the Valleys in per-
petual alarm ; and, at length, contrary to the advice of many of their
Ministers, the poor people resolved to take up arms in self-defence,
trusting that by them, as by their brethren of S. Germano, God would
defend the right ; and in the first encounter sixty brigands fell under
their weapons.
This was considered to be rebellion, and Duke Emanuele took
the matter into his own hands. First, he sent two noblemen, Philip
of Savoy, Lord of Racconigi, and Giorgio Costa, Count della Trinita,
with a requisition to dismiss their Ministers, and acknowledge the
Pope ; but the people would not listen to so iniquitous an order.
Wherefore the Prince marched into Piedmont from Nice (November
1st, 1560), took up his quarters at Vercelli, and sent La Trinita with
four thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry, to lay the Valleys
waste by fire and sword. The army entered the valley of Angrogna,
confident that the peasants would disappear at the approach of an
army ; but a guard of fifty slingers defended a mountain-pass against
twelve hundred soldiers, and, being reinforced by a few more, made
them retreat with the loss of seventy. A second skirmish ended with
similar success, and the invader found it necessary to change his
measures. He, therefore, had recourse to intrigue, and employed
certain false brethren to persuade them that, if they would but lay
520 CHAPTER VII.
down arms, and send deputies to the Prince, to promise obedi-
ence and beg pardon, they might, for sixteen thousand crowns, both
redeem themselves from punishment of rebellion, and obtain liberty
of worship. The simple peasantry, fancying that the interests of peace
and religion might thus be assured, sent deputies to Vercelli, who
were thence taken to a monastery and kept in custody for two
months, as hostages for the payment of the money ; and when
half the sum was paid, they were compelled to kneel at the feet
of Emanuele and the Pope's Legate, supplicate them to take pity on
the people, and promise, as on their behalf, that they would be ready
to do whatever the Prince and the Pontiff might command.
A command was forthwith given to receive the mass ; but the
Waldenses, who had not empowered their deputies to consent to any
such terms, refused to act on them. Here, then, was a pretext for a
second invasion ; and a larger force, being soon collected, inundated
those valleys. Every sort of outrage that a savage army could com-
mit was perpetrated : the villages were deserted and burnt down, and
the population driven to the mountains, without houses, provisions,
or arms. But, after the shock had passed, they gathered fresh
courage, blocked up the passes, intrenched themselves in munitions
of rocks, and prepared to resist the enemy. The troops soon
exhausted their ammunition, wasting it on impenetrable crags, behind
which parties of slingers lay securely, and answered each discharge by
a shower of stones that did certain execution ; and after nearly a
thousand of the soldiers of the Church had lost their lives in her hard
service, their surviving comrades were withdrawn, and presented
themselves, ragged, hungry, and discontented, before the Duke and
Legate at Vercelli. Once more they were marched back to new
slaughter ; but the Waldenses, no longer blockaded among rocks,
assembled in good strength, their Barbes offered prayer for victory,
and, full of the confidence that is attendant on a righteous cause,
they assailed the advancing columns, besieged a fortress which the
army had erected at Villaro, hemmed up La Trinita and his host one
whole day together in a position where they were helpless ; defended
themselves, at another time, against a body of seven thousand men,
and levelled four hundred to the dust, besides several Colonels and
Captains. Then La Triuita sent for artillery, and for Spanish troops ; *
but the dispirited and unwilling army was embarrassed by its multi-
tude, and unequal to the strategy of such a warfare. God was against
them. Five stout Waldenses could put a thousand of their enemies
to flight, and broken columns might be seen reeling away from the
deep ravines to find safety in the open country.
Then the Duchess resumed her influence over her vassalled hus-
band ; and the Waldenses, who had lately dealt with him on more
than equal ground, sent an embassy to Turin, consisting of a few
of their most trusty men, and Pastors, poorly clad in the worn garb
of peasants. The courtiers received them scornfully at first ; but
their deportment, equally modest and assured, their knowledge of
* The King of France also furnished a contingent ; and seme volunteers from France
came into the Alps to aiii the persecuted.
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION. 521
affairs, and the dignity of their manners, silenced contempt and
awakened deference in the palace, as their arms had cast terror on the
camp. Chassincourt, Gentleman-Usher to the Duchess, disguising the
emotion that he felt, accosted one of them in such a style as this :
" With what face can you, miserable men, appear before your Prince ?
How can you dare to treat with him after taking arms against him ?
With what assurance can you presume to differ from his religion, a
religion authorized throughout the world ? You to contend with so
great a Prince, whose councillors are Doctors ! You, that are only
poor Pastors, ignorant of everything, and that after all your follies
have nothing to hope for but the gibbet!" The eldest of them
answered : " Sir, we have confidence in appearing before our Prince,
because his goodness invites us. Our resistance has been just, because
it was compelled ; and God has been pleased to approve it by his
wonders. It was not because of the loss of all our goods that we
made resistance, but because it was attempted to oppress our consci-
ences, and extinguish the true service of God among us. We have seen
our Prince execute with regret — as we charitably believe — the Pope's
commands, acting on the motives of another rather than on his own ;
and not dispensing justice as a Sovereign, but as a lord having a
Sovereign over him. Therefore, we have only derogated from that
sovereign power and tyranny which the enemy of God usurps over
our lord. It is God, the Supreme Power, who should be regarded as
above all powers in the world ; and our vows to Him dispense with
every contrary obligation. As for the simplicity that you perceive in
us, God blesses it, because, to effect great things, he does not make
use of human grandeur : the meanest instruments have often been most
agreeable to Him. Wise enough are the counsels that his Spirit
dictates : bold enough the hearts that He warms : stout enough the
arms that He strengthens. We are ignorant, and pretend to no other
eloquence than prayer and faith. And as for the death with which
they threaten us, the good faith of the Prince is worth more to him
than our lives ; and, at any rate, he who has the fear of God well at
heart, has no fear of death." Chassincourt himself related this
memorable conversation afterwards, and the effect of it appeared in
his own conversion to the faith of the Reformed.
The result of their embassy, under the divine blessing, was an
edict (June 5th, 15C1), or articles of capitulation, to the following
effect : — Pardon to the inhabitants of the Valleys, whom the Duke
received under his safeguard and protection: establishment of evan-
gelical worship, except in the neighbourhood of a ducal fort that was
to be erected, and beyond specified boundaries : exemption from
every penalty on account of their faith : equal freedom to fugitives
iu other provinces until they should have returned : restitution of
confiscated property : restoration of franchise and liberties : equal
participation in the benefits of justice : reservation of accustomed
rights to the Prince, but with express limitations : permission to
appoint their own Ministers, one only being excepted by name :
toleration of the mass : remission of debt from the Valleys to His
Highness : liberation of Waldensian prisoners of war : free commu-
VOL. III. 3 X
522 CHAPTER VII.
nication with other parts of the duchy : an ordinance to protect them
from infraction of these articles.
But the Duke never ratified them, nor were they legally registered.
Racconigi, two Ministers, and two lay-deputies, signed the document ;
but the signature of suhjects to what should have been regarded as a
sovereign concession, rather than as a compact between equal parties,
gave great offence ; and although Emanuele concurred in the negoti-
ation, he not unwillingly broke faith, under the pretext of informality
in the engagement, and even after he had caused it to be observed for
four years.
When Pius IV. heard of this concession, he was exceeding wroth.
It seemed to him insufferable that an Italian Prince, and one whom
he had assisted for the destruction of the Waldenses, should permit
them to live, much more to live freely, in his state ; and, above all, he
feared that the example of tolerantism given by a lesser Prince would
be imitated by greater. Bitterly did he complain in the Consistory,
contrasting the weakness of the Duke of Savoy with the unsparing
rigour of the Catholic King and his Ministers in Naples, who were
slaughtering the Calabrian Waldenses at the same time that Count
George was ineffectually attempting the same work in the Valleys.
Peter had sent him up a Pastor to be burnt for his entertainment ;
but George, less zealous or less fortunate, had not transmitted a
single trophy. From the Consistory he turned towards Turin, and
commanded the Duke to justify himself at Rome ; but the affair was
hushed, to be resumed another day. In Piedmont the Friars were
let loose, and succeeded in persuading the multitude that their
Sovereign was himself a heretic, and ought to lose his head ; until, at
last, at the instance of the Pope, he published a new order (June
10th, 1565), by which "all the subjects of the Duke of Savoy who
should not have declared, each one before a Magistrate, that he would
go to mass, should be enjoined to quit the states within two months
following." And the Magistrates were required to make "an exact
list of all who did not obey this injunction, and to send it promptly
to His Highness, in order to the execution of such punishment as he
might think fit to impose." So glaring an act of perfidy aroused the
indignation of the Protestant Princes in Germany, who wrote to the
Duke on behalf of his persecuted subjects ; and the Duke of Saxony,
with the Elector Palatine, sent an envoy to Turin, bearing lively
remonstrance, and urging the renewed observance of the articles
of 1561. The Duke gave him good words and some promises. But
. the Inquisitor imprisoned his secretary. Castrocaro, Governor of the
Valleys, after a brief relaxation of severity, put forth other oppressive
orders, any breach of which was to be punished with death and con-
fiscation ; and for some years the Duke looked on while the rapacity
and bigotry of Castrocaro crowded the prisons of his district, and
depopulated the villages ; and the good Duchess Margaret only now
and then succeeded in effecting some slight mitigation of their
sufferings.
Notwithstanding all this provocation, they did not commit any
illegal act, but contented themselves with a mutual engagement to
WALDENSES OF SALUZZO. 523
passive resistance (A.D. 1571) ; and Charles IX. of France, being at
that time engaged in the illusory system of liberality towards the
Reformed, wrote to the Duke on behalf of the people of the Valleys,
and procured some respite for them, until, on the intelligence of the
massacre of St. Bartholomew, and of the other massacres in the
French provinces, fearing that a similar onslaught would be made on
them, they fled again to the mountains, but were recalled by the
assurances of His Highness, that they should suffer no harm ; nor
were they again molested until the death of Margaret. And even
then their sufferings were light in comparison with those of former
times. And Emanuele may have been influenced by a desire to turn
away the current of persecution from his own territory when he soli-
cited the Pope to establish the Order of the Knights of St. Maurice,
incorporated with the remains of the ancient Order of St. Lazarus,
the Dukes of Savoy being always the Grand Masters, and maintaining
galleys for the defence of the Holy See against pirates, infidels, (or
Mussulmans,) and other enemies of the Church (A.D. 15/2).
In the marquisate of Saluzzo, southward of the Valleys, the \Val-
denses had many congregations, who shared in the reproach of Christ.
But while the Dukes of Savoy were labouring to exterminate evange-
lical religion from their dominions, Saluzzo was subject to the crown
of France, and, as a small and remote province, suffered less severely.
A courier was, indeed, despatched thither by Charles IX., as well as
into the other provinces, to command a massacre like that of St.
Bartholomew ; but the local authorities hesitated to fulfil so monstrous
an order. He again sent a courier to countermand the execution, and
the Christians of Saluzzo were spared. But when the Duke of
Savoy received the marquisate in addition to Piedmont, he began a
system of combined violence and persuasion that terminated in the
utter extirpation of those churches, by a decree which banished every
member who did not conform to the Roman religion, after two months'
•warning (September 23d, 1G33).
The reader shall not be troubled with a tale of Romish politics, as
they were exemplified in the proceedings of those Jesuit Missionaries
and Priest-ridden Governors, who alternately endeavoured to subdue
these oppressed people by perversion or banishment, from the dragon-
nades of 1560 to those of 1655, which drew towards them the
compassion of Europe. To speak against the Missionaries, or even
to dissuade their brethren from going to hear their sermons, was
made a civil offence, punishable with death. Many were put to death
on that account ; and by an abuse of criminal jurisdiction, innocent
persons, being Waldenses, were frequently sentenced to capital
punishment by corrupt Judges. Yet there was an extraordinary
abstinence from blood in the Inquisitors, who appear to have left the
field to the Jesuits ; and the name of but one victim, during all
that period, is preserved by the historians. This was Sebastiano
Bassano, of the valley of Lucerna, who, after suffering in a dungeon
of the Inquisition through fifteen months, was burnt to death in the
Duke's palace-yard in Turin, singing the praises of God to the last
moment (November 23d, 1623).
3x2
524 CHAPTER VII.
Every event of politics or war, every incident, the most trifling
not excepted, — the quarrels of Kings and the sports of children, — were
taken account of and woven into a tissue of accusation to justify the
vengeance that, either suddenly, or by premeditation, was poured OH
the population of the Valleys. Lying between France and Italy, con-
taining those Alpine passes that had afforded entrance to the hosts
of Hannibal, and were equally desired for purposes of invasion or
defence, the territory was often claimed by hostile Princes, and the
allegiance of the inhabitants divided. These passes were kept by the
Waldenses during an insurrection of Piedmont against the Duke, and
by this means a French army entered the duchy and restored the
government. This rendered them more obnoxious than ever to the
hatred of the Romanists who had taken part in that insurrection.
Irritated by incessant persecutions, the villagers could not refrain
from manifesting their contempt of Popery ; and, amidst their rustic
festivities, sometimes indulged in jests that might have been better
avoided, but were too childish to be worthy of judicial visitation.
Their most serious indiscretion was committed in the demolition of a
Capuchin monastery in Villaro (March, 1653). The Monks had pro-
voked this violence by the most tyrannical conduct, and many a
neighbour had been sacrificed to their insolence ; but when they
appeared as fugitives at Turin, and related that their religious house
and church were burnt, the dignitaries of the Church vowed ven-
geance. There was also at Turin, besides the Inquisition, a " Con-
gregation for the Extirpation of Heretics," whose appliances were
altogether political, and whose minute information enabled them to
fabricate charges of political misconduct against the Barbes. Antonio
Leger,* a man of great learning and talent, who had been Chaplain
of the Dutch Ambassador at Constantinople, but had returned to his
country after the greater part of the Pastors had been carried off by
pestilence, to re-organize the churches exercised a kind of episcopal
direction over them. Italian writers accuse him, especially, of med-
dling with state-affairs ; but, even if it were so, he might have been
compelled, by the necessity of his position, to interfere on behalf of
his troubled brethren ; and Jesuits are the last people in the world to
bring such an accusation with good grace. The Priests, headed by
the Pope, incessantly beset the government with solicitations to
enforce edicts of banishment suggested, or even drawn up, by the
Turin Congregation ; and the objects of their persecution, on the
other hand, made frequent applications at court for the rescinding
of orders that were contrary to the Articles of 1561, and to repeated
concessions made to them since that time. Those appeals were
rejected ; and their inevitable delays of departure, and refusal to attend
at mass, were regarded as an intolerable contumacy. Their adversaries
complained that, in spite of an edict of Carlo Emanuele I., dated from
Turin, in February, 1 602, they had presumed to purchase property
of Catholics, preach, exercise the rites of their religion, build temples,
even demolish those of the Catholics, and open schools beyond the
prescribed limits, in the valleys of Lucerna, San Martino, and Perosa.
# Uncle of the historian, Jean Leger.
THE ORDER OF GASTALDO. 525
They complained that those rebels, when required to demolish the
unlawful temples, had refused, and exhibited other signs of contumacy.
Their honest opposition to the Jesuitical efforts at perversion, and
their conduct towards unfaithful brethren, were called persecution ;
and they charged Leger with having refused the eucharist to one
Giuseppe Gondino, who had, contrary to the Waldensian discipline,
sold land to a Catholic. They affirmed, but could not satisfactorily
prove, that, on Christmas-day, 1654, an ass had been led in proces-
sion in the village of La Torre, in derision of the Church that has
often done the same thing, and still includes that humble brute
amongst the blessed by means of her lustrations.
Possessed of the idea that the spirit of the Reformation was not
patient and benevolent, as in reality it was, but seditious and profane,
and that Leger was the incorrigible leader of insurgents, Carlo
Emanuele resolved to make an end of him and them at once. He
therefore sent one Dr. Andrea Gastaldo, Councillor, Auditor, and
" General Conservator of the Holy Faith," to Lucerna, there to pub-
lish an order, that all householders of the Waldensian religion who
resided or possessed property within the boundaries of Lucerna, San
Giovanni, La Torre, Bibbiana, Fenile, Campiglione, Bricherasco, and
San Secondo, should quit those places within three days, and go to
the places " tolerated," which were Bobbio, Villaro, Angrogna, flora,
and the country of the Bouetti. This he was to enforce by the
penalties of death and confiscation, unless those heads of families
would make it appear, within twenty days, that they had both
embraced the Catholic religion, and sold their property to Catholics.
Gastaldo further commanded mass to be celebrated in the places
tolerated, forbade the Waldenses to trouble or insult the Missionary
fathers or their servants ; and threatened every one with death who
should dare to interfere with others disposed to become Catholics.
Every mind was to be left at perfect liberty! (January 25th, 1655.)
Regarding the decrees of the Duke of Savoy as laws, the last,
however contrary to decrees preceding, became law, and the order
of Gastaldo was therefore strictly legal, but barbarously severe. Mid-
winter was the season chosen, as usual, for the banishment of an
entire population. Families, not excepting women, sick and aged
persons, and young children, were to be driven from their hearths,
within three days, to places which were almost uninhabitable through
excessive cold. But the prescripts prepared to suffer. They left
their dwellings. The stronger ones led or carried the infirm, the
little children hung on the backs of weeping mothers, and the poor
shivered with limbs uncovered to the blast, as they endeavoured to make
a way over the untrodden snows. But the region was impassable :
they returned, and sent deputies to Turin, to implore pity, and plead
the grants and concessions often repeated and as often broken. The
deputies were there challenged to show credentials which they did
not possess ; and, because not accredited, were dismissed without an
answer. The prescripts had also sent messengers by post to Switzer-
land, and hoped for succours or intercession from the Protestant
cantons. Four cantons wrote letters intercessory to the Duke ; but
520 CHAPTER VII.
he replied that his subjects of the Protestant religion had, for many
years, committed excesses that could not be pardoned, — abused
favours, violated laws, treated the Catholic religion with indignity,
and, finally, had aggravated their disobedience by seeking help from
foreigners. The Swiss churches exhorted their brethren to bear per-
secution patiently, which, indeed, they wished to do, but foresaw the
event, and, committing their cause to God, determined to unite their
forces for defence. The Duke would not abate from the rigour of his
commands ; neither could they consent to surrender him their consci-
ence. About three months after the order of Gastaldo, the Marquis
of Pianezza marched five hundred regular infantry, some militia of the
country, and about two hundred horse, into the valley of Lucerna.
Heavy reinforcements immediately followed, and fifteen thousand men
were soon under his command.
He first occupied San Giovanni, a town deserted by all the inhabit-
ants, except eight or ten ; and the fugitives, who had taken refuge in
the mountain, saw them pillage, and then burn, the villages adjacent.
Fortified in La Torre, they successfully withstood the first assault.
The ducal troops then ravaged Angrogna ; but the inhabitants had
fled with the provisions, and the hungry soldiers grew doubly furious.
The Waldenses occupied the heights, while the troops ranged the low-
lauds ; and as Pianezza commanded the invaders, Janavel and Jayer
headed the peasants in their strongholds on the mountain-crests
of Bricherasco, San Giovanni, and Angrogna. The Marquis led his
men to assault in all those places ; and for three days the battle
raged. The mountaineers surprised the veteran troops by their
valour, and the Priests no less wondered at their patience ; while old
men, women, and children lay in the snows above them, and the dead
and wounded covered the rocks around. To turn the balance of war,
a body of French soldiers were sent to the help of Pianezza on the
third day : for he had gained no advantage by two days' fighting, but
lost hundreds of men. Still the combined army tugged for victory ;
and after a sanguinary battle in the plain of La Torre, routed the
Waldenses. Yet their conquest was not complete. Janavel and
Jayer rallied often, and recovered or dismantled posts which the
enemy had won. Then they both fell, the former wounded, and the
latter slain. Blood, famine, and desolation overflowed and wasted
everywhere. The invaders gave no quarter ; and the invaded only
desired to die with a good conscience.
Savoyan, Spanish, and French soldiers, not satisfied with having-
beaten men, proceeded to murder women and children. They tore
babes from their mothers' arms, and dashed them on the rocks, or
quartered them with their swords. They dragged the aged and the
sick out of their sheds, cut them to pieces, or flung them over preci-
pices. Women were violated, or subjected to shameful torments that
the pen refuses to name, much less to describe. Some were impaled,
and their bodies thus exposed on the cross-ways to the horror
of beholders ; some were mutilated and killed by the explosion of
gunpowder crammed into their mouths ; soldiers amused themselves
by tossing about limbs just severed from their trunks, and quivering
MASSACRE IN THE VALLEYS. 527
with half-extinguished life ; pregnant women were ripped open, and
babes that had never breathed were stuck on the points of halberts.
Terrible and unutterable deaths were these of fathers, mothers, sons,
daughters, husbands, wives, and infants perishing while yet unborn,
in sight of wives, husbands, daughters, sons, mothers, and fathers,
maddened or stupefied with horror. Then, like hounds, not yet sated
with the chase, others hunted among the rocks, and tracked over the
fields of snow that erewhile had not been trodden by foot of man, to
find the more vigorous who had escaped from the brutality of their
fellows, and brought back and murdered as many as they found. Nor
did they spare the bodies of the dead ; but, pressed with hunger, while
mad with hate, it is attested that they cooked human flesh, gorged
themselves therewith to nausea, and sickened with remorse. Flames
of burning villages lit up the dells ; and it seemed as if some strange
volcanic fire had broken out of the earth. Priests and Monks baited
the flames, and threw the carcases of the dead into the ashes of their
former habitations, leaving not one cottage unconsumed in several
of the communities. The Irish soldiers and those of Piedmont were,
of all others, the most rabid ; and Pianezza, raging like a master-
fiend, galloped over the reeking soil to quicken their murderous dili-
gence when wakening humanity began to plead within them. Some
few, horrified at finding themselves engaged in such a service,
deserted ; and one of them, the Sieur du Petit Bourg, first Captain
of the regiment of Grancey, made a written attestation of having
surrendered his office in disgust.
The murderers might have thought that the obscurity of the situ-
ation, the meanness of the victims, and the confusion of those days
of horror, would hide much of their abominations from the world.
But the history of persecution is nowhere more minutely vivid. Jean
Leger, Moderator of the churches, revisited the Valleys on the restora-
tion of peace, went from community to community, and, everywhere
detaining the people after public worship, caused sworn Notaries to
receive the depositions of survivers, and preserved them, duly certi-
fied, to be made use of when required. " But why," he asks, " so
great formality of depositions and of records ? For if it is true that
the blood of Abel cried to heaven against the cruelty of his brother,
the blood of so many thousand innocents — with which we ourselves
saw the land still red, immediately after the murderers had achieved
their tasks^ and had withdrawn — cries yet loud enough to be heard,
even to the ends of the earth. Bodies of young females that we still
found naked, impaled and exposed on the highways ; quarters
of children that we found scattered on the ground, and their brains
yet sticking to the rocks ; the carcases of men without legs, arms,
noses, or ears ; heads that were found cut off ;* and those which we
saw hanging on trees, with the chest laid open, and emptied of heart,
liver, and lungs ; the skins of persons who had been roasted alive,
and that we saw stretched on the window- gratings of the palace
of Lucerna : — in short, a thousand and a thousand dreadful objects,
* " Avec leur membres viril entre los ilenta."
528 CHAPTER VII.
such as * the shamefully mutilated bodies of women and children,
and innumerable spectacles of the same kind, must be acknowledged as
proofs sufficiently convincing. Let poor husbands who have just now
lost their wives and children ; let women and children who remain
widowed and fatherless, be witnesses. Let the community of Rora
answer for the butchery committed there ; for it is almost left without
inhabitant. Let the village of Taillaret answer, where we saw the
unburied bodies, or parts of bodies, of one hundred and fifty women
or children putrefying on the ground."
By many times repeated and solemn acts, the entire population had
confessed Christ, and chosen to suffer for his sake ; but amidst the
confusion of that military massacre opportunity was not afforded for
the final testimony of martyrdom to be heard, with but two exceptions.
Jean Paillas,f a poor man of the community of La Torre, after
having been beaten by some soldiers, and ill-treated by the Monks
of the convent, who endeavoured to force him to their altar, was
delivered to a hangman, by express order of the Marquis of Pianezza,
and brought into his presence. There was a ladder set up against a
tree, and he was required to renounce his heresy, with promise of
pardon, exemption from imposts, the advancement of his children, the
favour of Pianezza and their Royal Highnesses, and a handsome sum
of money wherewith to begin life, or else to mount the ladder and be
hung on the tree. They represented the torments that his wife and
eleven children would have to undergo after his death, if he were
obstinate. But, as for their offers, he told them that he counted the
crown of life that he should receive in heaven to be far more precious
than wealth and life ; and as for his wife and children, he desired no
greater grace for them than that they might all follow in his steps,
and die together with him. The Monks were enraged, and helped the
hangman to launch him into eternity ; and he submitted himself to
their hands with placid resignation. A few days after this martyr-
dom, Paulo Clemente di Rossani, Elder and Deacon of the church
of La Torre, was seized by the same soldiers and Monks, and taken
to the place where Paillas had suffered. The body was hanging on the
tree ; and, with that object in view, the Monks addressed him a long
discourse, by every motive of hope and fear exhorting him to submit
to Holy Church. But this man of God, whose unspotted life, with
fervent piety and zeal, had gained him the reverence of all the people
of the Valleys, after hearing all they had to say, answered tkus : "To
all your promises I reply, ' Get thee behind me, Satan !' And as for
your menaces, I fear them not ; for you can only kill my body. But
I do fear Him who could send both my body and my soul to hell, but
will surely receive me into His kingdom, and call you to account for
the innocent blood shed by your false zeal."
Eighty-three years had passed away in general persecution from the
massacre of the Huguenots in France on St. Bartholomew's day to
that of the AValdenses, and, in spite of such manifestations of Rornish
* " Les femmes et les Giles qu'on trouvoit eventrees par la force de la poiulre • lea
venires qu'on trouvoit farcis des pierrps ; les corps que se trouvoient sans maimiiellel."
t This name is given in the French orthography ot Leger,
INTERCESSION OF PROTESTANTS. 529
power and fury, -with the strenuous appliance of all the means of
repression which that apostasy had at its disposal, the church of God
had risen into a relative position of considerable power ; and there were
Protestant states and Princes whose indignation was more than the
Duke of Savoy could venture to despise. It was on a Sunday (April
29th, 1655) that the tidings of this massacre reached Zurich ; and the
members of the Council instantly ran together to ask each other what
it became their duty to do in so mournful an emergency. They
resolved to appoint an early day for humiliation and prayer, to make
a general collection for the relief of their fugitive and houseless
brethren, and to communicate with the States-General of Protestant
Switzerland, in order to further measures. The Council reminded
their confederates of Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, and Appenzell, that
besides praying for them to the Father of mercies, means ought to be
employed for alleviating their sufferings by alms, and for "pacifying
their Prince towards them, or, at least, for obtaining for them liberty
of transmigration " to some other country. And so prompt was their
action, that within five days more Gabriel Weiss, Captain-General
of Bern, was on his way as their deputy to the Duke ; and, on his
arrival at Eivoli, where Carlo Emanuele held his court, obtained an
audience, and presented a letter of intercession to His Royal Highness,
carefully assuring him that the sufferers had made no complaint to
themselves, but that communion of faith and Christian pity moved
them to intercede, and to pray the Duke, as an ancient ally of Swit-
zerland, to favour his subjects who were of their religion, and gra-
ciously to continue to them the concessions granted by his prede-
cessors. The Duke, and Madame Royale, his mother, heard the
verbal remonstrances of Weiss ; and, at last, Madame condescended to
say, " That although they were not obliged to give any account
of their actions to any Prince in the world, yet, nevertheless, out
of the respect they bare to that amity which they had contracted with
his masters, the cantons, they had ordered the Marquis of Pianezza to
acquaint him with the truth of these affairs." Pianezza, leader of the
dragonnade, told a long tale, to criminate the sufferers, endeavoured
to justify, or to deny, his proceedings in the Valleys, and protested,
again and again, that he never had the least design to impose on the
conscience of the Waldenses, or interfere with their religion, and that
the reports of a massacre which had been circulated were a mere
fabrication. This denial of so public a fact could not be sustained ;
but the efforts of the Swiss deputy during an anxious negotiation were
utterly ineffectual to obtain any act of mercy.
Oliver Cromwell was at this time head of the Commonwealth of
England, and, on receiving intelligence of the massacre, he put forth
all his energy and influence on behalf of the remnant of the Wal-
denses. Samuel Morland, Esq., received orders (May 23d) to prepare
himself to carry a message to the Duke of Savoy, to entreat him to
recall the merciless edict of Gastaldo, and restore his distressed
subjects to their liberties and habitations. And he was directed to
apply to the King of France in his way through that country, and
solicit his concurrence in intercession with the Duke. Mr. Morland
VOL. III. 3 Y
530 CHAPTER VII.
quitted London without delay, and, making the utmost possible speed,
received from Louis XIV. a written disclaimer of any participation in,
the doings of Carlo Emanuele, although French soldiers had been
employed in the deed of blood. He soon made his appearance at
Rivoli, where the power of England, and the reputation of Cromwell,
secured him the most courteous reception with which Savoy could
honour an Ambassador, and Carlo Emanuele and his mother found
themselves compelled to receive this most unwelcome visiter.
Attended by the Master of Ceremonies, the English Envoy pro-
ceeded, in the Duke's own carriage, to Rivoli on the day appointed
for the audience, and read their Highnesses, in presence of all the
court, a stern lecture, in Latin, then the common language of courts,
to the following effect : — " May it please Your Serene and Royal
Highness : Oliver, the most Serene Lord Protector of the Republic
of England, Scotland, and Ireland, has sent me to Your Royal High-
ness, to whom he desires hearty salutation, with long life and reign,
and great prosperity, amidst the applauses and prayers of your people,
&c., &c. As for myself, although I am a young man, and, as I
confess, have not mature experience in affairs, yet it pleased my most
serene and gracious master, being much devoted to Your Royal High-
ness, and a great lover of the Italian name, to send me to negotiate
matters of great importance, — for so must those be called which
involve the safety and the hope of so many distressed people. Their
hope rests in this, — that by their entire fidelity, obedience, and most
humble prayers, they may placate and soothe your spirit, which is
irritated against them. In behalf of these afflicted people, whose
cause pity itself may now appear to plead, even the most Serene
Protector of England comes to be the intercessor, and, with the
utmost earnestness, prays and beseeches Your Royal Highness, that
you will deign to extend your mercy to these your poor and most
outcast subjects : to those, I mean, who, inhabiting the skirts of the
Alps and certain valleys within your dominions, have given their
names to the religion of Protestants. For he has heard — may no
man say that it was done at the pleasure of Your Royal Highness ! —
that those most miserable people, in part cruelly murdered by your
forces, and in part violently expelled and driven from their hearths
and from their country, are thus without home or shelter, stripped
of everything, and destitute of all relief, -wandering, with their wives
and little ones, in wild and uninhabitable places, and perishing on the
snowy mountains. And, in those dreadful days, what kind of cruelty
did not your soldiers dare to perpetrate ? Houses everywhere in
flames ! shattered limbs ! the ground reeking with blood ! violated
and expiring virgins!* men, a hundred years of age, infirm and bed-
ridden, burnt to ashes where they lay ! babes dashed to pieces against
the rocks, or their throats cut, or their brains taken out, and, with
more than Cyclopean barbarism, boiled and eaten by the murderers !
But enough of this. Much, very much more, might I say, but for
horror I cannot. If all Neros of all times and ages could rise up
from the dead again, — be it spoken without offence to Your Highness,
* " Virgiues, post stupra differto lapillis ac ruderibus utero, misere efflarunt aniuias."
SUCCOUR FROM ENGLAND. 531
for we cannot imagine that the blame of such deeds can be imputed
to you, — this would put them to the blush. For they would find
that they had invented nothing that, in comparison with these enor-
mities, was not gentle and humane. Meanwhile the angels of heaven
shudder. Men are amazed. Heaven itself seems to be stunned with
the cries of the dying, while the soil visibly blushes with the blood
of the innocent. 0, thou most high God, exact not the vengeance
due to such atrocious villanies ! O Christ, may thy blood wash away
the stains of this blood !" The Envoy paused, his auditors endea-
voured to harden their faces against shame, and he concluded his
address in a few brief sentences, referring them, for a more perfect
understanding of his mission, to a letter from Cromwell, of which he
was the bearer.
Carlo Emanuele then took the letter, and Madame, unable to hide
her dissatisfaction, anticipated the answer by impatiently saying, that
she could not but extremely applaud the singular charity and goodness
of His Highness, the Lord Protector, towards their subjects, whose
condition would seem to have been represented to him as so very
lamentable. But she marvelled exceedingly that the malice of men
should carry them so far as to represent in such horrid colours the
parental and tender discipline which they had seen fit to exercise over
their insolent and rebellious subjects, and to render them thereby
odious to all neighbouring Princes and states, and especially to so
great and powerful a Prince as the Lord Protector. She doubted not
that, when perfectly informed, Cromwell would be so satisfied with
the Duke's proceedings, that he would withdraw all countenance from
his disobedient subjects : but, for His Highness' sake, they would
freely pardon the rebels, and even accord them such privileges and
graces as would give him sufficient evidence of the regard they had
to his person and mediation. And the Duke afterwards wrote to
Cromwell to the same effect.
No effort was spared to disguise the truth to Mr. Morland ; but his
investigations, both at Turin and in the Valleys, confirmed the worst
reports, and his " History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys
of Piemonte " is now the standard source of information on this
subject in the English language. And the Protestants of England,
not satisfied with intercession at the court of Turin, nor thinking
that their duty was all done in the offering up of prayer to the God
of heaven, sent over their alms to the destitute, who, on returning to
their native valleys, found it necessary to build new houses and to
begin their ordinary occupations as if they had been settlers in a
desert country. Collections were made, under public authority,
through England and Wales ; and the first entry on the " Abbreviate
of that Accompt " is in these words : " Given by His Highness in
particular, ^€2,000." The total sum was ^638,097. 7s. 3d., and Com-
missioners were appointed for its public and faithful distribution.
This interference of England, together with the Protestant states
of Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and Switzerland, induced the Duke
of Savoy to grant a patent of grace and pardon to the surviving
Waldenses ; but he did not choose to acknowledge that he had been
3 Y 2
532 CHAPTER VII.
moved thereto by the intercession of heretics, and therefore attributed
the honour of this involuntary clemency to the King of France and to
his mother. Clemency, however, being thus forced, could not long
endure. The fulfilment of the concessions of 1655 was both imper-
fect and brief. In less than eight years afterwards the evangelical
inhabitants of the Valleys were again constrained to abandon their
habitations, because threatened with a second massacre, and to take
up arms in self-defence. Subjected to confiscation and to exile
whenever their enemies could find any pretext for attack, they still
maintained their ground, until 1686, when Louis XIV. of France,
having revoked the edict of Nantes, banished the Ministers, torn
down the temples, dispersed the schools, and suppressed the public
worship of the Reformed, also required Vittorio Amedeo, Duke of
Savoy, to expel them from Piedmont. He feared that the Protestants
of the Delphinate, then fleeing from the prisons and galleys of France,
would find an asylum in that state, and that thus a hostile people
would multiply in his neighbourhood. The instances of so powerful
a King were not to be resisted ; the Ministers of Savoy feebly remon-
strated that the peaceful and industrious Waldenses had given no
offence to their Sovereign or their neighbours, and ventured to repre-
sent that an edict, already published, prohibiting the entrance of
refugees from France into Piedmont should be enough to satisfy
Louis. Vittorio thought himself obliged to comply with the bar-
barous requisition, and ordered that the Waldensian worship should
be suppressed, the Barbes banished, and the churches taken down.
The edict was enforced by the sword, and, after making an ineffectual,
yet sanguinary, resistance, the entire population was driven into
Switzerland. An intrepid band of eight hundred men did, indeed,
re-enter Savoy sword in hand, after a banishment of three years, and
recover a dwelling for themselves ; but those Valleys were scarcely
again heard to resound with the hymns which had been sung by elder
generations. The united forces of France and Savoy had expelled
eighteen thousand persons ; and when a favourable edict (A.D. 1694)
encouraged the persecuted race to rally around the graves of their
fathers, no more than four thousand of them could be found there.
From Oliver Cromwell to George III., the Sovereigns and people
of England contributed some trifling alms towards the support of a
few Ministers and schoolmasters ; even Napoleon Buonaparte respected
the remnant of so brave a people; and, in the year 1848, Charles
Albert honoured them with permission to re-establish their simple
worship in his dominions. There are still vestiges of that apostolic
church subsisting in the Alps ; but Rome has verified the descriptiou
of an inspired writer in regard to them, by wearing out the saints
of the Most High. No political intervention, no remittances of tem-
poral bounty, no historic pride, no patriotic enthusiasm, will suffice to
rear up again those altars, and to rekindle the fires of an extinct
devotion. We, therefore, rejoice to know that prayer has been long
offered up by British and other evangelical Christians for the children
of those old confessors, and that the Gospel is again preached among
them. The Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society takes part with
SLAVONIA. 533
others in sending them living messengers, who bear glad tidings of
peace, and whose ministry has not been left without a blessing. The
Reformation was suppressed in Italy, as we have seen, excepting only
those churches of the Alps, which were reduced thus low, but never
could be extirpated. And although earnest and spiritual religion
passed away from among them, as was to be expected after the public
ministrations of the word of God and the watchful discipline of earlier
times had ceased, there has been a constant deposit of the doctrine
of evangelical Christianity and of right principles preserved, without
doubt, to be revived for the benefit of coming generations.*
CHAPTER VIII.
The SLAVONIAN Churches ; chiefly those in Poland, Prussia, Bohemia, and Moravia,
from the Date of the Augustan Confession to the Prostration of Evangelical
Religion and civil Liberty in Poland by the Jesuits towards the Close of the
eighteenth Century,
BOHEMIA, Moravia, Poland, and a few lesser states, included
under the general designation of Slavonia, with the neighbouring
kingdom of Hungary, are now to be the field of our history.
It will be remembered that Zahera, administrator of the Calixtine
Consistory at Prague, and persecutor of the Bohemian Brethren,
whom once he had professed to favour, excited political disturbances,
while pretending to persecute the " Picards," as the Brethren were
called, was detected, banished by Ferdinand I., and, after a few years
of ignominious wandering, died miserably in Franconia.f Perhaps
the disgrace of Zahera was the immediate cause of the recall of the
Brethren whom he had exiled ; and the year of the Confession of
Augsburg (A.D. 1530) was to them a year of partial restitution and
religious freedom in Bohemia, notwithstanding the severity of Ferdi-
nand to the Reformed everywhere else, as to them also, a few years
afterwards. And that, at best, their respite from persecution can
only be described as partial, appears from the fact that a nobleman,
George the Hermit, was imprisoned for religion in the castle of
Prague (A.D. 1532), whence he wrote letters of exhortation to his
brethren, which were afterwards published. During that short respite
they ventured to continue their correspondence with Luther and the
Lutherans, and received marks of brotherly esteem from the leader
of the German Reformation, who declared that, on examining their
doctrine, and the discipline observed in their church, and hearing
of their godly conversation, his mistrust had vanished, and that he
acknowledged them as brethren. The Margrave George received a
confession of their faith, which was published at Wittemberg (A.D.
* Dr. M'Crie, History of the Reformation in Italy; Gerdesii Specimen Italia
Reformats ; L'Histoire Generate des Eglises Vaudoises, par Jean Leger ; History
of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piemonte, by Samuel Morland, Esq.
These, with a multitude of incidental authorities, are the sources of information in thia
chapter.
t Page 108, supra.
534 CHAPTER VIII.
1533), with a commendatory preface by Luther ; and the correspond-
ence between Bohemia and Saxony became frequent.
But the persecution which assailed all evangelical Christians,
even when under legal toleration, pursued the Brethren in Bohemia,
and constrained them to send another confession to their own
Sovereign, attested by the signatures of twelve Barons and thirty-three
Knights, and delivered into his hands at Vienna by Baron William
Krzinezky and Dr. Henry Domausitz, who at the same time presented
to His Majesty a petition for pity and protection. The Clergy, they
complained, unjustly accused them of the errors vulgarly attributed
to the Picards, thirsted for their blood, and taught the people that
Picards ought not to go unpunished, and that it was less sinful to
slaughter a Picard than to kill a dog. Yet their numbers multiplied,
and they soon became better known and beloved throughout the
younger churches of revived Christendom. Ferdinand, cruel and
bigoted, could not spare them altogether from the persecution he
inflicted on the Lutherans in Austria ; and when he also oppressed
the Utraquists, or Calixtines, with vexatious edicts, — one of which
was addressed to the Council of Zittau (A.D. 1538), commanding the
eucharist to be administered in one kind only, — he made no exception
in their favour, and their petition lay unanswered.
In Poland the religious innovation, perhaps not yet amounting to
evangelical reform, continued to advance ; and in Bohemia one
martyr, Catherine Zalaszowska, a woman eighty years of age, was
burnt alive in Prague (A.D. 1539). Paul III., far more earnest in
resisting the Gospel than in reforming his court,* sent a brief to the
King and to the Prelates of Poland (June 24th, 1542), urging them
to be more earnest in staying the progress of this hated doctrine.
He reminded the Bishops that, in favour to the King, he had alle-
viated the burden of their tribute to the Apostolic See, and therefore
expected an equivalent return in the extirpation of its enemies ; and
the Archbishop of Gnesen, as Primate of Poland, exhorted his bre-
thren in provincial Synod to take measures for pi'eventing further
secessions from their Church, for the number of seceders had become
formidable ; the ignorance of the Clergy was acknowledged with shame,
and the Synod lamented that, from the fewness of their number, many
churches were forsaken. By that Synod, as by some that preceded and
others that followed, severe measures of persecution were demanded
of the King, or enjoined on the faithful ; but the evangelical principle
gained strength, as well amongst the clergy as the laity. While the
Polish Priests were consulting for the maintenance of their order,
John Augusta, Senior, or Bishop, of the Brethren, was in conference
with Luther, at Wittemberg, concerning the kingdom of Christ, and,
with his valediction (A.D. 1542), received this sentence of recognition
and encouragement : — " You are the Apostle of the Slavonians, as I
and my colleagues will be of the Germans." The Bohemian Seniors
and their brethren well discharged the duties of that apostleship, and
shared in the honour of suffering persecution for their Master's sake ;
* He just afterwards commissioned two Cardinals to execute a decree for the reforma-
tion of tte court of Rome (July 14tL) ; but they never proceeded to the work.
GAM RAT, PRIMATE OF POLAND. 535
for Ferdinand no longer contented himself with minatory edicts, but
closed the churches and imprisoned the Ministers (A.D. 1544). He
also banished several from Austria, and used his imperial authority to
prevent them from finding refuge in the lesser states. A Synod
of Hungarian Bishops followed up the malevolent exertions of their
brethren in Poland and Bohemia with clamour for the banishment
of heretics, — for in that measure the Church of Rome was universally
agreed, — although it must be acknowledged, that the Prelates of
Hungary displayed some participation in the national temper of inde-
pendence, by complaining that their Austrian King had impoverished
the Clergy, and by joining in the demand for an (Ecumenical Council,
to be assembled by Caesar, if the Pope should fail to satisfy the
general demand for ecclesiastical reformation (A.D. 1545).*
Yet the Church was not quite ready to accomplish her Slavonian
crusade. The King of Poland, Sigismund I., notwithstanding the
instances of the Pope, had not yet swept away every trace of heresy,
and even the Clergy were taking an impression from the novel
doctrine. Synods were not implicitly obeyed, nor were royal orders
either pronounced or executed with sufficient vigour ; and the hope
of Rome, therefore, fell back on that body of reserve which she calls
out when superior agencies have disappointed her expectation, — the
mob. Gamrat, Archbishop of Gnesen and Bishop of Cracow, was a
man of notoriously profligate habits, but liberal to the poor, even to
profusion, and had once been greatly favoured by Queen Bona, a
dissolute woman, of Spanish extraction, and entirely under the influ-
ence of the Spanish Court. As the Primate of Poland, and as a
popular Ecclesiastic, he was the fit person to stir up the multitude,
and by that means attempted to raise a tempest of fanaticism. f
On the eve of a festival, and before proceeding to church for even-
ing prayers, Archbishop Gamrat was sitting alone in his chamber,
when a nobleman, a former companion of his in lewd convivialities,
but who had long been dead, came in and sat beside him. The Arch-
bishop was horror-struck at this visitation from the dead, speechless and
trembling, until the spectre somewhat diminished his alarm by begin-
ning a familiar conversation. "Art thou alive, then ?" said Gamrat.
"I thought thou hadst been dead ; but where is thy abode?" " I
live," replied the ghost, " and I lead a far happier life than you do."
" Can it be possible," rejoined the Prelate, " that thou who, to my
knowledge, didst depart from this life laden with crimes, and a victim
to thy vices, shouldest now be dwelling with the blessed ? I cannot
believe it." " But you may believe it," said the defunct : "just
hearken. When quite a young man, I was in Germany, and fell in
there with a person who, with sacrilegious lips, reviled the most holy
mother of God. Impatient of such wickedness, I gave him a blow,
and he, drawing his sword, challenged me to fight. I drew mine, we
fought, the profane wretch fell, and I escaped without a wound.
Fearing capital punishment for homicide, I fled, and soon forgot the
matter altogether ; but when my last hour came, and my soul was
* The Council of Trent held its first session on December 13th of the same year.
t Our authority is Raynaldus, an. 1545, no. 62.
536 CHAPTER VIII.
just about to leave the body, infernal hosts beset me, ready to carry
me away, and hope seemed to be utterly vanished. Then suddenly a
new light dawned around me. The Queen of heaven, attended by
companies of angels, hastened to my help, and the infernal monsters
fled, howling and blaspheming as they went. She, with a kind
countenance, fixed on me her eyes of mercy, and spake thus : ' My
soldier, defender of my honour, shalt thou perish ? O no ! ' Then,
turning towards her Son, she said, ' Behold the womb that bare thee,
and the paps that gave thee suck. In these arms that have often
embraced thee, I will hold this my soldier, and do thou drop on him
some of that blood which thou hast derived from me. Then will I
cause him to shed fruitful tears, sufficiently abundant to wash away
all his sins.' She had said ; and I instantly felt within me a hatred
of all my past life, I was agitated with sighs, tears gushed out of my
eyes, I felt that I had offended my most excellent Father ; and then,
as my most holy Patroness inclined her head, I felt an intense love
burning in my bosom, yet I could not give it utterance, for the dis-
ease had taken away my speech ; and thus, the most chaste Virgin
supporting me in my last moments, I expired. My soul was released
from the body, and carried by angels into heaven ; and there, not by
my own merits, — for they are very slight, if any, — but through the
divine mercy, procured for me by my Patroness, I have obtained
eternal happiness, and live indeed. Thence I am now sent to thee,
to warn thee of thy last moments. Thou wouldest have long ago
deserved, because of ingratitude for so many benefits, to die a hard
death, like the rich glutton ; but thy bounties to the poor, those
daily meals which thou hast given to beggars, those garments with
which thou hast clad the naked members of Christ, forbid that after
these merits the justice of God should rage against thee. But know
that six months hence — so far the kind Father indulges thee — thou
shalt die. Then be liberal, and consider what thou shouldest do
meanwhile : for there is yet space for pardon, if, instructed by my
example, thou dost not doubt." With these words he vanished.
The Bishop burst into tears, and did not appear in public that day ;
but remained alone longer than usual, and did not, until late, disclose
what he had seen to persons in whom he could confide. The six
months he spent like a true penitent, expiated his sins by all the
sacraments, and this year departed in good hope of everlasting life.
Of course this message from beyond the tomb was related from
the pulpits ; and although the Son of Mary had forbidden his disci-
ples to draw the sword in his defence, the superior authority of his
" most holy mother " was aUeged to offer everlasting life to every
ruffian who should enlist himself into the hosts of Mary, and murder
heretics wherever he could find them. This doctrine, as we shall see,
was, to some extent, received by the laity, yet never so cordially in
Poland as in France and Belgium. Armies were marshalled in Ger-
many under the blessings of the Church ; and the Pope once more
endeavoured to stimulate all his children by a Bull (July loth, 1546),
exhorting the faithful to prepare themselves by fasting, prayer, and
sacraments, to receive the blessing of God on the war that was to be
BOHEMIAN BRETHREN PERSECUTED. 537
waged on those rebels who obstinately despised all law, in order to
defend His holy name, extirpate heresy, and restore peace to the
Church.
From Bohemia Paul soon heard a response. The Bohemian Bre-
thren were well-wishers of the league of Smalcald, a confederacy
which the German Protestants were compelled to form in self-defence.
The Council of Prague, therefore, and the administrators of both the
Romish and Calixtine dioceses, unitedly appealed to Ferdinand for
the extirpation of the " Picards." The Chapter of Prague, also,
petitioned the King for a renewal of the former persecuting edicts, for
the nomination of a more zealous Archbishop, who would enforce
their execution, for suppression of the Romish college, wherein most
of the Professors leant towards Lutheranism, for exclusion of Luther-
. ans from the magistracy, for prohibition of Lutheran books, and for
many similar measures. In compliance with these solicitations Fer-
dinand willingly issued a decree (October 4th) of the kind desired ;
and this decree was executed in a severe persecution of the Brethren.
Many were forthwith driven out of the country, and their property
confiscated. Many were imprisoned. Among the prisoners was John.
Augusta, their oldest Bishop. His daily allowance of bread and
water was barely sufficient to sustain life : he was often scourged, and
thrice tortured on the rack, to extort confession of guilt imputed to
his brethren. His fortitude, however, was indomitable ; and it is
said that, in answer to his fervent prayers, even some of the tor-
mentors relented, and became convinced of the truth of his religion.
But he was confined for sixteen years, until the death of the King.
George Israel, his successor in the episcopacy, was also imprisoned,
and similarly treated, and a heavy ransom demanded for his freedom.
He could not pay the ransom, nor would he consent to its payment
by his flock, who offered to purchase his release. " It is enough for
me to know," said he, " that I have been once and fully ransomed by
the blood of my Saviour Jesus Christ : it is unnecessary to be ran-
somed a second time with silver or gold ; therefore, keep your money,
it will be of use to you in your approaching exile." However, he
escaped without the payment of money, by dressing himself like a
clerk, with a pen behind his ear and an ink-horn in his hand, and
walking out of the castle of Prague in broad day-light, unnoticed by
the guards. Protected by the gracious providence of God, he travelled
safely into Prussia, and eventually became the Apostle of Poland.
Many of the churches of the Brethren, whose Ministers were either
banished or in prison, were closed ; and the circumstance that any
remained open shows that their influence must have been powerful.
Many Barons and other proprietors of land, having jurisdiction on
their feudal estates, allowed them to live there unmolested ; and not
even the Romish Clergy were unanimous in persecution. One Priest,
preaching in his village pulpit, referred to them in such terms as
these : — " The words of Christ to his disciples, ' They shall put you
out of the synagogues, and they will speak all manner of evil against
you falsely, for my sake,' must be fulfilled in these days also. Not
in the Papists, who suffer nothing for the cause of Christ, but rather
VOL. in. 3 z
538 CHAPTER VIII.
persecute his real worshippers. Not in the Calixtines, who once,
perhaps, suffered some little for his name. But these words must be
understood of the Picards, brethren who are falsely so called, and
have suffered severely for the truth." The authorities of his Church
bade him recant next day ; but he affirmed still that they were the
true church, distinguished by their faith and charity, and no threat-
ening could make him change. Some fled into Morn via, and others
concealed themselves by day, and went out to meet their brethren at
night. The common people were discouraged, and many of them
complied with an edict which commanded them to return to the
Romish Church, under penalty of banishment, within six weeks. A
large body, however, conducted by their Bishop, Matthias Syon, whom
they called " the leader of the people of God," emigrated to Poland,
and were welcomed there by some of the nobility. But the Bishop
of Posen, however, obtained a royal edict which expelled them thence
after a sojourn of ten weeks. From Poland many of them travelled
into Prussia, and found protection under Duke Albert, who appointed
five Ministers to examine them, and was satisfied that they agreed, in
all things essential, with the Confession of Augsburg. An edict
(March 19th, 1549) empowered them to settle in the kingdom, with
full civil rights, retaining their own ecclesiastical constitution ; and
they distributed themselves in the towns of Marienwerder, Neiden-
burg, Garden, Hohenstein, Gilgenburg, Soldau, and Konigsberg. On
the death of Duke Albert, however, persecution revived, and the
intolerance of Lutherans forced them to quit Prussia and retire to
Moravia, whence comes their name " Moravians."
The fires had not yet been kindled in Poland ; but the Primate and
Clergy were violent in instigating the government, and stirring up the
population, against heretics, and exhibited an encyclical letter of the
Pope to animate the public zeal. And as many, even of the Bishops,
were suspected of heresy, a set of interrogatories were prepared, to
test the doubtful. They were such as these : " Dost thou believe in
the efficacy of holy water, invocation of saints, and consecration of
herbs? Dost thou believe in purgatoi'y, Pope, mass, fastings, vows,
and celibacy ? " From Bohemia again another multitude of exiles
sought refuge in strange lands, and among them \vent two hundred
more Ministers, banished by the King (A.D. 1554).
And here we must linger, for a few moments, over a movement
which gives its peculiar character to the history of that part of
reformed Europe. It was an effort, not unsuccessful for the time,
after evangelical unity, in order that the church of Christ, no longer
weakened by divisions, might find new strength, in the union of
charity, to resist the persecutor, or to evangelize the world. Three
anti-Romish communions existed simultaneously in Poland, — the
Lutheran, or Protestant ; the Helvetian, or Reformed ; and that of
the Bohemian Brethren. The last of these, driven from their country
under the decree of Ferdinand I., were many of them encouraged by
the hospitality of the Poles to continue there ; and others joined
them, notwithstanding the royal decree which denied them refuge,
and, being protected on the estates of some of the nobles, they estab-
AGREEMENT OF SENDOMIR. 539
lisbed congregations, and enjoyed some degree of prosperity. George
Israel, although his life was in peril from assassins hired by the Bishop
of Posen, laboured with apostolic diligence, and found powerful
support. Far from aiming at ascendancy over brethren of any other
name, he invited (A.D. 1553) Felix Cruciger, Superintendent of the
Reformed Church in Little Poland, and another of their Ministers,
named Stancari, to act conjointly with him, in order to effect a union
of both churches. Their conferences did not suffice to effect the
union ; but they did tend to promote the principle on which such a
union should repose. The Synod of Slomniki (November 25th, 1554)
entertained the subject ; that of Chrencice declared its judgment that
the proposed union was possible (March 24th, 1555) ; and that of
Gnievkof removed many obstacles which had hindered its accomplish-
ment. Then the Synod of Kozminek spent a full week in comparing
the doctrines and constitutions of their respective churches (from
August 24th, to September 2d, 1555). The Bohemian Brethren next,
by their representatives, presented a confession of faith, with the
form of their hierarchy and discipline, to the Helvetian Church ; and,
after a careful scrutiny, it was pronounced strictly accordant with the
Gospel and with the practice of the early church. The Helvetian and
Bohemian churches thus entered into a spiritual communion, yet
without confounding the hierarchy or disturbing the discipline of
either, and reciprocally acknowledged each other's ordinations. This
was the first achievement of Catholicism in evangelical Christendom,
that sank sectional denominations under the single name of Christ ;
and it was the result of antichristian persecution. Peter Martyr,
Sturm, Pontanus, and other large-hearted Reformers, wrote letters
of congratulation to the united churches.
The Lutherans variously regarded this event ; some with admira-
tion, and others with mistrust. A Synod of the united confessions at
Wlodislaw (A.D. 1557) made them the first overture, by inviting them
to a conference ; but three years more passed away, — while persecution
wasted the more western churches of Europe, and still hovered around
them, watching to destroy, — before two Lutheran Pastors were deputed
to attend a Synod of their brethren at Xions (A.D. 156'0), and listen
to arguments for peace. And, in the same year, a Bohemian Synod
at Posen placed on record the following admirable declaration : —
" While the ecclesiastical order which we adopt is as stated above, (in
the acts,) yet, finding ourselves intermixed with other churches, we
ought to cherish love towards them, although they possess not a
similar order. If they only have the word of God, they are to be
acknowledged as brethren : we should join with them in praising
God, and should cultivate fraternal fellowship with them, even though
there be some diversity, in case the foundation of salvation is held
intact, and no idolatry is admitted." Bigoted Lutherans then joined
Sociuians in warring against unity, — for the advocates of a safe and
Christian union had declared against that heresy which, beyond all
others, would undermine, if it were possible, the foundation of our
hope, — and the desired agreement was long deferred. The Bohemians
were even accused of heresv and intolerance, and, at the Lutheran
" 3 z 2
540 CHAPTER VIII.
Synod of Posen (A.D. 1567), submitted to answer a set of questions
drawn up by their adversaries, with the intent to discredit their
confession ; but the divines of Wittemberg being appealed to as
arbitrators in the cause, the Bohemian confession of faith was declared
to be in harmony with that of Augsburg, and deputations of the
Brethren were invited to attend at Lutheran Synods at Posen and at
Vilna, to prepare for a more solemn conference at Sendomir, where
the three confessions were to be fully represented (April 9th to 14th,
1570). After much debate, raised by the more rigid adherents of
their respective forms, the long-desired object was attained in the
" Agreement of Sendomir," an act of " mutual consent in the chief
articles of the Christian religion, between the churches of Greater and
Lesser Poland, Russia, Lithuania, and Samogitia." Each communion
retaining its own confession, ritual, and discipline, the three con-
fessions furnished a common ground of essential verities, broad
enough to sustain the whole in a conventional union for the preserva-
tion of charity. " And, at the same time, they sacredly promised
one another, that unanimously, and according to the word of God,
they would defend this mutual consent in the true and pure religion
of Christ against Papists, against sectarians, (chiefly Socinians,) and
against all the enemies of the Gospel and of the truth." After over-
coming some considerable difficulty as to the manner of speaking
concerning the eucharist, wherein the Saxons and Bohemians chiefly
differed, they agreed to " bury in deepest silence all quarrels, distrac-
tions, and disputes by which the course of the Gospel had been
hindered, to the grief of good men, and to the dishonour of Christi-
anity ; obliging themselves to be careful for public peace and tran-
quillity, to render each other mutual charity, and to labour together for
the edification of the church, and for the good of all the brethren. They
further engaged to promote this union by inviting and persuading
others to join therein, and, by frequent hearing of the word of God,
participation of the sacraments, and other accustomed means, to pro-
mote vital piety. Finally, they obliged themselves to be unmindful
of their private interests, as becomes true Ministers of God, and only
to promote and spread the glory of Jesus Christ their Saviour, and
the truth of the Gospel, both by word and deed." This was the
celebrated Consensus Sendomiriensis, which endured through the
shocks of twenty-five years, when the bitterness of theological dis-
putation tarnished the honour of the new-born church of Christ,
disunited brethren, and gave the enemies of Christianity a fatal
advantage which they have not yet ceased to use.* The stern
Lutherans became uneasy in the effort to exercise a charity they had
not yet learned, and eventually receded from the compact ; but, after
a short interval, the members of the Helvetian confession in Poland,
or many of them, again united with the Bohemians, and from the
Synods of Ostrorog, in 1620 and 1629, the two communions became
* This must not be understood as an indiscriminate censure on the Lutherans.
The habit of resistance acquired in struggling against Popery indisposed them
from that liberality of mind which now needs, with many of ourselves, the check of a
sterner jealousy for the truth.
VR1EST STARVED TO DEATH. 541
one, under the designation which had sometimes been taken by the
Bohemian fathers, Unit as Fratrum.
After the emigration from Bohemia in 1548, the force of persecu-
tion in that country appears to have abated ; and as long as the
nobles retained their liberties, the Brethren found protection on their
estates. This refuge was eventually taken from them ; and we shall
have to mark the downfal of civil and religious liberty together,
under the tyranny of the Emperor Ferdinand, King of Bohemia. But
the stream of suffering now flows through Poland.* We cannot
fathom it ; but a few examples will serve as marks to show its progress.
The Governor and the Vicar of a town -f in the province of Kurow
united in teaching the inhabitants the truths of the Gospel, and gra-
dually succeeded in abolishing the superstitious practices of Komanism.
The Bishop of Cracow, on hearing of the moral revolution which had
come to pass there, summoned them both to appear before himself at
Lublin. The Governor did not obey the summons ; but the Vicar,
Nicholas, honoured the mandate of his diocesan, and presented him-
self to undergo examination. The Bishop employed both menaces
and allurements, but Nicholas maintained his ground ; and the sen-
tence was not yet pronounced, when he had permission to occupy a
pulpit and address the people, the Prelate hoping that he might use
that opportunity to unsay his former teaching, and leave a triumph
to the Church without being deterred by the shame of a penitential
abjuration. Bishop, Priests, courtiers, citizens, and rustics were
mingled in a densely crowded congregation, and he calmly exhorted
them all to accept the religion of the Gospel, and renounce the
Popish error and idolatry. From the pulpit he was conducted to a
dungeon, not to be racked nor burned, but to die for want of nourish-
ment. When life was nearly extinct, a servant of the keeper of the
castle came into the cell, and, perceiving that he still breathed, killed
him by the stroke of a bar. It was found that he had eaten a book
which he had taken with him to beguile the solitude (A.D. 1533).
George Israel, a venerable Bishop of the Bohemian Brethren, had
collected a congregation in Posen (Posnania) in the year 1551, which
he visited frequently, coming over in disguise from Prussia. The
assemblies were not very numerous ; and that the sound of their
hymns or the voice of the preacher might not be heard on the out-
side, they were used to stuff the windows with pillows, while faithful
porters prevented the entrance of unknown persons at the door. The
Bishop of Posen, Benedict Isbinski, aware of his visits to the city,
employed a gang of forty men to waylay and murder him ; but,
although he knew the danger, fear hindered him not, and, trusting in
divine Providence, he persevered in tending the flock which God had
given him. Variously attired, he went from house to house; and
sometimes appearing as a coachman, sometimes as a cook, or as a
tradesman, he found admission, and was welcomed by the master
of the dwelling as his Bishop : while the murderers in the street had
* Ancient Poland. The reader will find some places named aa Polish which he ia
now accustomed to regard as altogether Russian or Prussian,
t Zbansciorwn, Regenvolscius.
542 CHAPTER VIII.
seen him enter without the least suspicion that it was George Israel.
On the decease of Bishop Isbiuski, Andrew Czarnkowski succeeded to
the mitre, and, stimulated by his Canons, resolved to distinguish
himself from his predecessor by some bolder deed. First, then, he
summoned to his bar a citizen, George Gricer, in whose house a congre-
gation met, and accused him of having forsaken the Roman Catholic
faith which the kingdom of Poland had lately received,* adhered to
a certain sect of Picards whom the Church condemned, and, refusing
the lawful rites, followed abominable customs, and held conventicles
in his own house and the houses of other citizens, in the city and out
of it, by day and by night, partaken of the eucharist in both kinds,
and persuaded others to partake of it, and sent his children to be
taught by a certain Picard in his neighbourhood. Here was to be, at
once, a trial of the question of liberty of conscience in Posen ; and
Gricer desired a week to consider of his answers. But the Bishop
saw reason not to call him up again. Still he persisted in displaying
authority, and ventured to convict of heresy James, a druggist, and
Seraphine, a tailor, because they refused to acknowledge the Pope as
head of the Church, and delivered them over to the civil Magistrate
to be burnt. But when the druggist and the tailor were brought into
the civil court, Luke, Count of Gorka, and Palatine of Posen, Stanis-
laus, Count of Ostrorog, and some other nobles, interfered, and
discharged the prisoners, who were not troubled again on that
account.
A short time afterwards, Czarnkowski made another effort to sub-
due heresy in Posen, in the person of Paul, a tailor, whom he cited
into his presence, and proceeded to examine according to the techni-
calities of canon law. The tailor paid no regard to the formalities
of language, but plainly confessed the true catholic faith ; and pro-
tested that he would not renounce that faith until convinced otherwise
by the word of God. After a long conversation the Bishop sent him
to prison, but released him on bail at the end of ten days, not daring
to deal with a layman as his brother of Kurow had dealt with the
Priest. A term of fourteen days was set for his appearance in the
Bishop's court again, when Count Ostrorog, and several other noble-
men, and a strong party of servants, being in all upwards of a hun-
dred, well mounted, rode into the village where the Prelate lived, and
where the court was to be held. Czarnkowski, informed of the ap-
proaching cavalcade, wrote an edict against Paul, as if he had been a
heretic already condemned, and this done, coolly walked out to meet
the nobles, and invited them into his palace, with the utmost possible
civility. Having accepted his invitation, they began to inquire con-
cerning the case of Paul the tailor, and were surprised at being told
that he had been summoned for a much earlier hour that day, and
that his case was settled. They demanded a sight of the articles on
which he had been convicted of heresy. The Bishop produced none.
They expressed their indignation that a man had been condemned for
heresy without proof. " Magnificent Lords !" said he, " I wonder
exceedingly that you expostulate with me at this rate, as if I had
* Five or six hundred years before.
CZARNKOWSKI, BISHOP OF POSEN. 543
inflicted some injury on a person of your own order. Is it possible
that you have undertaken to patronise a man that is a plebeian, and a
tailor, too ?" Count Ostrorog, unable to bridle his anger any longer,
told the haughty Priest that the object of their concern was not Paul
the tailor, but Paul the citizen ; that what he then wished to perpe-
trate on a tailor he might, if suffered, perpetrate the next day on a
nobleman ; and that if such judgments were permitted, he alone being
witness, prosecutor, and judge, and all this in a corner, not before the
public, no one was safe, and the noblemen then standing at his side
might be thrown into the fire without remedy. And if that tailor
were a heretic, he, Ostrorog, according to the Bishop's judgment,
would be a heretic also. " God forbid ! my Lord Ostrorog," replied
Czarnkowski, gently : " we know how it behoves us to conduct ourselves
towards your Lordship : do not think so hardly of us." But Ostrorog
was actually a member of the "Unity of Brethren ;" and when the
Bishop entreated him to wash his hands and be seated at table, he
spurned the invitation. " If I were to eat bread with such a Judge,
I should fear that it would poison me. I will not." And he left the
room, entered his carriage, and rode home. The others followed him,
and found that he had taken up Paul the tailor by the way, and
seated him at his own table, where they all dined together. And
forthwith the Count opened his house for the preaching of the Gospel
(May 1st, 1553), not with padded windows, but with open doors,
and made a public confession of the Gospel, the venerable George
Israel being preacher. Yet once more Czarnkowski summoned the
tailor, and formally condemned him as a heretic ; but could proceed no
further, it being impossible to withstand the indignation of the nobles
(May 21st, 1554).
The nobles and the prelates of Poland were now in a state of hos-
tility towards each other ; and their quarrel gave rise to some most
important events in the history of Poland. Affairs of religious
discipline and civil jurisdiction were incessantly confounded ; and, at
last, the King had been compelled, with assent of the majority of the
Diet, to declare that the cognizance of causes of religion, and deci-
sion concerning new doctrines, should pertain to the Bishops only :
but that it should by no means belong to them to pass any sentence
touching honour or life ; and that from that time (A.D. 1552) the
penal jurisdiction of Bishops in causes of innovation in religion had
utterly ceased. The Bishops protested, but without avail : the
doctrine of the Reformation found acceptance in all parts of Poland ;
and many Clergymen of all degrees, casting off the celibacy imposed
on them, openly married, and were supported in so doing both by the
nobles and the people. The Priests, therefore, besought the Pope to
send a Legate into Poland, if haply he might confirm the wavering
obedience to the Roman See ; and further prayed him that the Legate
might continue there in the character of Nuncio,* as in Spain,
France, and elsewhere, constantly to watch over the interests of the
* A Legate, Legatus a la/ere, is an Envoy Plenipotentiary of the Pope. A Nuncio,
Nnntiun, is a resident representative, not invested with those full powers which His
Holiness only grants for great emergencies.
544 CHAPTER VIII.
Roman See. Paul IV. readily acceded to so welcome a request ; and
Lodovico Lippomano, Bishop of Verona, a learned Venetian, was the
first Nuncio in Poland (A.D. 1556) ; and, on his arrival, convened a
Synod to consider wheat could be done to save that kingdom from
being drawn into the vortex which had absorbed a great part of
Germany, and from which England seemed, but only seemed, to have
been just recovered. For a moment, too, they appeared likely to
have some success ; for, by virtue of laws against heresy not yet
repealed, they obtained authority to close the church at Ostrorog.
That church, however, was soon re-opened ; and then the Lutherans,
taking fresh courage, erected one also for themselves. The King,
hesitating between the opposing influences of clergy and laity, was
appealed to by both. The latter claimed protection, and the former
demanded fealty to the Church. This importunity was enforced by a
brief from the Pontiff to the King of Poland, wherein he complained
that in four of the chief cities of his dominions, Dantzic, Elbing,
Thorn, and Marienburg, the communion had been publicly given to
the people in both kinds, contrary to the practice of the Church ;
and that divine service had been performed there in the vulgar tongue,
which ought to be so much the more severely punished, as it was
done in contradiction to the order of the King himself, published in
an assembly in presence of the Bishop of Verona, Apostolic Nuncio,
and was injurious to royal majesty, as well as to the Holy See. He
therefore exhorted, admonished, and prayed him to use his ordinary
prudence to repress those disorders which tended to overthrow the
Catholic religion in his kingdom, with utter destruction of his autho-
rity, and abolition of the holy customs of the Church. He called on
him to proceed against all those evils before they should gather
strength, and the scandal grow yet greater ; to compel the observance
of the laws he had himself established, and punish with the utmost
severity those who broke them. Stanislaus Hosius, Bishop of Wannia,
employed his pen in defence of the declining faith, a practical confes-
sion that force could no longer be trusted for its maintenance. Com-
munion under both species, he endeavoured to demonstrate, was an
innovation. Heretical impostors had deceived the people, promising
to give them the blood of Christ in their communion, whereas that
which they gave was no more than common wine ; and the bread
only such as was eaten at their tables ; and the Church of Rome was
slandered by those who said that the blood of the Saviour was not
given to the faithful in the host, his true body, since the body and
blood of Christ cannot be dissevered. But neither brief nor book
could turn back the stream of innovation. The sons of Polish fami-
lies, taught in German universities, returned to their country, imbued
with the principles of the Reformation : but the Socini and Ochino
from Italy, with others of the same caste, also disseminated their
heresy, which was readily adopted by the multitudes whose Protest-
antism consisted rather in enmity against the priesthood than in
regard to Christianity ; and Socinianism, mingled with politics, spoiled
the spirit of the Reformation in Poland. Yet the Bohemian Brethren
shone as lights in a dark place, and upheld the standard of evangelical
THOMAS OF POL.OZK. 545
religion when others were casting it away. And for the time, the
Bishops were deprived of the power to inflict judicial penalties on
nonconformists.
An intolerant priesthood is ingenious enough to persecute, even
unto death, without very obvious violation of the law, and without
instant detection ; and the following note of Count Valerian Krasinski
may be presumed to convey an intimation of facts that have no his-
toric record : " Martinus Krowicki, whom we have mentioned as having
been persecuted for his marriage, wrote the following Polish lines,
replete with the most terrible accusation against the bloody persecu-
tions of the Roman Clergy in Poland:" (the lines follow, and are
translated thus :) " ' If the dungeons of Cracow could speak, if the
tortures of Lipowiec dared to talk, every body would know how peo-
ple were starved, beaten, and tormented in a pagan manner. Ye shall
have to answer to God for the death of the Priest Michel ; but
although you will burn all his books, you shall never destroy the
divine truth, which proves that ye are Scribes, Pharisees, and con-
demned people.' It is impossible to know who was the Priest Michel
alluded to in these lines, and what kind of death he suffered." *
Leaving Poland for the present, we find a Slavonian martyr in
that remote region which is now marked on our maps as the north-
west division of Russia in Europe. Three Monks, wearing the habit
and observing the rites of the Greek Church, came to Vitebsk, which
was even at that time a populous and noted city. Their names were
Theodosius, Artemius, and Thomas. Possessing no other language
than their vernacular, nor any greater learning than that of the
humbler members of their order of " Black Monks," they called the
inhabitants to repentance, condemned the worship of idols, caused
images to be broken and removed, first from private houses, and then
from the public edifices ; and exhorted the multitude to pray to God
alone, through the intercession of our Lord Jesus Christ, by aid of
the Holy Spirit, and according to His word. Their fidelity and zeal
provoked the Greek Priests, who incited the more superstitious of the
people to assail them, and they were compelled to flee for life into
Lithuania, where they could preach with greater freedom (A.D. 1551).
Theodosius, being then eighty years of age, soon died. Artemius
found refuge with a friendly nobleman. Thomas, the most eloquent
of the three, and best instructed in the holy Scriptures, devoted him-
self to the ministry of the Gospel, casting off the Monkish habit ;
and after a few years, when the Gospel began to spread in Polozk, a
town near Vitebsk, he went thither to instruct the inquirers and form,
them into a church. After he had spent several years in this import-
ant service, Polozk was attacked by John Basilides, Grand Duke
of Muscovy (February 13th, 1563), who took the place, and treated
the inhabitants with great severity. The Reformed Pastor, Thomas,
became the object of his bitterest hatred ; for he was known to have
renounced the Duke's religion, and had become eminent for persevering
diligence in bringing over multitudes to faith in Christ. The Don being
then frozen, he had him taken on the ice and killed by blows of a
* Sketch of the Reformation in Poland, vol. i., p. 177-
VOL. III. 4 A
CHAPTER VIII.
cudgel on his head, and caused his body to be thrown into the river
through an opening broken in the ice. But his works followed him
into the realms of glory. The men of Vitebsk never forgot the ser-
mons of the three Monks ; but, weary of idolatry, invited Ministers
of the word of God from Lithuania and Poland, who went at their
request, preached Christ without hinderance, and erected a church in
one of the chief places of the city, where a numerous congregation
regularly assembled to hear the word of life, and unite in all the
solemnities of worship. And from that time Polozk, a royal city,
gave welcome to the Gospel of Christ, and became the home of a truly
evangelical church.
In Bohemia, meanwhile, the same good work flourished with the
United Brethren, whom, therefore, the world hated ; and again the
cloud of persecution lowered. The Emperor Maximilian II. had
given them permission to open their churches for public worship, and
they were rejoicing in the privilege, when Joachim von Neuhaus, Chan-
cellor of Bohemia, instigated by the Priests, set out from Prague to
Vienna with the draft of an edict for closing them again, and renew-
ing the severest measures of repression. Maximilian allowed himself
to be persuaded that the public peace required such an edict, and
with considerable reluctance gave it the imperial signature. Elated
with success, Joachim mounted his chariot to return with the instru-
ment of tyranny, and was crossing the Danube with it, when the frail
bridge gave way under the weight of his equipage, and he and a great
part of his train were drowned. A young nobleman, swimming his
horse across the river, saw the Chancellor rise to the surface, caught
him by his gold chain, and kept the body from sinking, until some
fishermen rowed to the spot, and took it into their boat. But life was
extinct. The box containing the edict which, if executed, would have
caused the violent death of many thousands, was never found. The
Emperor refused to renew the document which Heaven had cancelled ;
and the nobleman, sharing in the conviction, but more deeply, that
the hand of God had smitten the persecutor of His people, forthwith
joined the Unity of Brethren (A.D. 1565). Their enemies were more
successful in Prussia, where, after the death of Duke Albert and his
Duchess on the same day (March 20th, 1568), they obtained from
the new Duke a prohibition to the Brethren there from hearing Bohe-
mian preachers, and a command to subscribe a set of Romanized
articles of faith. Unable to submit, most of them went to Poland
(A.D. 1574) ; but a few remained, and held communion secretly.
The affairs of the Brethren and other Protestants in Poland now
demand our mournful attention.
Sigismund Augustus, King of Poland, died on the Tth of July,
1572, without issue. The Polish monarchy was elective ; but, as it
had become usual to confer the crown on the heir of the deceased
Sovereign, the nation seldom exercised its right uninfluenced by the
consideration of inheritance. It now became necessary to do so, and
there were no fewer than five candidates for the throne, or, at least,
five proposals. The Papal Nuncio, Cardinal Commendone, most
strenuously laboured by all methods, open and secret, honest and dis-
DUKE OF ANJOO KING OF POLAND. 547
honest, to obtain a zealot or a creature of the Church ; or, by divid-
ing the Protestants, prevent the election of one who would be likely
to show them favour. However, after negotiation with the court
of Paris, whence a splendid embassy was sent into Poland, the Diet
of election chose Henry de Valois, Duke of Anjou.
Previously to this election, the states of Poland assembled at
Warsaw passed (January 6th, 1573) an "act of confederation," which
gave perfect equality of rights and privileges to persons of all Chris-
tian denominations in the kingdom. It went even beyond the estab-
lishment of civil equality, by abolishing the obligation of patrons to
bestow benefices exclusively on Clerks of the Church of Rome. The act,
however, was disfigured by an article which gave land-owners full autho-
rity over their subjects in matters of religion ; but allowance must be
made in estimating such enactments for the strength of feudalism in
Polish society, and for the imperfect notions of the time in regard to
personal freedom and responsibility. The Priests themselves, be it
observed, proposed this measure, finding it expedient, at that juncture,
to make an extraordinary show of liberality, thereby to disarm the
opposition of their inveterate antagonists, — the nobles, — and provide
themselves with a larger share of present influence in the election and
management of a King. Karnkowski, Bishop of Cujavia, drew up
the equitable articles, and Krasinski, Bishop of Cracow and Vice-
Chaucellor of Poland, gave his signature ; but the Cardinal Commen-
done feared the consequences of even a temporary concession, and
opposed it from the first. The majority of the Bishops followed him,
and withheld their signatures. Before the death of Sigismund, the
Duke of Aujou had been privately mentioned as a future candidate
for the crown ; and non-official correspondence between the royal
family of France and the nobles of Poland had begun. At that time
the Reformed were thought to be in power at Paris ; and the Duke,
with his accomplices in the scheme that found its consummation on
St. Bartholomew's day, was regarded as their friend. Their Polish
brethren, under this illusion, favoured his election to the throne ; but
the intelligence of that massacre taught them the necessity of the most
lively caution ; and when the day for election came, they would have
voted for a native Pole, could one have been found willing to face the
opposition of party jealousies. On an early day, the Nuncio Com-
mendone presumed to present himself in the assemblage at Warsaw,
and advise the rejection of any candidate not a member of the Church
of Rome. But this effrontery called forth severe rebuke ; and, in
spite of all his tenacity, he was ordered to leave Warsaw, with other
foreign Ambassadors, before the day of election. The Protestants,
finding themselves obliged to consent to the choice of the French
Duke, resolved to exact ample security for their religious rights, and
proposed conditions favourable, not only to themselves at home, but
to the remnant of their brethren in France ; and the French Ambas-
sadors, Montluc and Lansac, rather than see their master rejected at
the last hour, consented to the inclusion of those conditions in the
treaty, and signed them on his behalf. " By these conditions, signed
at Plock on the 4th of May, 1573, the King of France was to grant a
4 A 2
548 CHAPTER VIII.
complete amnesty to the Protestants of that country, as well as perfect
liberty of religious exercise. All who wished to leave the country
were at liberty to sell their properties, or to receive their incomes,
provided they did not retire into the dominions of the enemies
of France ; whilst those who had emigrated could return to their
homes. All proceedings against persons accused of the conspiracy
of Paris were to be cancelled. Those who had been condemned were
to be restored to honour and property ; and a compensation was to
be given to the children of those who had been murdered. Every
Protestant who was condemned to exile, or obliged to flee, was to be
restored to his properties, dignities, &c. The King was to assign, in
every province, towns where the Protestants might freely exercise
their religion." To us who can review the course of deceit habitually
pursued by the court of Paris, it will not appear strange that the
Ambassadors accepted a stipulation which they could not have believed
the Duke of Anjou would fulfil.
Now began the labours of the Romanists to nullify this compact.
The Archbishop of Gnesen, who, as Primate, in pursuance of an ancient
custom, governed Poland during the interregnum, proclaimed Henry
King-elect (May 9th) ; but in his proclamation omitted all mention
of religious and political liberty ; and the Protestants, therefore, assem-
bled at Grochow, a place about two miles from Warsaw, with a con-
siderable armed force, and proclaimed their opposition to the newly-
elected Monarch until the constitutional liberties of Poland should be
secured. By this timely demonstration the Cardinal and his party
were induced to give way, and with a portentous facility agreed to the
demand of the Protestants, who further stipulated with the represent-
atives of Henry, that, should he break those promises, his right to
occupy the throne would cease. An embassy of noblemen then went
to Paris to salute Anjou as King of Poland. They astonished the
Parisians by the magnificence of their trains, and each Ambassador
outshone his retinue by brilliancy of diplomatic qualifications. There
was not one of the twelve who could not speak Latin, so efficient had
been their education in Germany as well as in their own country.
Many spoke German and Italian also ; and some conversed in French
•with so great purity that they might have been taken for natives.
Thuanus, who was present, acknowledged that the French courtiers
•were shamefully insignificant in comparison with the accomplished
strangers.
At their approach the military persecution of the Protestants had
been relaxed, and no pains were spared to persuade them that a day
of mercy was at hand. But the conditions accepted at Warsaw were
not ratified in the Louvre ; and the Protestant members of the embassy
found themselves deserted by their colleagues, and unable to obtain
anything for the French Reformed beyond formal and evasive pro-
mises. They told Charles IX. plainly, that they would not have
offered the crown to his brother unless they had been induced to hope
that, in consideration of the gift, he would have ceased from making
war upon his subjects on account of their religion. "With us," said
they, " public peace and common tranquillity have been preserved,
THE PAPISTS ADVISE PERJURY. 549
because our Kings have given every one liberty of conscience. We
have drawn up articles containing easy measures of pacification already
sworn by express words in the name and on the faith of your Majesty.
But with extreme regret we see that the promises and articles that
\vere sworn to, have not been kept towards those of our religion." *
But while Charles heard these and many such remonstrances, other
counsels were laid up in his bosom. Hosius, the Legate in Poland,
had pronounced the act of confederation a criminal conspiracy against
God, and declared that it ought to be abolished by the new King. He
earnestly advised the Archbishop of Gnesen, and others, to prevent
Henry from confirming by his coronation-oath the religious liberties
of Poland. And after Henry had taken the oath, he recommended
him to break it ; and maintained, that for breaking an oath given to
heretics not even absolution was required. And while Henry was ou
his way to take possession of the throne, he sent a confidential mes-
senger to meet him with a letter (October 19th, 1573), in which he
advised him not to " follow the example of Herod, but rather that of
David, who, to his greatest praise, kept not what he had thoughtlessly
sworn. It mattered not in the present case about a single Nabal,
but about thousands of souls who would be delivered into the power
of the devil." f His Confessor was directed to instruct him in his
duty to break his engagement and renounce his oath; and the Polish
Priests, despite their former acquiescence in the act of confederation,
were heard declaiming against it in the churches, and foretelling that
it would be a cause of revolts in Poland like those of the peasants in
Westphalia. The Popish nobles of one palatinate were so enraged,
that they sent a delegate to France to pray their new King not to
confirm the grant of liberty of conscience. One Bishop Solikowski
interposed a counsel which, if not less guilty, was more cunning. He
advised Henry to submit to the necessity of the occasion, to promise and
swear whatever was demanded, so as to prevent a civil war ; but, when
once possessed of the throne, to use every means to crush heresy,
which his absolute power might enable him to do without any very
violent effort. Henry was wise enough to refuse an audience to
the delegate, and deny the validity of a protest sent him by the
Archbishop.
Konarski, representing the Archbishop, persisted in his intention
to present the protest of his principal, which he did when Henry was
surrounded by the embassy and the French court, to receive the
diploma of election in the church of Notre Dame (September 10th).
This roused Zborowski, one of the Protestant Ambassadors, who said
aloud to Montluc, " Had you not accepted, in the name of the Duke,
the conditions of religious liberty, our opposition would have pre-
vented this Duke from being elected our Monarch." Henry seemed
astonished ; and therefore he repeated the declaration, and added :
" If you do not confirm these conditions, you will not be King."
But he would not miss the crown, and therefore gave the oath ; but
after having sworn, he granted the Bishop a written testimony to his
* Krasinski, vol. ii., p. 30. t Ibid., p. 31 .
550 CHAPTER VIII.
protestation, that liberty of religious confessions was not to injure the
authority of the Church of Rome.
This ceremony having been performed, Henry left Paris, and tra-
velled slowly towards his future kingdom. Graziani, Secretary
of Cardinal Commendone, met him in Saxony, and hastened to
instruct him concerning his duty towards his new subjects. He told
him that the Kings of Poland were absolute masters of the life and
death of all their subjects : that to them alone all appeals were made
by Magistrates of towns and provinces : that they alone interpreted
the laws and the constitution : that the Senate could do no more than
advise, the royal decisions being absolute. From them alone, he said,
wealth, dignity, and honours flowed. Affairs of state and arrange-
ments of finance depended entirely on their sovereign pleasure. The
choice of Magistrates would, therefore, be wholly with Henry ; yet in
making it great caution would be necessary, as fidelity could only be
expected from Catholics. Some would advise him to conciliate
heretics by favours and rewards ; but that advice was neither safe nor
faithful, since nations must deserve favours by submission, not wrest
them from Kings by compulsion. As for those heretics, he needed
not to fear their resentment ; for they were weak, without leaders, and
without forces ; and if they saw that Catholicism was the only path
to royal favour, they would surely take it. After this tenor, and at
great length, Graziani undertook to teach his young King ; and he
also tells us that he advised him to keep up the martial spirit of the
nation by engaging in a war with the Czar of Muscovy, not so much,
as he acknowledges, from any motive of national utility, as because
a state of war would be less favourable to the indulgence of specu-
lations on the mysteries of religion. So elevated was the devotion
of this officious Priest !
On the arrival of Henry in Poland (January 25th, 1574), the
country was agitated with fear. The perfidious notions of Hosius, the
Archbishop, and the higher Clergy, now adopted by the body of the
priesthood, were known to every one ; and not only the Protestants, but
every true Pole, dreaded the reign of a King who had already partici-
pated in the French massacres, and now appeared to be given over to
Romish influences. The hour of coronation drew near, but the form
of the coronation-oath was not yet settled. A few Protestant grandees,
therefore, went to his closet on the morning of that solemnity, and
besought him to confirm what he had sworn in Paris. Henry gave
them no more than a vague assurance that he would guarantee the
honour and properties of the Protestants. Thence they proceeded to
the church. The ceremonial of benediction and coronation advanced,
but no oath to Protestants was taken ; and just when the crown was
about to be placed upon the head of the stranger, Firley, Grand
Marshal of Poland, interrupted his coronation, by declaring that
unless the oath already taken was again pronounced, he would not
permit it to proceed. Dembinski, the Grand Chancellor, also a Pro-
testant, joined the Marshal, and they approached the Duke who was
kneeling on the steps of the altar, and presented him a scroll contain-
ing the oath he had sworn in Paris. The Duke arose, terrified ; the
DUKE OF TRANSYLVANIA KING OP POLAND. 551
by-standers, too, were mute ; and Firley, taking the crown of Poland
in his hand, said in a loud voice, "Si non jurabis, non regnabis."
" If thou wilt not swear, thou shalt not be King." Patriotism, reli-
gion, honour, and conscience, ranged on the same side, were not to
be resisted ; and, after some hurried parley, the Duke of Anjou
reluctantly swore that the Protestants of Poland should be free. Then
he became their Sovereign.
But it could not be expected that an oath so extorted would be
kept. The influence of the leading Protestants thenceforth visibly
declined at court ; and the noble-hearted Chancellor soon died, not
without suspicion of poison. As for King Henry, he found that in
the anointing of that day there had been no blessing. His miserable
brother Charles IX. died, and, on receiving tidings of the vacation
of the hereditary throne, he precipitately returned to France (June,
1574), leaving his alien subjects disgusted with his profligacy, which
had become unbounded. A national Diet assembled at Stenzyca after-
wards declared the throne of Poland vacant (May 22d, 15/5), and
confirmed the religious liberties of all communions, the Socinian
excepted, according to the act of confederation.
Stephen Battory, Duke of Transylvania, a native of Hungary, was
eventually elected to the throne. He was a Protestant, and the hopes
of the Protestants ran high when his election was assured. But with
the deputation who announced to him his almost unexpected eleva-
tion, and who were almost all an ti- Romanists, the Priest Solikowski
also proceeded to his residence, and, in spite of their vigilance,
obtained a secret interview with him at night, and persuaded him that
it would be impossible to retain his newly-acquired royalty, of which
one condition was marriage with a bigoted Princess, Anna, sister
of Sigismund Augustus, unless he would conform to Rome. He suf-
fered himself to be persuaded ; and the next day astonished and dis-
appointed his friends by going to mass. And the event showed them
that whatever may be introduced into a country, or established there,
by political means, the Gospel cannot. In deference to the powerful
party who demanded religious liberty, Stephen Battory professedly
upheld the law which gave it ; but he patronized the Jesuits, and thus
nullified whatever benefits might have resulted from his heartless
impartiality.
The Romish Clergy and the nobility of Poland were consequently
thrown into real, if not formal, hostility to each other ; and the mul-
titude was divided in adherence to the adverse parties. Wherever the
Jesuits were established, they ruled the mob, and, notwithstanding
law, the Protestants were sufferers.
Those tumultuary persecutions began at Cracow, during the inter-
regnum between Henry and Stephen Battory. The preachers had
inculcated the maxim of Constance, recently avowed by Hosius, and
applauded by the Court of Rome, that no faith was to be kept with
heretics. On a Sunday, while the members of the Reformed Church
were assembled at worship, a mob, headed by students from the
University, surrounded the sacred edifice, and attacked it on all sides.
The men within repelled the assailants, and they retired for the time.
552 CHAPTER VHI.
But on the Tuesday following (October 12th, 1574), they again col-
lected in greater force, broke into the building, which they ransacked,
and carried off money and valuables belonging to the church, and
other treasure deposited there by the nobles, to the amount of fifty
thousand ducats. The Romanists were not strong enough to obtain
complete impunity, and five of their agents from among the lowest
populace suffered capital punishment ; but the leaders of the outrage
escaped. A few months afterwards the mob went to the Protestant
burial-ground, tore down the wall surrounding it, opened the more
recent graves, exhumed the bodies and treated them with savage
indignity. The corpse of Myszkowski, late Palatine of Cracow, was
an object of peculiar insult ; but the outrage passed without notice by
the magistracy of the city. While these things took place at Cracow,
Hosius held a Synod at Warmia, and there heretics were declared unfit
to possess landed property. The Synod prohibited mixed marriages,
sponsorship of Romanists at Protestant baptisms, the use of books
not confirmed by ecclesiastical authority, and even familiar salutations
between Priests and evangelical Ministers. They also devised methods
for the recovery of tithes from Protestant land-owners, and for the
seizure cf churches which had passed over to Protestantism, together
with the converts. A few law-suits were decided in their favour :
but by the reaction of better principle, the course of legislation
became adverse to their demands ; a national Diet (A.D. 15/7) de-
prived the Clergy of their jurisdiction and unconstitutional immunities;
and other Diets reversed those judgments of tribunals which had been
given in their favour.
Glorying in insubordination to legal authorities, the Jesuits repeated
their excesses at Cracow. At one time they attacked several Pro-
testant Clergymen ; at another they broke again into the burial-
ground, and destroyed many monuments. Then the rabble rushed
into the houses of unoffending citizens in the suburb of Kleparz, and
treated them with brutal indignity. A mandate from Stephen Battory
required the authorities to repress such outbreaks ; but the Jesuits
laughed at King and Magistrates, and took the next occasion to dis-
play their zeal. The funeral of a Protestant matron was on its way
towards the place of interment. A party of Jesuit students and their
followers, that were ready awaiting at the church of All Saints, rushed
on the procession, pulled the corpse out of the coffin, stripped it
naked, stabbed it with knives until the blood flowed as from a living
body, dragged it through the streets with cords, and threw it into the
Vistula. Notwithstanding the recent decree, no one interfered, nor
did any one enforce punishment afterwards.
Terror-stricken and unprotected, the worshippers of God in Cracow
seem to have held communion and offered prayer with fear, lest any
outward manifestation should have exposed them to the fury of the
Jesuits ; and the government endeavoured to preserve peace by means
of a strong garrison in the castle. In Vilna the churches of the
Helvetian and Augustan confessions were both subjected to similar
barbarities. First of all, an attack was made on the press. By com-
mand of the Bishop, an entire stock of books was taken by force from
PERSECUTION IN CRACOW. 553
the house of the printer ; and then, to prevent him from producing
others, the Jesuits bribed his servant to steal the type and bring it
to tham. That service being rendered to the Church, and the heretical
printer ruined, he left the city, and the press troubled Jesuitry no
more. Protestant funerals were forbidden to pass through the prin-
cipal streets ; and, even when taking obscure ways, the mourners were
hooted and pelted by the mob. And two Ministers returning from
an interment were nearly stoned to death (A.D. 1581). The King
endeavoured to protect his persecuted subjects by an edict addressed
to the Governor of Vilna ; but that show of authority produced no
effect : the multitude obeyed the Jesuits rather than the laws, and the
same state of things continued without mitigation.
We do not read that these proceedings were ever disowned or dis-
couraged by the dignitaries of the Church ; but jnst the contrary. A
Synod at Gnesen in 1589 condemned the confederation of 1573, and
presumed to pass a resolution to prohibit the opening of Protestant
churches and schools. And passing beyond little domestic regulations,
they undertook to require that only zealous adherents to the See
of Rome should be elected to the throne of Poland ; and that Arch-
bishops should not dare to proclaim the election of a candidate whose
devotion to that See might be doubtful. There can be no doubt that
the Legate Cardinal Aldobrandino, then in Poland, busily negotiating
with the King, Sigismund III., and the Emperor, stimulated the
Synod to these conclusions : and on his return to Rome, Sixtus V. con-
firmed them by a Bull which declared the supporters of a heretic
Monarch excommunicate, and incapable, as well as their descendants,
of ecclesiastical dignities ; prohibited Bishops from showing any
favour to heretics, even in worldly relations ; and decreed excommu-
nication of all who should have participated in any act contrary to
the authority of the Church and of the Pope. Such a warrant was
never issued without effect ; and accordingly the Cracow Jesuits again
bestirred themselves, collected a mob, as usual, attacked the same
church which they had formerly pillaged, and burnt it to the ground.
Sigismund permitted a deputation of Protestants to lay their com-
plaint at his feet, but reproved them for having dared to meet together
in order to solicit legal protection, and concert measures of constitu-
tional defence ; and, although he gave them permission to rebuild the
church, allowed the Jesuits to pursue a course of intimidation which
prevented that being done, and forced the worshippers to congregate
in the neighbouring village of Alexandrowitze. From the building
the fury of the assailants reached the members of the congregation;
and the house of one of them, John Kolay, a principal citizen, was
broken into and plundered (May 7th, 1593). The municipality
itself now appealed to the King ; but Sigismund did not condescend to
answer them ; and the rioters escaped, boasting of the tacit approba-
tion of their Sovereign. At Posen, the Jesuits sent students to burn
down the church of the Bohemian Brethren ; but the mob refused to
help them ; and the Diet of Warsaw, foreseeing greater disturbances,
enacted a law which secured peace to the Brethren for a few years.
Yet no force of law nor sense of decency could restrain the Jesuits
VOL. III. 4 B
554 CHAPTER VIII.
of Cracow. Again they broke into the cemetery under cover of dark-
ness, exhumed the body of Sophia Morovna, a young lady who had
died just before the day fixed for her marriage, stripped it naked, and
hung it by its heels on the wall. But these are only specimens of the
general conduct of the Jesuits in Poland, and of the slow and weari-
some persecution which refrained from murder, but often made life
burdensome, if the sufferer were not sustained by that powerful faith
which overcomes the world. About the same time that Sophia
Morovna died, the Dominicans of Lublin starved to death in prison a
Protestant Pastor, named Martin, who had fallen into their hands.
During these persecutions in Poland, there were many instances
of banishment for Christ's sake in Moravia, and compulsory recanta-
tions and penances without number. In Bohemia, under the protec-
tion of the Emperors Maximilian and Rudolph, the churches of the
Brethren had rest, with some brief interruptions, until at length a
succession of vexations provoked them to rebellion. Twenty-seven
Protestant noblemen were then executed, and a general persecution
followed (A.D. 1624). The Ministers were banished ; and, having
found a miserable abode in caves and dens in the mountains, visited
their congregations at night. Some of these, being detected, were put
to death. Many thousands of sincerely pious persons followed their
Ministers into exile.
The strategy of this military Church of Rome mainly consists in
observing the political constitution and social state of every country,
with the relative position of domestic parties, or factions, and its
foreign relations, following them through all their changes, and
adapting her own agencies and movements to every variety of circum-
stance. Thus, in Poland, she did not employ crusade, as in the old
Albigensian provinces of France, because there was not a populace at
hand ready to obey the impulse of pure fanaticism, nor Princes like
Simon de Montfort, almost as ignorant as their subjects, and no less
fanatical. She did not use the Inquisition, as in Spain, because
experience had shown the Inquisition to be impracticable, except
where the spirit of a people is broken, or where those in authority
are entirely subservient to the priesthood. Such were not the
grandees of Poland. She did not employ judicial forms, as in
England, where lordly Prelates and ignoble county Sheriffs com-
manded and obeyed. There was no such apparatus at hand amongst
the Slavonians, except in a few towns. She did not at once
send a regular army to enforce obedience, as in the Netherlands,
because the field was too wide, and the opposition too powerful, as
yet ; but she took part in the politics of Germany and Europe, and
prepared the Thirty Years' War, which we must notice presently. She
did not attempt to dragoon the population of Poland, nor even the
evangelical portion of it ; for the Polish Christians were not unarmed,
like the Waldensians of the sub-alpine valleys ; but, finding an
elective monarchy, she meddled in the choice of King, — the Kings
of her party possessing foreign strength for the coercion of their
subjects, — and then she sent them wicked counsellors to allure them
into a more intense despotism, and, by means of Nuncios, Bishops,
FRANCESCO DI FRANCO. 555
and Jesuits, made up a strong political party in the state, which
threw its weight into the scale whenever a preponderating force was
needed to bring low the advocates of civil and religious liberty. The
followers of Domingo de Guzman were the chosen corps when heretics
were to be killed, for they were just the men to execute a razzia ;
but the family of Ignacio de Loyola were most fit for service when
Protestants were to be perverted, outwitted, or betrayed. If the
reader can recall these facts, and verify them by the evidence of
history, he may advance a step further, and mark the inflexible unity
of purpose displayed by Rome in attempting the " conquest " of
England, after centuries of humiliation ; but we must now return to
the affairs of Poland.
It was not practicable to proceed judicially, except in some rare
case : a layman could not be imprisoned for adherence to one of the
three confessions, although now and then a Priest might be starved
to death in an episcopal dungeon, for the terror of wavering brethren,
and there was a formidable party in every part of the kingdom that
would have resisted any attempt to burn one of their countrymen in
public. Under one pretext, however, life might be taken, and that
would occur if any open contempt were shown to the Roman idolatry.
Perhaps the political temper of the Polish Protestants prevented those
generous bursts of holy zeal which so frequently appeared elsewhere.
But we have one instance of the kind, in a foreigner.
Francesco di Franco, born and educated in Italy, accompanied his
father into Poland while yet a youth. His father, although an Italian,
became Governor of a Polish town, and the family was remarkable for
devotion to the ancient superstition. Francesco had heard so many
horrid reports of heretics while in Italy, that he fancied them to be
monsters ; but in visiting Cracow he observed that the manners of
the Evangelicals were altogether different from the descriptions he
had received, and nearer observation served to convince him of the
integrity of their principles, and the excellence of their doctrine.
Then he detected the errors of his early teachers, and became con-
verted to the faith of Christ. Having undergone this change of
heart, he went back to Italy, and, being unable to conceal the
heavenly gift which God had made him, was accused of heresy, and
thrown into a common prison. Some fellow-prisoners managed to
open a way of egress for themselves ; he followed, eluded pursuit, and
returned to Poland, eventually settled in Vilna, and was there
employed as agent or attorney for some Lithuanian noblemen. In
that city he soon became conspicuous, not only for constant attend-
ance at divine worship, but for uprightness, zeal, and sanctity of life,
labouring to bring others to knowledge of the truth, and devoting
himself, with singular earnestness, to the conversion of Italians.
From such a description of the man we might suppose that his enjoy-
ment of religion should have been undisturbed ; but some unrecorded
circumstance led him to reflect on his flight from the Italian prison,
and to fear that he had sinned in not submitting to suffer bonds, or
death, for Christ's sake. With a deepening conviction that he ought
so to suffer, he thought himself obliged to undergo some affliction, or
4 B 2
556 CHAPTER VIII.
even to offer himself for martyrdom, in testimony of his faithfulness
to Christ. Often, in conversation with his brethren, he would say,
" I must go and suffer in the name of God." And the presage was
soon fulfilled. For on the feast of Corpus Christi (A.D. 1611), as
the Evangelicals assembled to offer up their purer worship, and the
Minister, after prayers, addressed the congregation on the story of
the golden image of the King of Babylon, as recorded in the book
of Daniel, it appeared to him that an equally clear testimony should
be brought against the modern Babylon. On his way homeward,
after sermon, he found Vilna in a state of holiday confusion ; the
streets were crowded with people, waiting to see the accustomed
procession of the host ; but several of his Italian brethren with whom
he chiefly associated listened attentively to his fervent exhortations to
withdraw themselves from taking any part in that idolatry. The
procession was slowly moving through the city, and the people were
kneeling in the attitude of prayer as it passed between their ranks
towards a spacious theatre, fitted up in an open space for the Bishop
to say mass in the presence of a multitude many times greater than
the cathedral could contain. Into this theatre, or circus, Francesco
ran, and, ascending the elevation prepared for a far different use,
raised his voice, and summoned the attention of the crowd. " What
are you going to do ? Do you fancy that you can thus render
worship to Almighty God ? Nay ! You are committing gross and
horrible idolatry. That bread which they are carrying about is not
God, as they falsely tell you, but a mere idol, which cannot move out
of its place unless it be carried. Christ our God is to be sought in
heaven, where he is now sitting at the right hand of God the
Father." The zealots of the day rushed on him, overwhelmed him
with blows, and dragged him away to prison. The amusements of the
festival proceeded : a few days elapsed, and he was brought before
the Bishop, with some chief men of the city, and interrogated as to
his intention. Had he been employed by the heretics, they asked, to
commit that crime ? Did he intend to kill the Queen ? — the Prince
royal ? — the Bishop ? To all these questions he answered boldly.
No one, he replied, had employed him : but he had been moved by a
godly zeal and an urgent conscience ; for he could no longer bear to
see the honour due to our Saviour given to a dumb idol. And as for
wishing to kill any one, he told them that it became not those who
professed themselves Christians to shed the blood of any man, much
less of Magistrates. Blood, however, had been shed abundantly by
Papists in France, England, the Netherlands, and many other coun-
tries, as he had learned from history. After answering their ques-
tions, he exhorted the Bishop to renounce idolatry, to encourage the
preaching of the pure word of God, and no longer to suffer the poor
people to be deluded by human inventions. And then he made
confession of Gospel doctrine with so great zeal and constancy, that
the Bishop commanded his servants and the spectators to withdraw.
These, when they had left the place, went about Yilna declaring that
they had never before heard a man speak out of the holy Scriptures
with such clearness and confidence concerning the things of God.
JESUIT OUTRAGES IN POLAND. 557
After another interval of a few days he was again brought into the
presence of the same Judges, and examined by torture. But amidst
the horrible agonies of torture he held fast the faith, and professed it
•with a sublimity of language which bespoke an inspiration of wisdom
and strength from God. " The sufferings of this present time," said
he, "are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be
revealed in us." Many Evangelical noblemen interceded for his
deliverance ; but the Bishop would not miss the opportunity for
vengeance afforded by so notorious an overt act. On the other hand,
the Priests plied him with offers of mercy, if he would recant ; but
he told them that he was ready to testify to the heavenly truth, and,
if necessary, seal his witness with his life. One thing only he asked,
that he might be put to death in public, and by day-light. The
nobles, also, when it became evident that he could not be saved from
martyrdom, made the same request. But the petition was rejected.
He was executed privately at night, within the castle (June 30th,
1611). When brought thither he only pronounced a prayer: "O
Lord, to thee I commit my soul, my body to whom thou wilt."
Lacerated as he was with the torture, the hangman stripped him,
bound him on a board with cords, made an incision under his lower
jaw, and rooted out his tongue, then killed him by breaking his
neck, and quartered the body. The quarters were exhibited on stakes
outside the city for one day, and then buried by a pious nobleman.
But this nobleman was compelled to have them dug up again ; and
they were again exposed outside the gates. At last he directed some
of his servants to remove them secretly, and bury them in the depth
of a forest, where the persecutors could not find them.
Not satisfied with a single victim, the young Jesuits were let loose
on the day following the martyrdom of Francesco. Meeting in the
town of Troki, three miles from Vilna, under some pretext of devo-
tion, they formed their plan ; and, returning to the city, attacked the
house of a nobleman, whom they hated for his piety, and, after
spending an hour ineffectually in attempting to break into it, went to
a Reformed church, and there effected an entrance by breaking
through the wall. One Minister, Balthasar Crosnieviski, a Doctor
of Divinity, they carried to the top of the building, threw him to the
ground, and killed him. Another, Martin Tertullian, they killed in
the same manner. A third, Joachim Vendland, Minister of the
German church, they almost beat to death, and were throwing him
into a fire, when his wife saved him by a convulsive effort, and the
wretches, disturbed also by the piercing cries of one of his children,
walked away. The libraries of the church and of the Ministers,
altogether a splendid collection, they partly burnt, and partly carried
off. Not yet content, they broke up all the furniture, and finished
their day's work by burning down the church, the school, and the
houses of the Ministers and teachers. The Jesuit fathers, more than
half afraid that their pupils had gone too far, published their own
account of the affair ; endeavouring to make it appear that the rabble
of the city had been the aggressors, but that the Evangelicals were
chiefly to blame for provocation given, and that they should be
558 CHAPTER VIII.
restrained by the supreme Magistrate, and prohibited from the exer-
cise of their religion ; since it was less dangerous, they said, to live
with Jews or Tartars than with them, who did greater damage to the
Church of Rome than the Moslem or the Jew, although denying
Christ, could possibly inflict. But their paper excited such disgust,
that they thought it prudent to stop the issue, and recall the copies
that had been put into circulation. Jesuit outrages incessantly
occurred from this time until Protestantism was corrupted by the
Socinian heresy, or worn away by intrigue and persecution. Those
outrages have been sufficiently described.
We cannot follow the progress of the thirty years' religious war ;
but it falls within the scope of this work to describe its rise. The
Emperor Rudolph II. granted letters patent to the Evangelical com-
munions in Bohemia for the free exercise of their religion. No
document could be more explicit than this imperial charter (A.D.
1609). The three states, or communions, Helvetian, German, and
Bohemian, agreeing in one confession which had been presented to
Maximilian II., and was now again recognised as an authentic defini-
tion of their common Christian faith, were to be permitted, without
hinderance or oppression, to exercise their religion. They were
declared by the Emperor to be, as they always had been, faithful and
obedient subjects, worthy to be taken under his gracious protection,
as King of Bohemia, and to participate in all regulations, rights, and
liberties of the kingdom. The states sub und were to live in peace
with the states sub utrdque, — the communicants in one kind with the
communicants in both, — not oppressing nor despising one another,
but were bound to the observance of mutual peace and justice by
penalties prescribed in the established law of the land ; and the
Evangelicals were expressly released from the restrictions of the com-
pactates, as well as from those of every other intolerant enactment
which was annulled by this charter. And with regard to the erection
of churches, their freedom was to be complete. In view of subse-
quent events we must mark the very words : " Moreover, if either
of the united states of this kingdom sub utrdque desire to build other
churches or places of worship in cities, boroughs, and villages, or
even schools for the education of the young, besides those churches
or places of worship which they already possess, and which were
heretofore granted to them, in which they are to continue in peace
and quiet possession ; they shall at all times and in every way be
permitted to do so, whether Lords or Knights, whether the inhabit-
ants of Prague, or those of the mining-towns and other places,
collectively or individually, without hinderance from any man."
" And no party shall prescribe to the other in matters of religion, nor
forbid the burial of the dead in churches or churchyards, or the
ringing of bells." The charter also prohibited compulsory proselytism
from one church to another, either by force or subtlety, by clerical or
lay persons. No decrees of a contrary kind were at any time to be
issued by succeeding Sovereigns, or, if issued, were to be of no force,
and not to be obeyed. " And if any one, whoever he be, whether
clerical or secular, shall dare to violate this charter, we, \\ith our heirs
JESUIT EDUCATION. 559
and future Kings of Bohemia, as also with the states of the kingdom,
hold such an one as a violator of the welfare, and a breaker of the
peace, of the community, and deem it our duty to protect and defend
the states against him, as it is definitely laid down in the article
on the protection of the country, its orders and rights." And to
guarantee the exact fulfilment of this grant of religious liberty, the
three states were empowered to nominate Defenders, chosen in equal
number from each state ; and the Emperor engaged,* for himself and
his successors, to appoint the Defenders so nominated within two
weeks from the receipt of the lists. Or, failing the royal appoint-
ment, they were to act as defenders and protectors, nevertheless, and
receive their instructions from the states alone. Thus stood the law
of Bohemia from that time ; and, according to the spirit of legislation
then prevalent, the obligation to obey the Sovereign would be set aside
by any abuse of royal power.
The object of the Church of Rome, thenceforth, was to annul that law.
From Rudolph the empire passed to Matthias, — and Bohemia with
it ; and Matthias, adopting Duke Ferdinand of Styria as his successor,
called on the Bohemians to receive Ferdinand as their King. Accord-
ing to the constitution of Bohemia, the King should have been freely
elected, not received ; and although the sub unu, or Romanists, joy-
fully received him, the sub utrdque, or Evangelicals, at first resisted.
However, their repugnance was artfully overcome ; and Ferdinand not
only promised them that he would preserve the religious liberties
granted by Rudolph, but swore to do so at his coronation, secretly
swearing to the Jesuits in the sacristy that he would not keep the oath
with heretics. He was a mere pupil of the Jesuits. They had taught
him that no Catholic authority could conscientiously leave heretics un-
molested ; that banishment, confiscation, and death were praiseworthy
when inflicted on enemies of the Church ; that free choice in religion
was a sin against God, and the root of all evil. In his boyhood the
Jesuit masters had taught him that Lutherans and Calvinists ought to
be killed with the sword, banished and oppressed, burnt with fire,
sulphur, and pitch, drowned in water, impoverished, exhausted,
hunted down, deprived of their estates, annihilated, rooted out, and
persecuted to death by every imaginable kind of excessive torture and
pain. He was abettor, if not member, of a league, a holy league, a
daily increasing league, at one time consisting of more than eighty
thousand Jesuits, to spare neither pains, trouble, nor artifice, as long
as one of them should remain, to destroy the religion, people, and
country of the Reformed. They had vowed that no power, not even
that of angels from heaven, should prevent them.
As for Ferdinand himself, when only twenty years of age, on
ascending the throne of Styria, he made pilgrimage to Loretto, and
there vowed to God and the Virgin Mary that he would expel all sects
and their doctrine from Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, were it even
at the hazard of his life. And that promise he kept, as far as in him
lay. That vow he repeated when in his forty-third year, being then
Emperor, and King of Bohemia and Hungary ; and such vows he
* Not as Emperor, but as King of Bohemia.
560 CHAPTER VIII.
frequently repeated. Ten years before his accession to the throne
of Bohemia he had issued an edict against all schismatic leaders,
preachers, writers, and schoolmasters, that were found in all places
of his hereditary principality, and declared his firm decision to allow
none other than the Catholic faith to be professed in states committed
to his care by God, and to "overturn and abolish everything else
contrary to it with his utmost power:" — substantially, and almost to
a letter, the oath now taken by every Popish Bishop.* He had
offered, and no doubt had given, large rewards in money for the
apprehension of Christians, as if they had been felons.
The Archbishop Lohelius crowned him at Prague, where he made
the two conflicting oaths ; and as soon as he had left that city to be
proclaimed in Moravia, the Archbishop with his Clergy began to
concert measures for the annihilation of religious liberty. Their
brethren in Moravia did' the same. But at Prague they made their
bolder and earlier efforts. There it was that the Jesuits declaimed
from the pulpits against the Evangelicals in insolent and irritating
language. They even spoke contemptuously of the deceased Emperor,
Rudolph, and threatened that matters should not long continue in
the state in which he had left them. A severe censorship silenced
the Evangelical press ; but the Jesuits printed and circulated what-
ever they pleased, without the slightest restriction. They also endea-
voured to corrupt the Evangelical Clergy, and to get Papists appointed
as churchwardens ; but those attempts were generally frustrated.
The church of John Huss had been restored to the Bohemian Brethren
in 1609 ; but, the Minister dying in 1617, the Papists endeavoured to
get possession of the building. Against this demand the Professors
of the University interposed their legal claim, and prevented the
robbery from taking place. Public offices were transferred into the
hands of Papists, always with preference of the most zealous ; and
these persons followed a system of vexatious persecution, hindering
baptisms and burials, and instituting frivolous and oppressive prose-
cutions under the most trifling pretences.
Their right to erect churches was also disputed ; but the states
of the Bohemian confession justly contended that they were as free as
the Romanists to provide themselves with edifices wherein to worship
God. The inhabitants of Klostergrab, a town subject to the Arch-
bishop, had built a church ; but the Archbishop procured a pro-
hibitory edict from the aged and weak Emperor, Matthias, and then
took workmen, and saw them break the building down. The Evan-
gelicals of Braunau also built a church. The Archbishop of that
place, an inveterate persecutor, had forbidden the erection ; but the
walls rose in spite of him. He, too, appealed to Matthias, who
interdicted the work, saying that no permission to build churches was
contained iu the charter of Rudolph, a document which it was then
found convenient to conceal. The men of Braunau appealed to their
Defenders, the officers appointed by virtue of that charter, to know
• This has lately been denied in England ; hut the author does not believe the
denial ; nor wonld the moat solemn asseveration induce him to believe it, unless the
Pontifical were universally re-edited without it, and scarcely even then.
ILLEGAL PERSECUTION. 561
whether they ought to desist from building, in obedience to the
Emperor's illegal command. The Defenders answered, that they
were not under any obligation to submit, and the church was finished.
The Emperor was then induced to demand the keys, which they
refused to surrender, and the Defenders very properly summoned a
meeting of the states to consider what should be done ; and, regard-
ing this matter politically, we should say not only that it was one
of religion, but that a struggle had begun between constitutional right
and arbitrary power, which was violating laws and breaking oaths.
The Utraquistic states proceeded to consult on measures of defence,
according to the provisions of the law as above quoted ; but the
Emperor declared that any conferences with the Defenders should be
treated as criminal, that he was the only defender, and would not
acknowledge any other. This contempt of the charter of religious
freedom more than justified the states in carrying their purpose into
execution ; and, after holding several meetings in Prague, they caused
a proclamation to be read from the pulpits (May 20th, 1618), briefly
and temperately informing the congregations of the actual position
of affairs, and announcing the intention of the states to meet in the
college of Charles IV. to deliberate thereon, and to petition His
Imperial Majesty for protection. They also requested the people to
address themselves to God with filial confidence, and to call upon his
Divine Majesty in a fervent spirit, and with a truly penitent heart,
praying that for the glory of his holy name and the salvation
and blessing of all their souls, he would incline the heart of the
Emperor, their most gracious King, towards his subjects. They also
desired prayer to be offered for their own guidance in bringing all
things to a happy issue. On that Sunday, therefore, earnest suppli-
cations were offered up in all the churches of Prague, and every one
awaited the proceedings of the days following with extreme anxiety.
And that was indeed an eventful week. On the Tuesday, four of ten
Governors, charged with an imperial commission, summoned the
states to meet them in the palace and hear the Emperor's mandate.
The other six commissioners were either sick or absent ; but these
four, Sternberg, Slawata, Martinitz, and Lobkowitz, representing the
crown, read a declaration that Matthias, as King of Bohemia, had
sanctioned the demolition of one church and the seizure of the other ;
and threatened them with punishment if they dared to resist his
pleasure. The states received copies of the document, and were
desired to return the next day with their answer.
They came with a numerous attendance ; and, leaving their servants
on the outside, went into the hall previously occupied for their deli-
berations, and consulted as to what should be done with the commis-
sioners who had brought them the illegal and oppressive mandate.
Perhaps they ought to have considered the act as that of the Empe-
ror, and excused his messengers ; but two of them were also his
Privy Councillors, and had not only taken the lead in persecution,
driving their own vassals of the Evangelical confessions to mass with
dogs and scourges, causing their mouths to be wrenched open and
the wafer thrust down their throats, and denying them marriages,
VOL. III. 4 C
.062 CHAPTER VIII.
baptisms, and funerals ; but they had advised the very acts of oppres-
sion which they were come to Prague to enforce. What was to be
done with these two, Slawata and Martinitz? They were undoubtedly
traitors ; and the Defenders of the people whom they had wronged,
being the authorities legally appointed to redress those wrongs, were
there by virtue of their office to proceed against the guilty. The
feeble Emperor had been by them persuaded to trample on the
liberties, the property, and the religion of his subjects, so that,
repeated applications to him having been rejected, the way of appeal was
evidently closed. Nothing now remained but to execute justice ; and
although they had been declared incompetent to discharge their office,
and threatened with the penalty of rebellion if they did so, the decla-
ration and the threat were contrary to the constitution of the king-
dom, and they resolved to hazard everything rather than lose that
opportunity of self-defence. According to the barbarian common law
of Bohemia, traitors were liable to defenestration, or ejection through
the window ; and the states determined to inflict this punishment
summarily on those two Governors, as being of all traitors the most
guilty. They then proceeded in a body to the hall where the Gover-
nors were sitting, first led out the other two, and then precipitated
Slawata, Martinitz, and their Secretary, who was also implicated in
the guilt. They fell on a heap of earth, or some other soft substance,
and escaped without a broken bone. But the act was treated as
rebellious. The Utraquists, comprehending Brethren, Lutherans, and
Reformed, united for common defence ; and, three days afterwards,
Prague was in their hands : the Bishop, other dignitaries, and the
Jesuits were quickly banished. Nor were they banished without reason :
for a vast store of ammunition was found in the possession of those
" religious," thirty tons of gunpowder included, to be employed
against the city. The " fathers and brethren " departed in procession
as mourners at a funeral, but suffered no violence. Imperial troops
now marched into Bohemia. The confederates levied troops to meet
them, and elected a new King, the Elector Frederic, a Protestant ; but
he was one unfit to assume the crown at such a juncture ; and a
battle in the neighbourhood of Prague, on White-Hill, fatally decided
the ruin of the Evangelicals. Their army of twenty thousand men
was beaten. The imperial troops were let loose upon the country,
and devastated and burnt three thousand towns, villages, market-places,
farms, castles, and estates. No enumeration was ever made of the
women and children slaughtered ; nor of thousands that perished from
cold and hunger in the woods. A course of oppression then followed
which almost reduced Bohemia to a desert ; while the Court of Rome
exulted in the zeal and in the triumphs of Ferdinand, and prepared to
employ a new system of action in that country, in order to give
greater stability to their Church in future. They resolved no more to
put heretics to death ostensibly for heresy, and thus give them the
honour of martyrdom ; but, having cut off the more eminent, to
employ a scheme of Reformation, a name less odious and a method
more sure than that of Inquisition. The Jesuits would render most
efficient service under this new plan ; and their proceedings well deserve
GREAT MARTYRDOM AT PRAGUE. 563
to be narrated for the information of Protestants. We must therefore
give some account of one great martyrdom, sequel of the calamitous
battle of White-Hill in 1620.
When the imperial Generals first occupied Prague, they promised
to employ their influence in favour of the city, and for some time
kept up a general expectation of royal mercy. This expectation was
so strong that many who had left Bohemia returned ; and no small
number of patrons and Ministers were again in Prague, and had ceased
to apprehend any further danger. The soldiery had been sated with
blood, and rewarded with plunder : the Romish Clergy again waited at
their altars, and resumed possession of their wealth : Ferdinand, the
King elect, had already received the allegiance of Bohemia : and
Frederic had fled back to Germany. Every one thought that the
Emperor would use the generous forbearance which becomes a Sovereign
when victorious over a once-revolted nation ; and that the legal resist-
ance of his oppressed subjects, now punished as insurrection, would
be forgotten in a general amnesty. But they were all mistaken.
On one evening (February 20th, 1621), as many of the Lords,
Knights, and Clergy as could be found in Prague, with several artisans
and mechanics, were simultaneously visited by the Captains of the
city, the Judges, or other officers, seized, and imprisoned in the castle
or in other places. Those who had not ventured to return were sum-
moned by proclamation to appear within six weeks, under pain of
confiscation, infamy, and death. Their names were then affixed to
the gallows, and their wealth was transferred to the exchequer. The
prisoners, although treated as political offenders, were known to be
victims of the Church rather than of the empire ; and the interroga-
tories of civil Judges were alternated with solicitations of Jesuits
during four months of imprisonment. They failed to satisfy the
former by any confession of crimes not committed ; and they all
refused to surrender their conscience to the latter. Passing by the
routine of courts and the correspondence of authorities on their
several cases, we come to the final confession and suffering of a few
of them.
Seven squadrons of Saxon cavalry marched into Prague (June
17th) to keep the population in order, and were quartered in the
three cities, the old town, the new town, and the Kleinseite. A plat-
form, twenty-two paces square, was erected (June 18th) outside the
Town-Hall in the old town. Thirteen prisoners from the new town,
ten from the old, and twenty-seven noblemen and knights, patrons
of the Evangelical confessions, from the White-Tower of the castle,
were brought to the judgment-hall (June 19th), one by one, and each
heard his sentence of banishment, imprisonment for life, or death.
Most of them were to die. Sentences having been pronounced on all,
the guards took them back to prison ; and their wives, children, and
friends received permission to pay them a last visit. The same indul-
gence was offered to Jesuits, Capuchin Monks, or Lutheran Clergy-
men ; but the Clergy of the Bohemian Brethren were expressly for-
bidden to go near, although about half the number of the condemned
were of that communion, but of all most hated ou account of their
4 c 2
564 CHAPTER VIII.
superior piety. The Jesuits and Mouks flocked to the prisons,
although uncalled for, and prosecuted their wonted vocation of trou-
bling the last hours of good men ; but gained not a single pervert.
The Minister of St. Nicholas in the Kleinseite, John Rosak Hors-
chowsky, by special permission of Prince Charles of Lichtenstein,
Governor of the kingdom, went to visit them ; but as it was impossi-
ble that he alone could attend to the inmates of all three prisons, a
similar permission was doled out to four others. That night, the day
following, which was Sunday, and the succeeding night, were spent in
prayer, conversation, praise, and the holy communion, with slight
intervals of repose. On the morning of the Lord's day, a large com-
pany of the wives and children of the condemned, with other near
relatives, assembled at the palace-gate of Prince Lichtenstein, wailing
and imploring admission to beg for the lives of their husbands,
fathers, and brothers. But as the blessing of men ready to perish
could only be purchased by incurring the frown or the anathema
of Rome, whatever the Prince might have desired, he shut his ears to
the crv of those broken-hearted supplicants, and commanded them to
be sent away. Within the prisons there was less appearance
of sorrow ; for God sustained his servants in the hours of severest
trial. In one of the Town-Halls they united in a solemn meal, their
last on earth, rejoicing in the prospect of so soon eating at the table
of their Lord in heaven, — a hope which the Romish Governor derided;
and hearing that their brethren, the Lords and Barons, were coming
from the castle, in order to be ready for execution the next morning,
they ran to the windows, and welcomed them by singing the forty-
fourth Psalm. The people on the outside also received them with a
sincere solemnity of tears. One of the Brethren, John Kutnauer,
repeated the last verse of the eighty-sixth Psalm, which they had been
singing. The words are, " Show me a token for good, that they
which hate me may see it, and be ashamed ; because thou, Lord, hast
holpen me, and comforted me." He prayed that a token might be
given of their innocence, a sign from heaven, that the people might
accept it as from God ; and so prayed the others. The Minister, on
the contrary, exhorted them to be satisfied with the testimony of a
good conscience ; but Kutnauer could not cease from praying for a
signal that might be seen by others. A sign was indeed given ; for
at sun-rise they saw through the windows of the prison a splendid
rainbow. Falling on their knees, they thanked God for it. The same
Minister, Werbenius, then descanted on the sign which God had set
in the cloud, and recited many appropriate promises ; while the mul-
titude in the city, who had heard of the singular petition, gazed on
the rainbow with amazement. That sign had passed away, and a
very different signal was given, by the discharge of a gun, for their
execution.
All the prisoners were assembled in the court, thence to ascend the
scaffold, which was guarded by several companies of infantry, and,
beyond these, an array of cavalry, to keep off the people. Rosak,
however, attended the sufferers, and noted their words. The Imperial
Judges and Counsellors sat round the platform, and Prince Lichten-
GREAT MARTYRDOM AT PRAGUE. 565
stein occupied a chair of state beneath a canopy. The condemned
came one by one, as called by name. On leaving his brethren, each
pronounced a short sentence or two : such as, " Farewell, dear friends !
May God give you the consolation of his Spirit, patience and firm-
ness, to persevere in that which you have hitherto acknowledged with
your heart, mouth, and hand." Or, " I go before you to behold the
glory of our Lord Jesus Christ. Follow me, that we may together
behold the Father's face." And they answered him by, " God help
thy departure, and send thee a happy passage from this vale of tears
into the heavenly country." Or, " May the Lord Jesus send his
holy angels to meet thee." Or, " Hasten before us, dear brother,
into the house of our Father : we follow thee." A Clergyman
attended each, conversing with him in words chiefly taken from the
word of God, which the guards and Judges within hearing could not
but hear with reverence ; while the beating of drums and clang
of trumpets prevented all others from catching a syllable. So the
company in the court-yard diminished ; and as the Clergymen returned
with intelligence of the constancy with which each met death, they
praised God, and prayed for equal strength.
The first who appeared on the scaffold was Joachim Andreas
Schlik, Count of Passau and Elbogen. A man fifty years of age,
"spirited, virtuous, and heroic; but also modest, pious, active, and
peaceful." Dressed in black silk, unbound, and with a Prayer-book
in his hand, he walked firmly through the court, attended by the four
Ministers. Two Jesuits accosted him in passing. One of them,
Father Ledetius, bade him " consider well." But he replied, " Leave
me alone," and went forward. Stepping on the scaffold, he saw the
sun shining brightly, and, looking upwards, said, " Sun of righteous-
ness, Jesus Christ, grant that I may come to thy light through the
shadow of death," and walked to and fro a few times, pensively, but
with so much dignity, that some of the Judges wept. He then prayed,
undressed himself, and, with the assistance of his page, knelt on a
black cloth spread for the purpose, and received the deadly stroke.
His right hand was taken off, stuck on one lance and carried away,
and the head on another, to be exposed in a public place. Six men
in black masks carried away the body ; others removed the cloth
soaked with blood, and spread another cloth, that the person who came
next might not see the gore. The same took place at each execution.
Next came the Baron Wenzel Budowecz of Budowa, seventy-four
years of age. After a good education in Bohemia, he had studied, as
well as travelled, in France, England, Germany, the Netherlands, and
Italy. He had accompanied the Ambassador of Rudolph II. to the
court of Constantinople, and there added to his knowledge of European
languages, familiarity with Turkish and Arabic. A refutation of the
Koran was extant from his pen in the Bohemian language ; and he
had won back many renegades to Christianity. Rudolph had raised
him to the office of Court Councillor ; and in other places of trust he
had honourably served his country. He possessed a princely patri-
mony, and was a Bohemian Brother ; and these were the two reasons
why he should die upon a scaffold. Erery Sunday he had been
566 CHAPTER VIII.
accustomed to address a congregation, using that freedom to prophesy
•which spiritual churches have generally acknowledged for the laity.*
Nor did he only teach from pulpits. In deliberations on public affairs
he generally took the lead. Having opened the meeting by prayer,
he was used to give out a hymn, and deliver an address, often with so
great power of sacred eloquence, that the hearers were moved to tears,
and would conclude the meeting in the same manner. He was a
Bohemian of the old cast, serious, reflecting, and inflexible. When
advised to crave the clemency of Ferdinand II., he answered that he
would rather die than see the ruin of his country. He was not one
of those who fled on the fall of Prague ; for, having removed his
family, he returned to his house, found it emptied of everything, and
had not been in it long when he was made prisoner. His heart, he
said, had impelled him to return ; his conscience 'forbade him to for-
sake his country and the cause of God, even though all were to be
sealed with his blood. " My God," he exclaimed, "here am I: do
with thy servant as it seems good in thy sight. I have enough
of life : take my spirit from me, that I may not see the misery which
will now befall my country." An official person, hearing him speak
thus, told him of a report that he had died of grief. " I ?" he asked,
" I ? I have seldom had more joyful hours. See my paradise," —
holding up a Bible in his hand, — " it has never offered me such hea-
venly food as now. I am yet alive, and shall live as long as it pleases
God ; and I hope no one will live to see the day when it may be said,
Budowa died of grief." Before the officers of the Inquisition he
calmly and fully defended the truth of Christ ; and, after sentence was
passed, said to his Judges, " You have long thirsted after our blood,
and now you may have it. But know that the judgment of God, for
whose cause we suffer, will come upon you for the innocent blood
that will be shed." Meditating in the law of his God day and night,
even his dreams were heavenly. A few nights before the sentence, he
dreamt that he was walking in pleasant fields, and that some one put
a book into his hand with silken leaves, white as snow, and nothing
written on them except one verse : " Trust in the Lord, and do good ;
so shalt thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed." (Psalm
xxxvii. 3.) While pondering over it, another came, and put a white
garment on him. He related the dream to his servant ; and, when on
the scaffold, again said to him, " Now I shall wear the garment
of righteousness. Thus I shall shine before God in whom I have
trusted." Then it was that, stroking his white locks and grey beard,
he said, as in an ecstasy, " Soon, my grey beard, wilt thou be brought
to glory; for the martyr-crown will adorn thee."
The third was Christopher Harant, sixty-one years of age, who had
travelled far, seen much, military service, and risen to the dignity
of Privy Councillor and Chamberlain to Rudolph II. He was also
eminent as an author. With eyes uplifted, he exclaimed, "Lord
* 'O SiSdffKiav, fl Kal \aiicbs y, ffj.ireipos 8e TOV \6yov, Kal rbv Tp&irov fft/j.vbs,
SiSoffKeTU- (ffoVTCtt 7&p iravres SiSoKTol ®tov- "He that toacheth, even if lie be a
layman, yet experienced in the word, and respected for Lis conduct, let liim teach. ' For
' they shall all be taught of God.'" — Count. Apost., viii., 32.
GREAT MARTYRDOM AT PRAGUE. 567
Jesus, into thy hands I commend my spirit." The fourth was
Caspar, Baron Kaplirz, eighty-six years of age. He could not walk
without assistance, being worn out with loss of rest. Two Clergymen
supported him, that he might not fall and be exposed to the derision
of his enemies. Neither could he kneel. " Raise your head," said
one of the Ministers as he stood on the black cloth. He looked up,
and cried, " Lord Jesus, into thy hands I commend my spirit." The
executioner swung his sword — the grey head fell. The fifth was
Procopius Dworschezky. He prayed for mercy, and was instantly
beheaded. The sixth and seventh were the Lords of Rzchlowicz and
Komarow : the one displayed silent resignation, the other thanked
the Saviour that he could die with joy. The eighth was Czernin, a
Romanist, indeed, but suspected of heresy, and therefore numbered
with the others, that it might be said that all the condemned were
not Evangelicals. The ninth was the Lord of Spiticz, seventy years
of age, and lame. The Lord of Rtiwenitz followed tenth, long known
as a man of earnest piety, devoutly cheerful. Theodore Sixtus, a
respectable citizen, came next ; but was reprieved through the inter-
cession of a Canon, his son-in-law, and dismissed. The eleventh
victim was Valentine Kochan, a citizen. He knelt on the fatal spot,
and prayed, " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace,
according to thy word." After him another citizen, Tobias Steffck,
declared that heaven was his prospect, where God would wipe away
tears from his eyes, and where there would be no more death, nor
sorrow, nor crying, nor pain, and entered into his rest.
John Jessenius, formerly Chancellor of the University of Prague,
and Physician in ordinary to two Emperors, Rudolph and Matthias, a
man of brilliant eloquence, and high in the practice and teaching
of the healing art, came to suffer an ignominious death. He cannot
be esteemed a martyr ; but his death was unjust and barbarous, and,
with admirable integrity, he resisted the Jesuits who strove to pervert
him to Popery. A Bohemian Minister came with him to the scaffold,
and there the executioner met him, and demanded his tongue.
Jessenius shuddered, remembering that Princes had often hung upon
its eloquence ; but, with a blush of indignation, offered it to be
drawn out with a pair of tongs, and cut off at the root. The horrid
operation being finished, he fell on his knees, poured forth an inar-
ticulate prayer, and the stroke of a sword severed his head from the
body. The body was put into a sack, to be quartered on the spot,
after the remaining executions should be finished. His peculiar
offence consisted in having gone to Hungary to solicit aid against
Ferdinand.
Christopher Kohr, one of the Directors of the brief commonwealth,
before the election of Frederic ; Schubz, chief Burgomaster of Kut-
tenberg ; Hostialek, chief Burgomaster of Saaz, also a Director ;
Kutnauer, Senator of the old town of Prague, and seven other
citizens, followed in their turns, each giving evidence of scriptural
knowledge and of a confidence in God, sustained by faith and love
more excellent than knowledge. By way of varying the scene, two
of them were conveyed away to be hung in other parts of the city ;
568 CHAPTER VIII.
and the utmost care was taken that the Romish Clergy should not be
the conspicuous, although chief, actors in that bloody business, which
continued till five o'clock in the evening. The sentences of banish-
ment and confiscation were carried into execution the next day : and,
while the mass of the inhabitants murmured at the cruel and san-
guinary spectacle which had been exhibited, the agents of the Papacy
gloried in their conquest ; and it was referred to the Consistory
of Cardinals at Rome to decide by what methods the Evangelical
religion should be for ever eradicated from Bohemia.
As so many of the highest nobles confessed the faith of Christ, and
as the Bible was read so generally among all classes of society, it was
deemed inexpedient to attempt at once the suppression of Protestant-
ism, which might best be effected by successive measures of severity.
A stroke, they thought, might be levelled at Moravia first ; and when
the indignation awakened by the slaughter at Prague and the excesses
of the imperial army had subsided, attention might again be given to
that country. The Anabaptists were therefore banished from Moravia.
They had forty-five houses, or settlements, in each of which several
families lived in community of goods, and possessed considerable
landed property. It was said that some of them had shown civility
to Frederic when he passed through Moravia after his defeat ; and
under this pretext, to avoid the name of religious persecution, they
were all expelled, — departed in companies, in waggons laden with
wealth, and found a new home in Transylvania. Vintage was near;
but as the grapes were not yet ripe, the rich vineyards would soon be
emptied by their enemies. Then the Court of Rome resumed their
deliberations for an attack on the three confessions throughout
Bohemia, Silesia, and Moravia. A direct persecution still seemed
unadvisable; for the Reformed were not only strong in number and
in rank, but would probably be aided by the Protestant Sovereigns
of Europe in resisting a crusade. A Jesuit, Paul Michna, relieved
their Eminences from embarrassment by proposing that the heretics
should be tormented until they surrendered their religion in despair,
and thus the act of recantation would be made their own. "They
must not yet be banished," he advised ; " for at present they have too
much to take with them. Too much money would be carried out
of the country, and exile would be made too easy. They must first
be fleeced, and utterly impoverished, and then all will be easily
managed." And preliminary measures were resolved on for the fulfil-
ment of this plan.
Their churches were to be closed, their teachers removed, and their
books destroyed.
The revolt to which they had been provoked was now a sufficient
pretext for any act of public severity. Most of the churches of Prague
had been seized immediately on the occupation of the city by the
imperial troops, and given to the Jesuits, who purified them with
holy water, and whipped the pulpits and the altars, to signify a
ridiculous vengeance on the places where the word of God had been
faithfully preached, and the sacrament of thanksgiving duly adminis-
tered. On the floor of a church previously occupied by the Bohemian
GERMAN MINISTERS DRIVEN FROM PRAGUE. 5G9
Brethren they laid gunpowder, and set fire to it, that by its explosion
the pollution of heresy might be dispelled. Such buildings as were
not desired for immediate occupation were closed, others were torn
down, and no mode of indignity or profanation -was forgotten. The
graves were opened, the remains scattered, and the monuments
demolished. Similar proceedings were afterwards repeated all over
Bohemia.
The expatriation of the Bohemian Ministers had also begun at
Prague. Prince Lichtenstein issued an edict a few weeks after his
entrance into the city (December 13th, 1620), accusing them of
having been the sole cause of the revolution ; and he afterwards
commanded them to quit Prague within three days, and the whole
country and land incorporated with it within six, and never to return
again, under pain of death. This was done while their chief patrons
were in prison (March 10th, 1621), doomed to the slaughter above
described. The Bohemian population being thus deprived of the
ministry of the Gospel in the language they could best understand,
now attended in the German Evangelical churches ; and, although the
Lutherans had not been persecuted, through fear of offending the
Elector of Saxony, the Jesuits determined now to hazard the conse-
quences of his displeasure, rather than see their intention frustrated
by any Evangelical ministrations to the bereaved Bohemian flocks.
There were four German Clergymen, Caspar Wagner, David Lippach,
Sigismund Scherer, and Fabian Nathus. Driven from the churches,
they delivered farewell sermons to their German and Bohemian
congregations in open fields (October 29th, 1622), outside the city.
The Prince " graciously dismissed " them under a military escort and
at public expense, but with less than a week's notice, and without
permitting them to administer the sacrament of the Lord's supper to
their people, either in public or in private. Their churches were
closed suddenly, and without their knowledge, to the unutterable
grief of the long-devoted worshippers. When one, the church of the
Holy Trinity, was re-opened at their request, for the sake of removing
the books, a great crowd assembled at the door, and begged hard
that they might be allowed to enter but once more, and call upon
God, if it were only by repeating the Lord's Prayer. This they were
allowed to do, and, pressing into the sacred edifice, fell on their
knees, prayed fervently, and wept bitterly. Some kissed the pave-
ment, and some the altar, and, when evening came and they were
obliged to leave, they lingered around the building, blessing the
beautiful house of God, and, on the following day, some devout
•women celebrated their churching on the outside. They laid their
infants on the threshold, knelt with their friends upon the steps,
united in fervent supplications, and went home again in grief and
tears. On the appointed day the four Ministers departed. With
difficulty they drove through the streets, crowded with people who
could not suppress their tears, while spectators filled the windows.
Their enemies laughed ; and the Jesuits had already prepared to
consummate their triumph by another crime. Three detachments
of cavalry, at their instigation, marched out of the town, with a
VOL. III. 4 D
570 CHAPTER VIII.
design to pillage or to destroy the fugitives on the road. Spies
hauuted the party, which consisted of the four Ministers, and some
Saxon merchants, who, for the sake of religion, were also returning
to their native country. The cavalry came within sight, approaching
the road, after having diverged from it rather too far; but they
escaped by means of a peasant, who took them through an obscure
pass in the mountains to a ford in the next river which the pursuers
did not know, and there they crossed. The cavalry, unable to trace
them, revenged themselves on a neighbouring village. The wives
of those Ministers, who could not follow until some weeks afterwards,
were also marked for destruction in the same manner ; but they, too,
providentially escaped, their horses refusing to cross a bridge which
would have led them to a spot where soldiers were waiting to murder
them. Thus did God give his angels charge concerning his afflicted
children.
Not only by edicts of the supreme government, but by distinct acts
of provincial authorities, the process of ejection was continued, but
always under colour of prosecution for political offences, — offences
which had seldom been committed, or, at worst, were but the conse-
quences of intolerable oppression. Shortly after the- banishment
of the Evangelical Ministers from Prague, Commissioners visited the
chief towns, to expel as many as could be entangled by accusation, or
provoked to utter an incautious word. We read of one George
Michna visiting towns of a district with a troop of horsemen. At
Sclan he broke into a church where one of the Ministers, Johana
Kaupilius, was reading the Gospel at the altar, and commanded him
to be silent ; but as the Minister continued reading, he drew his
sword, and shouted, " Stupid preacher, cease to prattle," and, with
the weapon, struck the Bible out of his hands. The good man,
undaunted, raised his eyes and hands towards heaven, and cried,
"Woe unto you who shut up the kingdom of heaven against men!
Ye neither go in yourselves, and those who wish to go in ye suffer
not to enter. Woe unto you, woe ! " On this the dragoons seized
him, and, with scornful laughter, dragged him through the church.
Making no resistance, he declared himself willing to suffer that and
anything else for the sake of his Master, Jesus. They construed that
expression into treason, and told him that the Emperor was their
master. The members of the Council offered bail for his appearance
when called for ; but the Commissioner would not release him,
intending to send him to Prague to be tried for sedition. Some
ladies of rank, however, procured his liberation, under condition that
he should quit the town within three days. The inhabitants of Laun
were fined heavily, because they had suffered their Minister to escape ;
'and, after Michna had received the money, he pronounced a sentence
of banishment, to prevent him from returning.
The Evangelical Clergy of Kuttenberg, the city next in importance
after Prague, were ordered to depart before sunset (July 27th, 1023),
and to quit the kingdom within a week. They obeyed. Several
hundred citizens followed them through the gates, to whom one
of the Ministers preached on the words of Christ, " They will put
TJLIZKY OF CZASLAU. 571
you out of the synagogues ; " and they parted with mutual tears and
prayers. After similar banishments from some parts of Bohemia, and
cruel imprisonments in others, an imperial edict (August, 1624)
commanded all the Evangelical Clergy to be banished for ever out
of the whole kingdom. Six weeks were allowed them for prepara-
tion ; but as the edict was kept secret for four weeks by the higher
authorities, and was not made known to some until the six weeks
had expired, the distress of the exiles was extreme. Many found
refuge in neighbouring countries. Some hid themselves in woods
and caves, and endeavoured secretly to fulfil their duty to the flocks
over which the Holy Ghost had made them overseers. To prevent
this, another edict (July, 1625) threatened with punishment all who
should conceal a Clergyman, and offered a reward to any who would
betray one. The execution of this edict was unequal ; but the
general reward for the body of a Minister being fifty dollars, several
were made prisoners. A few of these, worn out with terror and
starvation, professed to abjure the Gospel ; but most of them endured
the suffering of dungeons without wavering. Some few were liberated
after long imprisonment ; but not until they had signed an obligation
to quit the country forthwith, and never return, under penalty of
death. And even this sentence was»often aggravated by additional
inflictions of extortion and of contumely. One example will illustrate
the severity of this persecution.
A Bohemian nobleman, George Techenitz, had begun to recruit the
peasants, with the intention of joining a Danish army, which was
posted in Silesia. Intelligence reached Prague, when about four
hundred persons had enlisted : the peasants, it was said, were in a
state of rebellion, and the Governor sent troops to put them down.
A party of these soldiers met a Deacon of Czaslau, Matthaus Ulizky,
in the Kaurzim forest, where Techenitz had been recruiting ; and
although this Deacon had nothing to do with the insurgent nobleman,
but was peaceably returning to Kirchleben, his hiding-place, after
visiting his sick wife in Czaslau, he was seized, and taken back a
prisoner. There he was twice laid on the rack, and questioned as to
the persons to whom he had administered baptism and the holy
communion ; and his tormentors — one blushes to write it — were
apostates from Protestantism. They told him that the Emperor
would grant him life, if he would do as they had done ; but he said
that the Lord Jesus Christ, not the Emperor, had given him his office
as a Minister, and that, therefore, he could not relinquish the obliga-
tion to discharge its functions. Two days after the last examination
he was led to execution in the same town where he had faithfully
preached Christ, now to be his martyr. A herald went before him,
proclaiming his crime to be rebellion. But he, too, proclaimed,
" No, — I suffer for the truth of Christ." A young man approached
to offer him a Hymn-book ; but the Captain of the guard drove the
youth away. Yet Ulizky sang, without book, " Make haste, 0 God,
to deliver me ; make haste to help me, 0 Lord." No citizen was
allowed to follow him, no one was even permitted to look out at a
window as he passed, the guards threatening to shoot any one who
4 D 2
572 CHAPTER VIII.
should presume to show his face ; and trumpets were blown, and
drums beaten, to drown his voice ; for the murderers uniformly
prevented the people from hearing the confessions of martyrs. The
Captain, however, heard him declare that that day his soul would be
with Christ in paradise ; and told him, brutishly, that it would be
with the devil rather, in the bottom of hell. He warned the Captain,
in reply, that he would hasten thither himself, if he was not brought
to reflection ; and then, falling on his knees, commended his soul to
Christ, had his right hand cut off, and, bowing his head, received the
final stroke. The head was placed on one pole, and, on four others,
the quarters of his body. He had always taught that tears were the
only weapons of the church, and disapproved of those who sought for
the help of arms to defend the Gospel.
The Christian Schoolmaster is the most efficient assistant of the
Christian Minister ; and the restorers of Popery in Bohemia were
scarcely less anxious to empty the school-room than the Reformed
pulpit. Private masters, no less than Professors, were to be banished ;
and all parents, whether nobles or citizens, who should employ a
Protestant to teach their children, were threatened with imprisonment
and fine. Instead of Protestant Catechisms, the Catechism of the
Jesuit Canisius was to be committed to memory ; and a brood of
Jesuits, under the character of tutors, were ready to perpetuate
popular ignorance. The more clever of the Protestant boys were
often taken by force, and prepared to communicate the rudiments of a
harmless, but unprofitable, scholarship.
The Carolinum of Prague, a University founded by the Emperor
Charles IV., in 1348, was entirely in the hands of the Evangelicals,
and, ever since the days of Huss, had maintained an influence in
Bohemia hostile to the pretensions of the Roman See. The chief
imperial Commissioner, therefore, visited this learned body (March
15th, 1621), presented to the Professors a paper containing thirteen
declaratory articles of religion, and demanded their subscription.
One of them, Nicholas Troilus, ventured to object, on behalf of his
brethren, but was instantly seized and conveyed to prison. The
others withdrew in silence, two excepted, — Basilius, of Deutschenberg,
Professor of Mathematics, and John Campanus, Professor of the
Greek Language and Poetry, who yielded to authority, became Papists,
and rose to high office. Ferdinand, losing little time in following up
this blow, caused Prince Lichteustein to expel all " non-Catholic
Professors," as they were called. An order to this effect once given
(April 30th, 1622), resistance was impossible : Commissioners entered
the building, sealed the archives, dismissed the Professors, placed the
University, if such it might then be called, in the charge of the two
apostates, and they surrendered it, with all its estates, rights, and
privileges, to the Jesuits of St. Clement. To complete the mat-
ter, the Pope suspended all promotions, so that no academical
degrees could be taken ; and for some time the chairs were vacant.
And even when the machinery of education was restored, an
esoteric system of teaching confined the reality of learning to the
few selected Jesuits, who made use of it as an instrument for
DESTRUCTION OF BOOKS. 573
the subversion of Evangelical religion. Learning in Bohemia soon
expired.
Then followed a general destruction of books, excepting, however,
such works as Amadis of Gaul, and any that would promote supersti-
tion or immorality. Commissioners, attended by trains of Jesuits,
visited the towns, summoned the inhabitants by ringing of bells ; and
with gentle words, but great array of power, exhorted the people to
bring their heretical books. Exhortation was command. Boxes and
barrels full of books were brought together into the market-place, poor
people flocked with single volumes, the whole were heaped up on
faggots and consumed, while sentinels stood round to prevent any
from being snatched out of the flames ; and the Jesuits made merry
at the conflagration, admiring how beautifully they flamed, and telling
the owners that if they were found to have imbibed the heresy, they
also should be thrown into the fire. Spanish and Walloon soldiers
ransacked the houses, and detected treasures of Bibles and religious
books secreted under floors or buried in cellars. Smiling Jesuits
lounged in families, and bribed young children to show them their
fathers' books, which they discovered, seized, and sent to the burning
heap. Some who found it expedient to cast off the profession of a
merely nominal Protestantism, saved the Commissioners the trouble
of visitations by burning their libraries on their own premises, and
made a virtue of necessity. The monasteries were expurgated : but
in them some volumes were preserved for the use of controversialists,
should controversy become necessary, bound in black, to signify that
they were condemned, prohibited, and devilish, and kept in one place,
accessible only to the privileged. In this book-execution the litera-
ture of Bohemia perished, except as exiles had carried away copies
into foreign countries, where collections were afterwards made with
diligence ; but such collections could only be small, imperfect, and
without influence on the intellectual and religious character of Bohe-
mia. Bibles, of course, were chiefly sought after, and destroyed with
the most intense fury ; and the sacred volume, no longer designated
by its peculiar name, was called in derision Wyblila, a Bohemian
word, said to be equivalent with "vomit." Some zealots underwent
great labour, and even faced danger, in forcing books from reluctant
and conscientious owners. Once, a Jesuit, backed by a body of sol-
diers, so provoked the inhabitants of a town that they rose in a body,
and killed him. Very religious men signalized themselves in those
days by travelling from village to village to pilfer and burn good books.
And their names are recorded with great applause by Romanists ; but,
for our part, we would rather leave those names to perish.
Having noticed the expulsion of Ministers and Schoolmasters, the
suppression of the University, the burning of Bibles, and the annihi-
lation of literature, it remains to say how Ferdinand and the Clergy
dealt with the people. Cherished in the bosoms of the faithful, the
incorruptible seed of truth might again spring up, and, watered by
the blood of martyrs, might overspread the land. All faithful men,
therefore, were to be put out of the way ; and they could only hope
to effect this by vast labour.
574 CHAPTER VIII.
Lohelius, Archbishop of Prague, having died (November, 1G22),
the Chapter held many consultations on the election of a successor
who would be likely to display extraordinary energy in doing this
very work. Ernst Adalbert Harrach, son of an imperial Privy Coun-
cillor, at that time Chamberlain to Pope Gregory XV., and a young
man twenty-four years of age, was thought to possess sufficient vigour,
both of mind and body, to toil in the extirpation of heresy. He
received the pallium, and entered fully into the enterprise. The Nuncio
at Vienna assisted him and the Jesuits by presenting and supporting
petitions to the Emperor, who, having effectually put down rebellion,
could not but avow the real ground of persecution, or cease to perse-
cute. Incited by the new Archbishop and his company, Ferdinand
issued edicts in 1623 and 1624, for the expulsion of all the remaining
Protestant Clergy. He then revoked the liberty of worship previously
established in Bohemia ; and at length formally empowered the
Archbishop and Lichtenstein to extirpate all non-Catholic systems
of religion, and restore the Popish ceremonies everywhere. All
Protestants were to be driven out of towns. No Protestant was to
be allowed to marry. The few Ministers who were said to be still
concealed, were to be hunted out, and banished. The district
Governors then issued a terrible edict throughout the kingdom,*
* This edict is so full an example of Romish government, that it shall be inserted
here. " 1. All those who are unwilling to embrace the Catholic religion, and so become
of the same religion with His Majesty, are prohibited from all business, trade, com-
merce, &c. 2. No one shall allow sermons to be preached, or baptisms and marriages
to take place in his house, under a fine of one hundred dollars, or imprisonment for six
months. Abo, whoever retains an Evangelical preacher in his house, shall forfeit his
estates with his life. 3. The true Catholic Priest is not to accompany, with the usual
ceremonies, a deceased Protestant to the burial-ground ; but the church and burial fees
he shall, nevertheless, receive. 4. Whoever labours, transacts business, or sells any-
thing on holy or saints' days, shall be imprisoned, and pay a fine of ten guilders. 5.
Any person found in a public-house during time of mass, shall be imprisoned and
detained until he pays a fine of ten guilders ; and the host shall pay double that sum.
6. Those who ridicule a Priest, his sermon, worJs, or gestures, and thus mock the
Roman worship, and those who permit heretical worship to be celebrated in their houses,
shall be banished, and their estates shall be confiscated. 7. Whoever shall eat meat on
Fridays and Saturdays, without permission of the Archbishop, shall pay a fine of ten
guilders. 8. As often as the father of a family shall absent himself from mass on Sun-
days and holida5rs, he shall give, if rich, four pounds, and if poor, two pounds, of wax
candles to the Church. 9. A list shall he kept of the young people in all the towns and
villages ; and whoever has placed his sons in Protestant schools, shall withdraw them
before the festival of All Souls : otherwise, the rich shall pay fifty, and the poor thirty,
guilders' fine. 10. Whoever instructs the young people at home secretly, shall forfeit
all his property ; and he himself shall be ejected from the town by the beadle. 11. No
will shall be valid, unless the testator be a Catholic : heretics shall not have liberty to
make a will. 12. No young people, whether orphans or otherwise, shall henceforth be
instructed hi any art or trade, unless they have previously learned the Catholic Catechism
(of Canisius). 13. Whoever speaks or sings indecent words of God, the Holy Virgin,
and the saints, or of the Church ceremonies, and of the glorious house of Austria, the
same shall, without mercy, forfeit his estates and his life. 14. Those who have, to the
prejudice of the Catholic religion, any painting on or in their houses, shall immediately
efface the same, or pay a fine of thirty guilders : also, if similar things be carved or
painted on gates, churches, or other public places, they shall be broken down or effaced,
and the crucifix, or some other ancient monument, shall be substituted. 15. If the poor
in the workhouses be not converted by All Saints this year, they shall be ejected, and
afterwards none but Catholics shall be admitted. Hereby will he fulfilled the unchange-
able will of His Imperial Majesty." — Reformation and Anti- Reformation in Bohemia,
vol. ii., p. 150.
CONVERSION-SOLDIERS. 575
which was executed with unsparing severity. Multitudes were tor-
mented or burnt to death ; and a broad stream of emigration flowed
into neighbouring countries, and especially into Lusatia, then under
the government of Prince John George of Saxony, and also into
Misnia, Silesia, Brandenburg, Holland, Prussia, Poland, Lithuania,
Hungary, and Transylvania. Yet so large a part of the Bohemian
population could not be swept away at once, and successive edicts
renewed the persecution. Ferdinand told the nobility that he would
have no other subjects in Bohemia than Catholics ; and that all who
would not be converted within six months should sell their estates to
Catholics, and go elsewhere (A.D. 1627). In coercing the nobility,
they did not subject their bodies to the torture, nor throw them into
prison, but reduced them to apostacy or exile by other methods.
They billeted large companies of soldiers on them, demanded heavy
contributions, extorted gifts, and impoverished them by confiscations.
Their finest mansions were demolished, or taken for Jesuit colleges or
seminaries, or the materials and the site appropriated for the con-
struction of monasteries. Houses were pulled down while the weeping
tenants had scarcely time to remove their furniture. To supply the
places of the banished nobles, Ferdinand raised others, whom the Clergy
nominated, to the dignity of " States " of the first rank, with pre-
cedence of Barons, Earls, and Princes. And, to obviate every legal
hinderance to his oppressive doings, he promulgated new laws, annul-
ling the old ones ; and by every possible contrivance proceeded to
destroy the nationality, and even the language, of Bohemia.
After banishment, forced recantations, and murder had failed to
destroy the religion of Christ, and many yet remained steadfast, or,
having so far yielded as to obtain certificates of confession to a Priest,
still continued to worship God alone in private, or in small compa-
nies ; after Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, Priests, and Magistrates
had failed also, exhausting all their guile and violence, Prince
Lichtenstein employed his dragoons to complete the restoration
of Popery. These " Lichtenstein conversion-soldiers," or " Salva-
tionists," or " Saviours," partly dragoons and cuirassiers, and partly
Spanish and Bavarian infantry, principally acted under the command
of a Spaniard, Martin de la Huerda, and of one Zdenko Liebsteinsky
Kolowrat, a veteran persecutor. These soldiers were distributed over
the kingdom, but most numerously where the vestiges of Evangelical
religion were the strongest. They were billeted on suspected persons,
or known Protestants, and committed almost incredible barbarities.
Often when they had pillaged the house, the owners, in despair, gave
up house-keeping altogether, and put the keys into their hands.
When any declared that they were " Catholics," the dragoons were
instantly removed. But a great number chose rather to suffer loss
of all things, or even of life, than deny Christ ; and then their suffer-
ings became extreme. Mothers were tied down, and their sucking
infants placed within sight, that their cries, hour after hour, and day
after day, might move them to apostacy. If the mother promised to
turn Papist, she was unbound, and her babe put into her arms.
They would set about the conversion of others by keeping them awake
5/6 CHAPTER VIII.
for many days and nights, until they became stupefied, and in that
state accepted confession-tickets from the Priests. Some were dragged
to mass by the hair of the head, or scourged until their flesh dropped
under the lashes. Some were led to the gallows and threatened to
be hanged, or held fast with swords and pistols pointed at their
breasts, until they would apostatize ; or, if not, were put to death.
Sick persons were tormented as they lay in bed, until they yielded to
the ruffian " Saviours." These troops not only ravaged Bohemia,
but followed the exiles into Lusatia and Silesia, where, in spite of the
remonstrances of the Elector of Saxony, they perpetrated the same
cruelties. It was in Silesia that two officers held up a naked infant by
its legs, cut it in two with a sword, and gave it back to its parents,
saying, " Here you have it sub utrdque." But let us mark a few more
examples of Christian martyrdom under this dreadful persecution.
At Kossenberg, ten only out of three hundred Protestant vassals
dared confess Christ. And six of these, yielding to the pains of cold
and hunger in prison, purchased release by recantation. Four stood
firm. Their names were Sigismund Hrussowsky, Nicholas Szarowez,
John Aksamit, and Lorenz Karlik. Five weeks passed away in
solitude. No perverter came to tempt them ; but they were exposed
to the winter frosts of January and February without covering or fire,
and still resolved to die rather than surrender. Hunger was then
commissioned to try what cold could not effect, and for nine days
they lay without a morsel of food. Still they would not surrender.
Finding them yet alive, the jailers gave each of them a small piece
of bread, but nothing to quench thirst. They ate it, and drank their
own water, trusting in God for help. At last a Jesuit and the Gover-
nor of the castle came, and threatened to treat them yet more severely
unless they would renounce their faith. But they would not surren-
der. " Rather than sin against our God," said Sigismund, " we will
suffer hunger, the halter, or the stake." And as the visiters went
away, he called after them, "Whatever you intend to do, do it
speedily." Then came the jailers and separated them. Aksamit
remained in the same place ; Nicholas was thrown into a filthy pit ;
Sigismund shut up in the flue of a chimney ; and Karlik placed in
some equally wretched situation. There they remained unvisited by
any friend for twenty-one weeks : a small quantity of bread and a
draught of water being brought them twice a week, and now and then
the offer of release repeated if they would become Catholics ; but
they would not surrender. They were then taken from the places
of confinement; the persecutors helped themselves to fines out of their
property, and banished them from Bohemia. Taking joyfully the
spoiling of their goods, they departed ; but Karlik died in consequence
of his protracted sufferings before he could reach the frontier.
John Burjan Kochowez, a learned man, had been imprisoned by
the Princess Lobkowitz, because he would not oblige her by conform-
ing to Popery. There he lay for three years. Monks and Jesuits
tormented him to death, and buried him under a gibbet at Raudnitz.
In the domain of Leitomischl, three hundred vassals had succumbed
to the authority of their earthly superiors, and denied their Lord ; but
BALZER OF ZLONITZ. 577
one stood faithful. He was imprisoned, and soon fell sick, when a
Jesuit came to admonish him ; but he said, " Away, tempter ! To-day
I must go to the heavenly sacrament of Christ." He soon escaped to
paradise, and his body was buried like that of Kochowez.
The Emperor rewarded the diligence of Don Martin de la Huerda,
by giving him the little town of Dobrzich. A Clerk in that place,
unwilling to have any communication with the new Spanish Lord,
resigned his office, and engaged himself as private tutor in the
family of a miller. Don Martin, enraged, caused both the miller and
his tutor to be brought in chains to the castle of Welhartiz, and
thrown into the filth of the deepest dungeon. The miller was soon
liberated ; but the Clerk remained there a whole year, when existence
could no longer be sustained. Shortly before his death, he sent word
to Don Martin that both his legs had rotted, and that his body was
full of worms. Don Martin would not believe it ; and equally incre-
dible must it have been to him that the martyr sang cheerful hymns
as long as life endured. On the anniversary of his imprisonment he
expired. The body was not allowed Christian burial, but drawn from
the dungeon and thrown into the castle-ditch, whence a shepherd took
it, and put it into a grave.
Compulsory recantations, as we have seen in the preceding pages,
were often followed by sincere and honourable confession. So it was
in Bohemia. A company of twenty-nine peasants, all of them restored
confessors, were taken prisoners in the village of Zlonitz, and marched
to the town of Schlan. Their faith had been renewed in fraternal
communion ; and they had eaten bread and drunk wine in remem-
brance of the death of the Lord Jesus. One of them, named Balzer,
quite unlettered, but well taught of God, officiated as their Minister,
and might have long continued to do so, but their landlord, having
turned Papist, thought to purchase favour by delivering up Balzer and
his brethren to the Town-Council of Schlan. Thither they went,
singing paschal hymns on the road, and were brought into the pre-
sence of the Council. The articles of accusation being read, Balzer
was called on to answer for them all. He asked for time to prepare
a written answer, which was granted ; and, being unable to write, he
dictated his confession in Bohemian to this effect : — " I have heard the
accusation pronounced against me. The first point is, that I have
proved faithless to God, my Creator, and to my own conscience, by
having embraced, and then again forsaken, the Catholic religion, and
thus become guilty of perjury. To this I reply, that I was at that
time induced to sin against God, my best Judge, only by the most
severe imprisonment. I was then too weak in faith, and did not
sufficiently trust in God, who is able to save his own from the hands
of their enemies. I felt God's chastisement for this sin, my consci-
ence being troubled during a whole year, so that I scarcely ventured
to hope for his mercy. Then, remembering that sinners of old found
mercy by repentance, I called upon God night and day, moistening
my bed with tears : for I loathed myself, a sinner. And God, the
true and the just, who desires not our destruction, nor the death
of the sinner, but that he should turn and live, did in his own time
VOL. III. 4 E
5/8 CHAPTER VIII.
reveal unto me his mercy. I received what he prayed for. He sent
me an angel, and my eyes saw a light brighter than the sun. At
that instant I received the Holy Spirit, and felt myself newly born :
I received the power of distinguishing between good and evil spirits ; *
and with this gift was imparted to me the commission to reprove the
sins of men. I speak no untruths : for the Holy Spirit is not con-
cealed in those to whom he is given. He is not to announce future
events to the ivicked, but mercy to the repenting sinner. For which
reason I was forbidden by the Holy Ghost from exercising any works
of the flesh, or worldly desires, which rebel against the righteous
Judge of the living and the dead, and against his elect saints. This
is also well known to the Baron Walkleun. They have hindered me
these four years from proclaiming the truth ; but the more they
hindered me, the more did God strengthen me by his Holy Spirit. They
may also remember that I came to the castle of Zlonitz to proclaim
the truth, and exhort them to repentance, as the Lord Jesus com-
manded me by his Holy Spirit, for three days in succession. On the
last of these days, I had a book with me. As my accuser says that
I am a misleader of souls, I reply, and maintain, that it is certainly
the will of the Lord Jesus that you also should hear me. They were
not strong enough to wrest the book from me at that time,"
(although the possession of such a book was contrary to repeated
edicts and proclamations,) " yet they refused to glorify God." The
defence was continued at great length, and of so unusual a kind, that
the Jesuits went to converse with him in the prison alone, and,
if possible, to win him over to their Church again. But he resisted
manfully. Although only a layman, as he said, and unable either to
read or write, he believed that what he had preached was not of
himself, but of the Holy Spirit. He acknowledged again that after his
fall he had spent a year in sorrow. " But at last," said he, " the
Lord Jesus had mercy on me, and showed me his wounds, through
which the wounds of my conscience were instantly healed." The
Jesuits persisted in disputation ; but he refuted their doctrine by the
words of holy writ, and predicted punishment on the persecutors, and
a reunion of the flock of Jesus Christ, then dispersed by wolves.
They sent him to Prague, and there he received sentence of death,
and was taken to the gibbet before day-break (August 14th, 1629),
that the people might not see or hear him. His head was struck off,
his body quartered, and the parts were exposed on the public roads.
Precious, in those days, was the word of life. When religious
meetings could not be held in towns, people would go away, even in
the depth of winter, to the vast native forests, and penetrate so far that
no sound could be heard, nor any trace of them perceived. Under
the trees covered with snow that formed a solid roof, they laid up
* The description which this simple peasant gives of his experience must not be
subjected to cold criticism. He describes, as best he can, a great change, a change
of heart, and a special communication of power to confess the Saviour whom he had
dishonoured, with a commission to make that confession openly, for the restoration
of others. He had also grace, being recovered from his fall, to "resist even unto
blood." And it may, indeed, have pleased God, in a time of severe conflict, to honour
his servant with an extraordinary manifestation, just as he describes it.
PRAGUE TAKEN BY THE SAXONS. 579
their waggons and tethered the horses. With the straight branches
of fir-trees they raised commodious huts, which gave their children
shelter ; and in the open spaces they made fires. From the rivers and
lakes they drew fish to vary their repast. Daily worship was held
without fear. A bell summoned the scattered families to the place
of congregation, and there they sang from rare copies of the old
Bohemian Hymn-book ; and a Clergyman, long banished from the
world, a tenant of the wilderness, set forth the lively truths of Chris-
tianity, and administered the eucharistic emblems of the Lord's death,
just after the manner that John Huss had taught their fathers. The
trunk of a tree, felled for the purpose, and cut smooth, served as a
communion-table. Villages on the skirts of those forests were some-
times deserted, except by children, who could scarcely be trusted with
the secret. If a stranger happened to ask them where their parents
were, they would answer, " In the forest ;" a sentence as familiar to
their ear as " in the field," or " at the plough."
The Gospel, then, was not suppressed, but Bohemia was ruined.
No more liberty, no free national Diet, scarcely any ancient nobility,
no Bohemian literature, and the language itself half forgotten, except
among the poor and in the villages ; arts and manufactures almost
extinct. To this state the country was reduced by the exile of thirty-
six thousand families, the confiscation of estates, the slaughter and
ravages of war, the tyranny of Magistrates, Priests, Jesuits, and
Monks, and the invasion of Germans.
For a few months, indeed, hope dawned. The imperial army was
defeated by the Saxons on the 16th of August, 1631, near Leipsic,*
and the victorious host marched on Prague, whence the Archbishop
and civil authorities fled in consternation. The Elector himself
subsequently came to Prague, and took up his abode in the castle
of Prince Lichtenstein. Many other towns surrendered to Lutheran
troops, and a multitude of exiles hastened back to their former homes.
When the Elector made his public entry into the capital (November
20th) more than thirty Lutheran Clergymen went to the Tein church,
which had formerly belonged to the Protestants, in solemn procession,
and there, with prayers and hymns, supplicated the divine mercy.
Evangelical worship was performed there with great solemnity on the
first Sunday in Advent. Seventy Ministers read the service before a
densely-crowded congregation in the morning ; and, in the afternoon,
the skulls of the noblemen who had been beheaded ten years before
were taken from the top of the tower where they had been exposed,
placed in a coffin covered with silk, and carried to the same cathedral
church, an immense crowd of people following with hymns. A
Protestant Consistory was soon formed, the Jesuits were expelled, and,
within a few weeks, two thousand Evangelical Christians who had not
recanted were joined by five thousand who again professed adherence
to the religion of their fathers. The Protestant University was
restored, and, by the blessing of God on the labours of some devoted
Ministers, twenty-four churches were again established in Prague,
with no fewer than fifteen thousand members. A similar revival took
* Tliis \vas during the Thirtr Years' War.
4 E 2
580 CHAPTER VIII.
place all over Bohemia ; and the Papists lamented that, notwithstand-
ing the banishments of the Clergy and the various persecutions which
they had carried on so diligently, their labour was now lost. It was in
great part lost ; but when the Elector of Saxony had been nine months
in possession of Prague, it was retaken by the Duke of Friedland,
Saxons evacuated the garrison, the Evangelical Ministers were sent out
of the country under a military escort, and Popery was again dominant.
The Jesuits returned, and, by forced conversions, imprisonments,
and banishments, recovered much of the lost ground, yet were morti-
fied to find that the hated doctrine could not be eradicated, but that
a considerable part of the Bohemian population was still Protestant in
heart. Eight years of their labour scarcely diminished the amount
of Evangelical influence in all classes of society, and again an edict was
published, declaring that "no one should be tolerated in the kingdom
of Bohemia who was not a Catholic ; " and so hotly did the Jesuits
pursue their vocation of hunting down heretics, that people fled from
their habitations at night, and (A.D. 1652) out of the domain of
Friedland alone there were counted three thousand one hundred and
eighty fugitives within twelve months. To disobey the most unreason-
able orders was to incur the punishment of disobedience to the civil
authority ; and, under this colour, they imprisoned, starved, beheaded,
or burnt Protestants from one end of the kingdom to the other.
Although forbidden to remain in Bohemia, they were punished
if overtaken in flight towards a Protestant state, for having attempted
to go to an enemy's country. Thus an aged peasant, named Peschek,
attempting to escape from the village of Grusitz, was delated by some
false friend, seized in his own house at night, carried to the castle
of Hradek, in the domain of Wallenstein, and subjected to horrors
indescribable, — to starve and rot in an inconceivably filthy dungeon.
As often as they asked him if he would renounce his heresy and
become a Catholic, he replied, that he could say nothing contrary to
the word of God, and that it was impossible for him to die in the
Papal religion. From the dungeon he was taken into the presence
of a company of Jesuits, who asked him if he would embrace the
Catholic religion, or if his heart was so full of the devil that he could
by no means be reclaimed. " Dear men," answered he, " I have
nothing to do with the devil. I cleave to my Lord and Redeemer,
Jesus Christ, who died for my sins, and rose again for my justifica-
tion." They agreed that he deserved to be burnt ; and the aged
sufferer, hearing this, exclaimed, in an agony of horror, " 0 that God
would take me from this world, that I might no longer hear their
blasphemies! Fathers, do you really think that you would be
justified in burning me ? " Some of the bystanders were so
affected that they could not refrain from shedding tears ; but the
hardened Jesuits, irritated at that expression of sympathy, had him
sent back to prison, and, before thrusting him into the same dungeon,
the jailer scourged him. After he had been there a full year more,
they brought him forth at Easter, questioned him, and then he was
tortured by the Jesuits and the Dean ; but they could not extort a
recantation of his belief in Christ. Being so exhausted by his torture
PRESENT STATE OF BOHEMIA. 581
that he could neither raise his head, nor stand, nor even speak, they
placed him in a less horrible prison, where, however, he could no
longer eat or drink. After he had been there a day and night, some
Jesuits came to him with a crucifix, and asked if he would acknow-
ledge that as his Saviour. This roused his prostrate energies, and he
answered aloud, " I know and fully believe that Christ, and not this
wood, has been crucified for me. Christ, who is indeed both man
and God, died for me." Astounded at this unexpected burst of life,
they stood mute for a moment, and gnashed their teeth ; and then,
having repeated those endeavours without the least effect, declared
that such a hardened heretic deserved nothing better than to be
thrown on the fire, or flung to the wild beasts in the open field.
" In God's name," said he, " do with me what you will. Whether
you burn me, or wild beasts devour me, I am sure that my Redeemer,
Jesus Christ, will take my soul to heaven. 0 Lord Jesus, have mercy
on me ! " He then began the Lord's Prayer ; but, before his lips
could utter the last sentence, the Lord released his happy spirit.
Utterance ceased. He had fallen asleep in Christ. One of the
spectators * tells us that many stood around, looking on that placid
countenance with bleeding hearts, and that he often wept when
remembering the scene. The tormentors had no pity, but, balked
of their intent, walked sullenly away.
Here must end our sketch of the Bohemian persecutions ; briefly
noting that, for more than a century after the martyrdom of Peschek,
the few Bohemians who dared to remain without the pale of Romanism
suffered all manner of vexations, and often imprisonment and death.
But great numbers complied outwardly, retaining their belief in Evan-
gelical doctrine, secretly reading, praying, and receiving visits from
foreign Ministers, who came to them in disguise and with great peril.
But in the year 1773 the Jesuits were expelled, and, in 1781, the
Emperor Joseph II., by his " Toleration Edict," bestowed on Pro-
testants a sort of liberty, clogged with many unworthy and frivolous
restrictions, — such a shadow of religious freedom as we are at
this day allowed at Rome, where we may worship in a granary, or
meeting-house, outside the walls, being denied even there the use
of an edifice having the name or appearance of a church. Such a
liberty was then granted by that remarkable Sovereign, who probably
gave as much as he could venture to do, without endangering his
crown. Our present condition in Bohemia depends, in great measure,
on the caprice or policy of the Austrian Government from one moment
to another, religion being, to their apprehension, a political matter.
The affairs of Bohemia in 1618 withdrew our attention from
Poland, of which country there is not much more to be related in
fulfilment of our present object. The spread of Socinianism, on the
one hand, and the confusion of ecclesiastical and political questions, on
the other, often render it impossible to recognise suffering Protestants
as confessors of Christ. Perhaps, if it were possible to supply the
defects of religious history in Poland, a Martyrology might be formed
* Holyk, a son of Protestant parents, taken to a Jesuit school by force, and made a
Jesuit. He afterwards effected his escapr.
582 CHAPTER VIII.
by collecting names and incidents scarcely known to the historians
of the seventeenth and following centuries. It is interesting, how-
ever, to observe that in Poland, as in many other lands, our own
countrymen, for so the Scotch are certainly to be accounted, were
not last in suffering persecution for Christ's sake. At Lublin (A.D.
1627, circ.), while the Evangelical nobility used their privilege for the
protection of congregations assembling in their houses, the wife of
William Tuck, a Scottish merchant, frequented one of those congre-
gations. For this offence, and being a foreigner, she was summoned
to answer for herself in a civil court. To the questions, Was she a
Catholic ? and, Did she confess ? she answered, " I am a woman who
believe the Gospel ; and to God alone, against whom I have sinned,
I confess my sins." They inquire who has perverted her. " God,"
she answers, " has wrought this work in my heart : wherefore I owe
him eternal thanks." She must abjure, they say, or go to prison.
The mother of five children, and one of them yet hanging on her
breast, is to be separated from them, and perhaps leave them orphans ;
but she declares herself ready to leave them, if God wills it. Many
persons of rank crowd the court, and intercede for the foreign lady ;
but in vain. She is threatened with dungeon and rack, if she will
not "repent," and three days are given her for consideration. All
the population of Lublin is aroused on her behalf; but the authorities,
clerical and civic, threaten the inhabitants with punishment if they
encourage heresy, and force them to be silent. She cannot yield.
Her heart is fixed. Therefore she is taken away to prison. No
Evangelical is allowed to see her ; but the Jesuits, a folk that hover
around the dungeons, like vultures over carcases, importune her to
apostatize. But she is constant ; nothing can subdue her noble
spirit. By dread of consequences God reins in the fury of the perse-
cutors, and she is restored to her husband and their children with an
unspotted conscience. The Jesuits revenge themselves by a few riotous
attacks on the houses of " Evangelicals ;" but now they rage in vain
(A.D. 1627). It would be interesting to trace the religious history
of the Scotch residents in Poland ; but this we cannot do, and merely
observe that, a few years after the imprisonment of this lady, they
were forbidden to sing psalms or hymns in their families, or to have
sermons preached in their houses at Lublin, and that one of their
funeral processions was attacked and a Scotchman killed (A.D. 1633).
A Polish Physician, Macovius, was imprisoned at the same time, and
would probably have lost his life, but the nobles ransomed him by
paying thirteen thousand florins to the Monks of St. Bernard ; and
Macovius walked out of prison, singing the thirty-fifth Psalm : " Plead
my cause, 0 Lord, with them that strive with me," &c.
On the northmost curve of the Carpathian mountains, and extend-
ing partly into the Hungarian and partly into the Galician territory,
as they are now divided, lay the Hungarian county of Zips, subject,
at the period in which we begin a brief survey of the state of the
persecuted Christians of Hungary, to the King of Poland. Lutherans
and Helvetians (or Calvinists) had multiplied in Hungary, built
churches, and, under the divine blessing, spread the knowledge of
HUNGARY. 583
Christianity so widely, that the greater part of the population had
become Evangelical in doctrine. The Captaincy of the " Thirteen
Towns " had gradually passed over to the Confession of Augsburg,
and transferred their churches to Lutheran Ministers, leaving the
Romish Priests few in number, and reduced to poverty. The Kings
of Poland and of Hungary either had been unwilling to injure them,
or, when urged by Jesuits and Priests to persecute, had been prevented
by manifest interpositions of a superior Power.
At last, Martin Petheo, Bishop of Kirchdrauf, paid this district a
canonical visitation, found many, perhaps most, of the churches in
possession of Lutherans, and exhibited mandates from the Emperor,
Rudolph II., and the King of Poland, Sigismund III., requiring them
to be surrendered to " true parish Priests." These documents he
produced in a meeting of the Chapter of Zips (September llth,
1604), and issued a requisition to the Count of the Thirteen Towns,
to carry the imperial and royal pleasure into execution, depicting the
terrible consequences of disobedience. The Count, Martin Pilcz,
repliedj that the people of the Thirteen Towns were indeed bounden
to obey the King ; but, seeing that such a mandate was repugnant to
the law of God, and could not be executed without endangering the
salvation of souls, and, further, considering it to be contrary to the
constitution of Poland, he thought that they should lay the case
of the demanded churches before His Majesty. After long dispute,
Petheo consented to appeal, and sent a Canon of the Chapter to
Cracow to accuse the Evangelicals of contumacy, while Pilcz and
three others went thither from the Thirteen Towns, and made their
first application to the Prince Sebastian Lubomirski, whose valour in
war had earned him honour and reward from Rudolph. He acknow-
ledged that, as they pleaded, the Towns had the right of presentation
to their churches, and advised them to apply to Sigismund while he
himself withdrew from Cracow to avoid being drawn into further
consultation ; and instructed them that, even if the King persisted in
his demand, they should return home, and keep possession of the
churches for the present, as the law required previous knowledge and
consent of the Prince to all such orders, which consent had not been
had. Lubomirski withdrew from Cracow, to avoid participation in
the royal counsels ; and the deputies, after long delay, prevailed on
the King to examine evidence that their constituents had the right
of presenting Ministers to the churches. Ministers, he replied, they
might present, but not Pastors, who were unknown in law ; and there-
fore they must surrender the churches to Martin Petheo, Archbishop
of Kolocza,* or pay twenty thousand florins. They wished to explain
that Pastors were Ministers ; but Sigismund drily answered, " With
you they may be, but not with us." Finding that the King could
not be prevailed on to do them justice, they made no further applica-
tion to him, but, while two of them hastened back to Zips, Pilcz, as
Count and guardian of the Thirteen Towns, went with the other to
the Prince, in his retreat at Nowajowa, near the capital of the county,
and was by him directed not to give up the churches until he should
* Recently promoted to that dignity.
584 CHAPTER VIII.
have received royal order, duly countersigned. Ignorant of this
arrangement, the Archbishop returned full of confidence, assembled
his Chapter at Kolocza, summoned the Count thither, and required
him to immediately put Priests into possession of the churches, or
pay the fine of twenty thousand florins. But Pilcz withstood the
demand ; maintained that such a royal order would be contrary to the
Evangelical religion, and to the good of souls ; and that, although the
authority of the King was superior to his own, it would be incomplete
unless sustained by the consent of the Prince, which consent had not
been given. Petheo threatened to employ force ; but the Count
placed guards around the churches, the congregations continued to
assemble, and the Primate of Hungary was compelled to leave the
Lutheran Ministers in possession of their own. After this event,
Count George Thurzo, Palatine and Viceroy of Hungary, as friend
of the Evangelicals, endeavoured to obtain for the churches the
position of a national establishment, and the national Diet constituted
the Evangelical Ministers an independent ecclesiastical order (A.D.
1608). But the negotiations eventually failed, after having betrayed
some of the Pastors into an assumption of temporal state as legally
appointed Prelates, and after one of them, Xylander, had reluctantly
accepted a sort of archiepiscopal dignity, as Superintendent of two
counties (A.D. 1614).
At this point may be dated the commencement of Hungarian
persecutions. Cardinal Francis Forgats, Archbishop of Gran, (Strigo-
nium,) used his utmost influence to put a stop to this odious
promotion of Lutherans under a Popish government. He thought it
insufferable that a Romish and a Lutheran Archbishop should exist
together within the same territory, and did not rest until Xylander
had resigned his office. After this humiliation came other troubles.
Stanislaus Lubomirski, unlike his father, who had lately died, began
by fining a Pastor three hundred florins for some irregularity, and
threatened to expel all the Pastors from the Thirteen Towns. George
Thurzo interfered on their behalf, and pleaded a privilege obtained
from the Emperor Rudolph II., who constituted a Captain-General,
John Ruebez, and his successors, protectors of the Pastors against
vexations of Polish officers. But Lubomirski treated the plea with
scorn, and threatened to take forcible possession of the churches.
With that intent he came to Kirchdrauf, bringing a large train of
horse and foot (April 9th, 1616) ; but was restrained from the
execution of his purpose by the advice of more prudent men, and by
letters from the King himself.
But after the death of Matthias, and the accession of Ferdinand
II. to the throne of Hungary (A.D. 1619), the condition of the
Evangelicals became intolerable. They were provoked to call in the
aid of Bethlen Gabor, Duke of Transylvania, to endeavour to cast
off the yoke of one whom all Hungary regarded as a usurper of the
throne. Ferdinand, hoping to disarm this opposition, had sworn to
observe the Pacification of Vienna, and allow freedom of worship
according to its articles ; but the oath was not kept, and Bethlen
gave battle to the imperial army, won a victory, and compelled him
A PRIEST'S CURSE. 585
again to promise the Hungarians of both Confessions freedom in the
exercise of their religious rights (A.D. 1621). Again the promise
was broken, nnd again the Transylvanian compelled him to repeat it
(A.D. 1624). But nothing could bind a man whom the disciples
of Loyola governed, and whom they taught that faith should not be
kept v,ith heretics. He therefore contrived covertly to sanction
persecution, and found a ready agent in one Pazmann, a renegade
from the Evangelical religion, recently elevated to the archbishopric
of Gran. With exhaustless ingenuity this man allured a multitude
of the humbler classes into the toils of Romanism, together with no
fewer than fifty noble families. The tide of political influence now
ran strong against the Gospel. And in a few years the rising
priesthood felt themselves powerful enough to claim jurisdiction over
the Evangelical Ministers and their flocks, and smite them with
anathema * for refusal to submit. In the town of Filka a woman
long forsaken by her husband, who had left the country, applied for
* The anathema pronounced by Peter Pazmann is too copious in terms of malediction,
too faithfully illustrative of the spirit of hate, to be withheld from the English reader —
" By the authority, &c., &c., &c. Amen. And with Pontius Pilate, and with those who
said to the Lord, ' Depart from us, we will not have thy knowledge.' May their child-
ren be made orphans : may they be cursed in the city, cursed in the farm, in the field,
in the forest, in the house : cursed in barns, in beds, in chambers : cursed at court, on
the way, in the city : cursed in camp and in river : cursed in church, in graveyard :
cursed in courts of justice : cursed in the court of law and in the field of battle : cursed
in praying, in speaking, in keeping silence, in eating, waking, sleeping, drinking, touch-
ing, sitting, lying, standing : cursed in time of leisure, cxirsed in every time. May
they be cursed in all their body, in all their soul, and in the five senses of the body.
Cursed be the fruit of their womb ; cursed be the fruit of their land ; cursed be all
belonging to them. Cursed be their head, face, nostrils, nose, lips, roof of the mouth,
teeth, eyes, black of the eyes, brain, palate, tongue, throat, chest, heart, belly, liver,
all the bowels. Cursed be their stomach, spleen, navel, bladder. Cursed be their legs,
shins, feet and toes. Cursed be their neck, shoulders, sides, arms and fore-arms.
Cursed be their hands and fingers. Cursed be the nails on their fingers and toes.
Cursed he their ribs, their " (genitura), " their knees, their flesh, their bones.
Cursed be their blood, their skin, the marrow in their bones, and whatever is within
them. May they be cursed by the passion of Christ, and with the five wounds of Christ,
and with the shedding of the blood of Christ, and with the milk of the Virgin Mary.
" I adjure thee, O Lucifer, and all thy servants, with the Father also, and the Son,
and the Holy Spirit, and with the humanity and nativity of the Lord, and with the power
of all saints, that thou rest not, day nor night, until thou bring them to destruction,
whether they be drowned in rivers, or hung, or devoured by beasts, or burnt, or slain by
enemies. Let them be hated by all living, though only their ghosts remain. And as
the Lord gave power to Peter and to his successors, in whose place we act, and to us
although unworthy, that whatever we hound on earth should be bound in heaven, and
whatever we loosed on earth should be loosed in heaven, even so we shut heaven against
them, and deny them earth for burial ; but let them be buried in the fields with asses,
and let the ground be cursed in which their grave is made. Let them perish in the
judgment to come. Let them have no conversation with Christians, nor take the body
of the Lord when in the article of death. Let them be like dust before the wind ; and
as Lucifer was cast out of heaven, and as Adam and Eve were driven out of Paradise, so
let them be chased from the light of day. Also let them be joined with those to whom
the Lord shall say, in the day of judgment, ' Go, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, which
is prepared for the devil and his angels, where their worm dieth not, and their fire is
not quenched.' And as this candle is extinguished out of my hands, thus may their
bodies and their souls be quenched in the stench of hell, unless they return what they
have stolen, within a certain time." Then follows a rubric. "Let all say, AMEN.
Then sing : ' In the midst of life we are in death.' " — (Historia Ecclesiae Evangelicae
August. Confess. Addict, in Hungaria, &c. Halberstadt, 1830. In Appendice.) You
may imagine that an incarnate fiend holds in his gripe a living man, and gloats over
every part and member of the body that he is just going to devour.
VOL. III. 4 F
586 CHAPTER VIII.
a divorce, and, after the legal formalities had been gone through, the
Pastor of Kirchdrauf, John Pilemann, consented to marry her to an
inhabitant of that town. But the Dean of the Chapter of Zips,
Hoszszuthoty, sent him a messenger commanding him not to perform
the marriage. Pilemann, surprised at such an interference, merely
said to the bearer of the interdict, " What has the Dean to do with
me ? " and, treating the interference with contempt, married the
couple. Burning with anger, the Dean appealed to the Archbishop,
by this time rewarded with a scarlet gown, and known as Cardinal
Pazmann, who instituted a suit against the disobedient Minister, laid
an interdict on him and his two colleagues, extorted, with royal
sanction, a fine of fifty florins to placate the Dean, and amerced the
Evangelicals of Kirchdrauf in a multitude of costs (A.D. 1634).
This is but one example of the injustice and violence which had
now become prevalent. On the death of Ferdinand II. the worship-
pers of God in Hungary hoped for some amelioration of their condi-
tion ; and Ferdinand III. did indeed give them fair words, but
nothing more. The Priests were permitted to employ every method
of deceit and violence with impunity. Pazmann raged without restraint,
and the Popish nobles helped him to lay waste the church of Christ.
Evangelical Pastors were dismissed on the most frivolous pretences,
and mass-Priests substituted for them. With grief and indignation
the Evangelical Hungarians had appealed to the new King in a Diet
at Presburg (A.D. 1637), for the recall of their exiled Ministers, and
for the restoration of their churches and schools ; but he said that he
was too busy to investigate their case until after the close of the Diet,
when the promise was not kept, and, in a short time, the Evangelicals
deplored the loss of about three hundred churches. Multitudes of
people were compelled, by dreadful threatenings and correspondent
violence, to abjure the Christian faith and profess Popery. Again
and again the sufferers implored the King to protect them ; but
utterly in vain ; and, at last, they threw themselves at the feet of
George Rakoczy, Duke of Transylvania, who, like his predecessor
Bethlen, responded to the call, invaded Hungary, and conquered all
the country as he came, up to the gates of Presburg. Terrified by
the presence of so powerful an enemy, Ferdinand III. purchased
Hungary by the form of a large concession, ratified at Linz (Septem-
ber 16th, 1645), confirming previous decrees in favour of religious
liberty, especially that of 1608. The Evangelicals of both the
Augustan and Helvetian Confessions were to have possession of their
churches, with use of bells and burial-grounds. The peasants were
to exercise their religion freely, without hinderance by any civil
authority or feudal lord. All Evangelicals, including tradesmen and
mechanics, were exempted from obligation to join in Popish ceremo-
nies. No one was to remove a " noil-Catholic " Minister from his
station ; and those who were then in exile had permission to return,
or others might be appointed in their stead. Churches taken from
them were to be restored, to the number of ninety, and lands, with
all the revenues. New congregations, or daughter-churches, with
Ministers, might be established. They were to be allowed entire
PERFIDY OF LEOPOLD I. 587
freedom of communion and conference, and all their remaining
grievances were to be examined in the next Diet. For the erection
of new churches and schools they were to have assistance from the
state. No Hungarian was to be called on for contribution to any
other church than his own, which, however, he was required to
support. The Hungarians renewed their allegiance to Ferdinand III.
Rakoczy returned to Transylvania, Ferdinand went about the affairs
of his empire, the Priests resumed their craft ; of the ninety churches
promised, few were restored, and of those few nearly all were taken
from them again under various pretexts. The third Ferdinand
emulated the glory of the second in the eyes of Rome for perfidy and
oppression towards heretics. Civil authorities watched the nod of
King and Priests, and, throwing open their tribunals to Evangelical
Clergymen whom their ecclesiastical authorities had condemned,
annulled the decisions,* or condemned those whom their own
superiors had acquitted, so that not even spiritual discipline could be
enforced.
Leopold I. next took the sceptre of Hungary, and, like others,
swore at his coronation to maintain the laws under which his Evan-
gelical subjects ought to be protected (A.D. 1655). For several years
he avoided appearing in any act of persecution, and even confirmed
the "pacification of Linz " (A.D. 1659), at the very moment when
the Romanists were concerting a deep-laid plot for the extirpation
of all true religion out of the kingdom. Their machinations were
slow, but well calculated ; and an accumulation of sufferings roused
the Evangelical nobles to demand, in the national Diet (A.D. 1662),
that the grievances of their brethren should be taken into considera-
tion before any other business. The dominant party objected, and,
by majority, resolved the contrary ; and they retired in disgust. This
retreat left all power in the hands of the persecutors, who did not
lose the opportunity ; and the destructive policy which had driven
them to invite the interference of Bethlen and Rakoczy was made use
of as vigorously as ever, probably in hope of driving them again to
the same extremity.
The misgovernment of Leopold produced wide-spread discontent. The
Hungarian nobles, in general, were incensed against him, and entered
into an extensive conspiracy to deprive him of the crown. As an
elected Sovereign, he reigned by virtue of a compact ; and by this
compact the Hungarians, like the Bohemians, were allowed to avenge
any breach of the constitution, on part of the King, by an armed
revolt. f And they secretly conspired in preparation for that last
resource. The conspiracy was discovered to him by spies ; and,
instead of taking measures to appease the discontent, he poured
troops into the country, and considering the " non-Catholics " whom
he had chiefly wronged to be, therefore, the most dangerous, he
encouraged their enemies to aggravate the persecution. At the same
* The reader will have observed that " Evangelical " was the usual denominational
term in Hungary, inclusive of the two Confessions.
I It behoves the historian to relate this law without any note of censure or approval.
To the Slave and Magyar it was lav:
4 F 2
588 CHAPTER VIII.
time the Turks, naturally hostile, occupied a part of Hungary ; while
the French King, being at war with him, sent emissaries into the
country to fan the flame. Then fell terrific vengeance on the
Evangelicals.
As no true witnesses could be found to criminate the Ministers,
who had kept themselves clear of all participation in the scheme,
a false witness had to be suborned. A former page of one of the
insurgent Lords who had gone into Transylvania, presented himself
at Vienna, and stated to the Privy Councillors that his master
was in possession of treasonable letters, written from Presburg by
Stephen Withnyedi, an Evangelical nobleman. They bargained to
give him a thousand dollars if he would bring the originals, and
advanced a hundred to enable him to fetch them. Of course he
brought letters. Two letters,* written in cipher, by himself or an
accomplice, were brought to Vienna, and the fellow took the price
of blood. Withnyedi was made to write as if there had been an
organized correspondence between the Evangelicals of Hungary and all
the neighbouring countries, in order to unite with Turks and French
against Leopold ; and as if the Lutheran Superintendents of several
places, with other Ministers, under their instructions, were taking the
lead in preparing the people for an insurrection, " as the Levites went
before the ark." The clumsiness of the forgery, representing as chief
actors persons who had no existence, and the improbability that a
discharged servant should have been privy to a grave political secret
of his master, or that such an one should fail to produce papers for
which he was already bribed, did not deter the persecutors from con-
summating their design. Even the Romish historians acquit the
helpless and unoffending Ministers of all complicity ; and the facts
that the chief conspirators were all Romanists, and that before this
pretended discovery Evangelical churches had been seized, many
Ministers banished, and those of them who were so weak as to abjure,
pardoned and promoted, show that the real ground of offence was
religion, not conspiracy.
The proceedings of Government were not such as a real conspiracy
would have called forth. First, they cited a few Ministers from Pres-
burg, chiefly Lutherans, — the number of Calvinists having been much
reduced by banishment, — to appear at Tyrnau (May, 16/2). No
witnesses were produced, nor was there any examination of evidence ;
but one of three things was demanded. 1. That the Ministers
of both Confessions, there present, should sign a resignation of their
ministry, within the kingdom of Hungary, under pain of death, and
confiscation of goods, to avoid the trial then imminent. Or, 2. To
subscribe an obligation to depart the kingdom within thirty days,
never to return, under the like penalty. Whichever of these forms
they chose, contained a declaration that they did it of their own
* These letters are given in " A Short Memorial of the most grievous Sufferings of
the Ministers of the Protestant Churches in Hungary, hy the Instigation of the Popish
Clergy there : and of the Release of such of them as are yet alive, nineteen of them
having died under the Cruelties of their Persecutors, and ohtained the Crown of Martyr-
dom. London, 1676. "
THE CONFESSORS OF FRESBURG. 589
accord, and uncompelled, to avoid sentence for the crime of which
they were guilty. Or, 3. To become Papists. They could not con-
fess a crime which they had not committed, nor would they abjure
their faith in Christ ; but suffered sentence of death. Their number
and names seem to be unknown.
After these, three Superintendents, with several Elders and Pastors
of the counties of Sohl, Thurocz, and Liptau, were brought up to
Presburg (September 25th, 1673), before George Szelepts^ny, at the
same time Archbishop of Gran, and Viceroy of Hungary. On his
right hand sat George Szecseuyi, Archbishop of Kolocza, six Bishops,
Abbots, and other dignitaries, with two laymen in high office ; on
his left, eleven lay officials. The Ministers were not tried, but pro-
nounced guilty of high treason, and required to make one of the three
subscriptions. Several, perhaps intimidated by the fate of their
predecessors, signed the first or second. A few, but they principal
men, were lured into the meshes, and entangled themselves eternally
by signing the third.
Encouraged by this triumph, — which they might have gained by
summoning persons already known to waver, — the Viceroy and his
assessors issued a general summons to all Ministers of both Confes-
sions, schoolmasters, clerks, and sextons, wherever they could be
found. Priests, guarded by soldiers, proclaimed the document, signed
by the Archbishop-Viceroy, in every parish ; and even in places under
the Turkish Government, where the sword was not at the disposal
of the Church, zealous Priests read the proclamation from their altars.
In those places, the Visier of Buda forbade his master's subjects to
obey ; but from all other parts of Hungary, those who could not save
themselves by flight, or who felt bound to make solemn confession,
went to Presburg. The Viceroy, with a similar attendance, once more
took his throne, and saw about four hundred Ministers of Christ and
servants of the churches standing before him. He commanded one
general accusation to be read, for the idea of personal examination was
never entertained ; and a Secretary proclaimed such charges as these :
— Casting off the fear of God and the King, they had not paid honour
to the saints. The blessed Virgin had been dishonoured by compa-
rison with their own vile wives. The venerable body of Christ in the
sacrament had been trodden under foot. They had preached sedition,
and stirred up their hearers to rebellion and treason. The King's
Attorney, therefore, demanded the heads and the property of the
traitors ; and asked that the other criminals should be condemned to
lose their hands and feet, and then be burnt alive. To justify these
barbarous demands, he produced a copy of the deciphered letters
attributed to Withnyedi. The prisoners heard these letters with
amazement. Withnyedi and Keczer, one of his alleged correspond-
ents, were scarcely known to the Ministers even by name. The
writer of the letters was evidently a Papist ; for he called the Pro-
testant Ministers " preachers," a title never used in their churches,
but applied contemptuously by those who disowned their ordination.
Superintendents, too, were spoken of in towns whence the Superin-
tendents had been driven long before the date of the pretended letters.
590 CHAPTER VIII.
They attempted to plead these objections to the authenticity of the
only evidence produced, and claimed the benefit of a law that no oue
should be condemned to capital punishment on the testimony of a
single witness. The Judges ignored their plea, and urged them
to confess guilt, and throw themselves upon the King's mercy.*
The alternative of silence or exile was then offered. Each might
choose, by affixing his signature to a copy of the corresponding form ;
but, in either case, he would have to write himself a traitor. About
one hundred submitted, to escape the penalty which they were not
ready to suffer. Three hundred stood firm.
No entreaties, no threats were spared to subdue their integrity and
innocence ; but they would not incur guilt by a false confession,
making themselves, also, parties to the spoliation and dispersion
of their churches. And they even ventured to hope that some remains
of justice and equity, slumbering in the bosoms of their Judges,
might awake. But neither justice nor equity was there. After lying in
prison for a month, they were called into court again, and the Judges
pronounced sentence of death first on the Ministers (April 4th, 1674),
and then on the others (April 6th). It was not now, as formerly,
the policy of the Church of Rome to shed blood when her work could
be done by any other means ; and therefore the three hundred con-
fessors were detained in Presburg for about six weeks longer, in hope
that they might be wearied or cheated into compliance ; but not one
gave way. And although they were all allowed to range the city
without a guard, not one attempted to escape. Four Pastors and one
schoolmaster were then laden with fetters, and taken to the castle
of Presburg. Yet this show of severity made no perceptible impres-
sion ; and, therefore, — those of the Helvetian Confession being
separated from the rest, — ninety-three of both churches were put in
irons, and sent, under escort, to the castles of Leopoldstadt, Komorn,
Kaposvar, Bars, and one or two others. There they were confined
with the vilest criminals, made to perform the severest and most
humiliating labours, such as scavenging streets and cleansing ditches,
chained in gangs, and not allowed sufficient food, nor permitted to
receive visits of friends, nor alms of strangers, beaten cruelly, and
exposed to all extremes of hunger, thirst, cold, violence, and filth.
By this means twenty-six of them were forced to profess themselves
"Catholics." The remnant could not be subdued into compliance.
When dragged to mass-houses, they endured the sight and hearing
of idolatry in silence ; and when in the dungeon or the ditch, they
cheered each other with prayers and with psalms, rejoicing in tribula-
tion by the indwelling power of the Holy Spirit.
Still unwilling to shed blood, the Priests of Hungary and Italy
united in resolv.e to make them suffer a living death ; and (March,
1675), by order of the Archbishop of Gran and the Bishop of Neu-
stadt, thirty-five Ministers and six schoolmasters were taken from
* The King was said to be disposed to show mercy in this instance ; but one of these
very Judges, the Bishop of Neustadt, said, " If Caesar were to decree anything a thou-
sand times ever in favour of the preachers, I would set aside his orders a thousand times
ever." — Hist. Eccles. Evaug. Huugarue, p. 35.
CHURCHES OF "THE THIRTEEN TOWNS." 591
prison to be sent to the galleys at Naples. Brutish soldiers drove
them on foot through Moravia, Austria, Styria, and Carniola, some
being even laden with fetters. For many a long day they dragged
their bleeding feet and weary limbs over the rugged ground, and were
beaten if they lagged behind, or if they fell. From morning until
night they were often without food ; and sometimes reached the jour-
ney's end too late to obtain any. Two of those pilgrims escaped the
lashes of their drivers. They breathed out their life on the way, and
their souls entered into rest. Six, half dead, were left on the road,
of whom four expired ; and the two survivers were taken to the galleys.
Six more died of excessive labour and ill treatment. The remaining
twenty-seven were found in a state of indescribable wretchedness by
the Dutch Admiral, De Ruyter, and were surrendered at his intercession,
his fleet being on the coast. He took them from the oar, covered their
naked bodies, dried their tears, nurtured the life remaining, saw them
revive, heard them bless him, and gave them a home in Holland.
Soon they went to that better country where the wicked cease from
troubling, and the weary are at rest ; and we still write the name
of their deliverer, Admiral De Ruyter, of blessed memory.
The Minister of the United Provinces at Vienna interceded for the
remaining prisoners ; but Leopold was guarded, as the Priests thought,
against the possibility of being overcome by any importunity. From
the Hungarian fortresses they were secretly conveyed to prisons in
Trieste and Bucari, on the gulf of Venice. After grievous sufferings,
they, too, were released by an imperial order, extorted by the perse-
vering humanity of the Dutch Ambassador (May 2d, 1676). A small
company of the persecuted Hungarians were at the same time in Eng-
land, imploring Charles II. to join his interposition with that of the
Lords of the United Provinces at the court of Vienna, that they might
be examined before impartial Judges for the establishment of their
innocence ; and that the laws of Hungary and the freedom of religion
might be observed, and the twelve hundred churches taken from them
be again thrown open for the celebration of a pure worship. The
King instructed his representative accordingly, but without effect.
While speaking of churches, we will not overlook an example of the
manner in which the Romish dignitaries indulged their greediness.
Barsony, Dean of the Chapter at Zips, had set his eye on the churches
and school-houses of the Evangelicals of the Thirteen Towns, and
petitioned the King of Poland (A.D. 16/0) for an order to the owners
to divide the use of churches, school-rooms, bells, organs, pulpits,
and grave-yards with the Priests, allowing them to erect altars and
say mass in the Protestant churches. The order was obtained ; and,
after some resistance, the Protestants were obliged to make a compro-
mise, and for a short time the adverse rites were celebrated within the
same walls, until the stronger party gained full possession, first by
requiring the Evangelical Ministers to adopt Popish forms, and then
expelling them for disobedience.
The Prince Stanislaus Heraclius Lubomirski (March -4th, 1675)
next commanded all the inhabitants of the Thirteen Towns to receive
" the Catholic religion " as true, and prepare for confession and com-
592 cnAPTER vin»
munion at Easter. He also commanded the majority of public offices
to be filled by "Catholics" who understood German (December 3d).
Then again (March 4th, 1676), that every person should acknowledge
the Roman Catholic Church to be the true, undoubted, only apostolic
and universal Church. At length (October 1st), that all Magistrates
and other holders of civil offices should be " Catholics ;" and that all
the people should embrace the only " saving faith" before the coming
Easter. After this he commanded all religious meetings to be sup-
pressed, even in private. While these mandates were coming forth,
and resistless persecution spent its fury on every household, the
Hungarians again called in an avenger, Emeric Tokoly, who came at
the head of twenty thousand men, overran upper Hungary, routed
the imperial forces as often as he met them, and at last brought
Leopold to submission. A freedom, not quite so ample as that
obtained by Rakoczy, yet invaluable, if it had been faithfully acted on,
was again promised ; but an artfully contrived limitation vitiated the
compact. The words, " Salvo jure dominorum terrestrium" " Saving
the right of the lords of the soil," opened a fountain of litigation
(A.D. 1681). One period of persecution was closed, indeed; but ano-
ther soon began. Unrighteous decrees were again issued, and again
disobeyed. In the market-place of Eperies, four Christian men were
beheaded (March 15th, 1687) ; then five others (March 22d) ; and
after a brief interval (May 9th), a company of nine there sealed their
testimony in death. Every appeal to the King was frustrated by a
quibble, or else repelled with scorn. Worship could only be cele-
brated in a few places named in articles for the privilege, (loca articu-
laria,) and scarcely even there. Podolski, a Bishop invested with
power over the Thirteen Towns, raged like a demon, until even
Lubomirski endeavoured to moderate his fury. But Lubomirski
himself caught equal madness, and issued one decree after another
of unparalleled ferocity. Death was threatened, rather than inflicted ;
but absentees from mass were flogged through the streets, and Chris-
tian prayer seemed to find no utterance, unless it were in groanings
of anguish only audible to God.
The Emperor Joseph I., however, raised up the fallen. His humane
and just reign might have healed the wounds of Hungary ; but it was
short (from 1705 to 1711); and the Clergy knew how to nullify
almost every tolerant provision. During the reign of Maria Theresa,
the civil disability of Protestantism became fully incorporated in
Hungarian law. Before her coronation, a deputation of Protestants
solicited the favour of an audience, to ask her to confirm their legiti-
mate rights and privileges (A.D. 1740). But they were told that their
heresy disqualified them from approaching the seat of Majesty.
Pretending justice, however, she soon afterwards gave her solemn
sanction to the concessions of 1681, and their confirmation in the
Diet of 1687 ; but this apparent goondess vanished like the morning
dew. Their condition continued without the least amelioration ; and
their supplications for redress only drew down a command to accom-
modate themselves to the articles of an intolerant enactment of more
recent date (A.D. 1742). Then came a development of the system
MARIA THERESA. 593
of Roman policy, which is carried out, wherever practicable, even in
the present day. Societies, having for patron saints St. Stephen and
St. Joseph, and an association of nobility, called the Society of Kis
Domolk, the Queen being earthly patroness of all three, were simul-
taneously established (A.D. 1743), with the common object of extend-
ing the only saving faith, and reclaiming heretics. Tired of conversion-
soldiers, who had failed to reconquer Bohemia to the Church, the
Clergy raised a " Conversion Fund," whose treasurer reported the
handsome sum of 108,600 florins, wherewith to bribe members of the
population they had pauperized. The devout Queen created new
episcopal sees in those parts of the kingdom where the Evangelicals
were most numerous, and ratified a permanent system of legal cruelty,
which may be compendiously represented thus : —
The right of worship everywhere allowed to non-Catholics is to be
exercised in private only, except in certain places. " Preachers" may
discourse in those places only. Books written against Protestantism,
may be read by all persons everywhere. Even lords of the land may
not innovate in religion without royal licence. Sick and dying Evan-
gelicals may only be visited in those " articulary places." Non-
Catholic Ministers have no right to visit their flocks when scattered
on unlicensed ground. Their dead may be buried where grave-yards
are allowed, not elsewhere. Let the Superintendents keep their
people quiet. Let them give account of their doings to the " Catholic"
Bishops. Let the Bishops decide in all matrimonial affairs. Let
apostates from the Roman faith be forthwith punished, under direc-
tion of the royal Council. Let no "preacher" visit a prisoner : the
Priests or Monks must imbue him with the Catholic faith. Apostacy
is to be prevented or punished by many minute enactments. All minors
who desert the Roman Church, must be shut up in monasteries, and
better taught. Bishops and Magistrates must help each other to make
sure of the offspring of mixed marriages, and the marriage ceremony
must be performed by Priests alone. Non-Catholic schoolmasters must
not admit Catholic children to their schools. Schoolmasters must never
preach or read sermons. Every chapel into which a foreigner enters
must be forfeited. Non-Catholics may teach in lower schools, but not
impart the higher elements of education. There must be no Bibles,
nor other such books, in schools. Non-Catholics must keep all
festivals, and, if artisans, walk in all processions. Magistrates are
instructed to make them swear by the Virgin and saints. Except in
the articulary places, they must obey the parish Priest, and pay him
his fees. Non-Catholics must not bear civil office.
Barkoczy, Archbishop of Gran, obtained a royal order (A.D. 1/63),
requiring him to report concerning the manner in which this system
had been enforced. Delighted with the commission, he suggested
everything which might aggravate the severity of the existing laws, or
prevent escape from their execution. The Protestants, alarmed, sent
a deputation to Vienna, to represent their wretched condition under
the law which it was proposed to make, if possible, yet more oppress-
ive. The Chancellor frowned on them. And the Queen, refusing to
look on their petition, commanded that they should be instantly
VOL. III. 4 G
594 CHAPTER IX.
driven from the city. We cannot trace on these pages the train
of persecution which ensued, but can assure the reader that if he
meditates on the abstract of law given in the preceding paragraph,
and even then imagines every conceivable mode of executing such a law
without restraint of humanity, not to say of honesty, he will scarcely
be able to arrive at a conception of the nefarious dealings of the civil
and ecclesiastical authorities of Hungary during the reign of Maria
Theresa ; nor of the sufferings that followed. Joseph II. endeavoured to
reverse the policy she had encouraged, and issued an Edict of Toleration
for the Empire (A.D. 1781) ; but it was nullified by the priesthood.
From that time until now, under successive Monarchs, persecution has
been more subtle, and less conspicuous, because perpetrated in com-
parative obscurity. The fervour of primitive piety, too, has declined ;
and Protestantism in Hungary, bereft of external power as well as devoid
of inward life, scarcely provokes to enmity, except in periods of poli-
tical discontent, when the Austrian, impelled by an hereditary con-
sciousness of guilt, and dreading the vengeance which he imagines to
be impending over his house, directs the first outbursts of cruelty
against the Protestant population, and especially against the Minis-
ters. But persecution for Christ's sake can scarcely take place now
in Hungary. Out of a population of nearly twelve millions, four
millions bear the name of Protestant ; but their Ministers are said to
be rationalist, with scarcely an exception ; and the people are pro-
foundly ignorant. They are all poor, only " Catholics " being per-
mitted to own land : so that after all the sufferings of their fathers,
the children are sunk into the lowest state of social depression and
spiritual darkness.*
CHAPTER IX.
AUSTRIA. — The Empire from the Death of Charles V. to the Emigration from Salx-
burg, and the Expulsion from Zillerthal in 1837. FRANCE. — The Edict of Nantes,
with the previous Condition of the Reformed, and Sufferings consequent on the
Revocation of that Edict.
WE have surveyed the once independent kingdoms absorbed into
the Austrian empire, as well as the states of Lombardy and Venice,
also made subject to the house of Hapsburg. They belonged to the
Italian and Slavonian chapters, and in the latter Hungary was
included. It remains for us to mark the sufferings of the church
of Christ in Austria Proper, and some other imperial territories. This
done, a very few pages must be bestowed on the events in France
which were referred to at the close of the sixth chapter, as character-
izing the counter-reformation which yet awaits a more conspicuous
place in history.
* The chief authorities for this chapter are, Krasinski, Reformation in Poland ; Regen-
voiscii Historia Ecclesiamm Slavonicarum ; Reformation and Anti-Reformation in
Bohemia ; Holmes, History of the United Brethren ; Cranz, United Brethren; the His-
toria Eccles. Evangelicse, &c., in Hungaria, Halberstadt, J830; Memorial of Sufivr-
ings, &c., in Hungary, London, 1676.
THE JESUITS IN AUSTRIA. 595
When Ferdinand received the empire from his brother, Charles V.,*
he thought it prudent to refrain from extreme measures towards the
Protestants where they had sufficient strength to defend themselves,
although he persecuted them to death wherever he had the power.
He therefore assured his Evangelical subjects in Austria, that they
should receive the sacrament of the eucharist in both kinds, without
hinderance ; and connived, for a time, in an innovation which had
but his verbal sanction, and might, without breach of Roman faith, be
prohibited at a more convenient season. Persecution, as was to be
expected, did not cease; and (A.D. 1558) they approached him at
Vienna with an importunate supplication that, to put an end, once for
all, to divisions on account of religion, he would give them the earnest
of peace by allowing them liberty to worship in their houses, and by
preventing the imprisonment and exile of innocent Ministers of the
Gospel, — men who were incapable of resistance, and were refused the
opportunity of defence. He received their prayer very graciously,
and told them that he would so conduct himself towards them that
they should have no occasion of complaint. Trusting in the word
of an Emperor, they imagined themselves free to worship God under
their own roofs, at least, and ventured to assemble in numerous and
well-ordered congregations. Several Lords had sermons in their
castles ; and three of them ventured to superscribe and publish a con-
fession of their faith, drawn up by Christopher Reuter, a Minister at
Bruck in the Palatinate. Csesar sat still, watching, and not discou-
raging, the priestly opposition which such a movement was sure to
arouse ; and the Bishops instituted an inquisitorial visitation of the
churches (A.D. 155!)). Following the suggestions of the Jesuits, they
did not at first disturb the Evangelical congregations, but appeared to
confine themselves to the single work of " reform," with a reserved
intention to force the Protestants to insurrection by a rigid execution
of the letter of the concessions of Augsburg,f which were only
extended to the Lutherans, and even to them were scanty, by inter-
preting in their own favour every doubtful stipulation, and by revok-
ing every tacit concession. Each new restriction was thus made to
appear a chastisement of disobedience rather than an act of persecution.
To this end the tribunals were gradually filled with Popish Judges ;
and the military forces of Spain in the Netherlands were kept ready
to enforce decisions.
Ferdinand I., less adventurous than the Romish Clergy, still endea-
voured to conceal the appearance of persecution, pressed the Pope to
convoke again the Council of Trent, and even supported the demand
for communion in both kinds, and marriage of Priests ; and, while he
failed to hold the confidence of one party, provoked the suspicion
of the other. Preparations for the latter sessions of the Council
of Trent were carried on with great activity ; and in obedience to the
will of the Pope and the counsels of the Jesuits, he resolved to stand
fair with the Court of Rome by making a manifestation of zeal on
their behalf, and therefore published at Prague a second edict, J pro-
* August 27th, 1556. See page 332 supra. t Page 332 supra
I See page 331 supra, for bis first edict.
4 G 2
596 CHAPTER IX.
hibitory of Evangelical worship, banishing the Lutheran preachers,
and requiring that their places should be filled by Priests whose
orthodoxy the Ordinaries should have certified. But the execution
of this edict was checked. The three Evangelical states below the
Ens, by their deputies, appeared at Vienna, and successfully implored
the interference of Maximilian, the Emperor's brother, King of the
Romans, and then his vicegerent at the seat of government. Instead
of enforcing the edict, Ferdinand was induced to exert himself to
pacify the empire by obtaining concessions from the Pope ; and a few
days before his death, Pius IV., dreading another schism, sent a Brief,
empowering the Priests to administer the holy communion in both
kinds. Maximilian II. sympathized with the universal rejoicing at
Vienna on the arrival of the Brief, just as he entered into his brother's
place ; and the twelve years of his reign were not disgraced by active
persecution. Two decrees gave liberty of domestic worship to the
Reformed in Upper and Lower Austria ; and, excepting an order to
the University of Vienna to observe Popish ceremonies at funerals,
there is scarcely any trace of coercion in his government. Some
degree of liberty was even granted to the press ; * and by an imperial
licence, representatives of the Evangelical states of Lower Austria
assembled for public worship in the House of Assembly at Vienna.
But this great and good man died before he could mature his plans
for the peace of the empire (October 22d, 1576), a member, as some
historians affirm, of the Evangelical church.
Rudolph II. next occupied the throne, and reluctantly granted a
confirmation of the liberty of worship accorded by his predecessor ;
but the grant was very soon revoked. During his absence at Prague,
the Archduke Ernest, as Imperial Stadtholder, issued a Decree of
Reformation, as it was called, at Vienna, and commanded all inhabit-
ants of cities and market-towns who had received the Evangelical reli-
gion, to give up their worship, withdraw from the Lutheran preachers,
and return to the Church of Rome, or else quit His Imperial Majesty's
dominions. They remonstrated against so sudden and unsparing a
proscription ; besought that they might still " dwell under the gentle
wings of the house of Austria in peace and quietness," or be per-
mitted, if they must go, to stay for the short period of five years to
dispose of their property. But their prayer was most ungraciously
rejected (January 27th, 1579). From Ernest they appealed to
Rudolph; but the only answer they obtained was a sort of inquisition
carried on against the chief Evangelical burghers of Vienna ; and, by
way of example, the Stadtholder expelled the Herr Adam Geyer, an
eminent Christian, together with his preacher, from court. The book-
sellers' shops were visited, good books seized, and the usual orders
of expurgation issued and enforced. In all that concerned religion,
Melchior Clesel, Bishop of Vienna, held the reins ; and the Jesuits,
whose first care was to displace Protestant schoolmasters, and destroy
* A volume was printed (without name of place) with the title, " Confessio, oder :
Christliche Bekanduus dea Glaubena etlicher Evangelischen Prediger, in Oesterreich.
Anno Christi MDLXVI." And the year after Joachimus Magdeburgius printed his
" Confessio, otler Bekaatnis."
THE JESUITS PROVOKE REBELLION. 597
Bibles, acted in conjunction with him. Already persecution raged in
Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, under the government of the Archduke
Charles, brother of the deceased Emperor, where the peasantry,
goaded into rebellion, were put down by the Uzkokes, wild Slavonian
robbers, brought for that purpose from the mountains of Dalmatia.
Rudolph half relented for a moment, but his temporary lenity was
of no avail. The Archduke destroyed four churches which had been
spared at the remonstrance of their possessors in Gra'tz, Judenburg,
Clagenfurt, and Laybach ; and, at the same time, caused twelve thou-
sand Bibles and Lutheran books to be thrown into the fire by the
public executioner at Gra'tz (A.D. 1579). The Jesuits revelled in
delight. One of them, Scherer, undertook to preach down Lutheran-
ism, declaiming in the pulpits of Vienna; and a Papal commissary
presented himself from Rome, with orders to search the monasteries
of Austria, and cleanse them from heresy. But the Archduke Ernest
would not suffer him to exercise a jurisdiction which might be
prejudicial to the imperial authority (A.D. 1581).
Lutheran Ministers were gradually superseded by mass-Priests ; and
citizens, lured or intimidated, renounced their faith. The nobility,
although suffered to have Lutheran worship at home, could not ven-
ture to step beyond the circle of their lordships, nor even to receive a
Romish peasant into their service. The states, finding themselves
unprotected by the Emperor, laid their complaints before the Diet
of the empire (A.D. 1582) ; but even there, where the Protestant
Princes might have contended successfully against the violation of the
concessions of Augsburg, they were disarmed by the application of a
maxim which they had not yet learned to reject as contrary to the
spirit of the Gospel : That the vassal must follow the religion of his
lord : " Cvjus regio, ejus religio" Romish Lords were not to tolerate
Evangelical tenants or servants. Nor could Lutheran Lords obtain
the services and support of members of the contrary communion
to till their grounds and inhabit their villages. The Jesuits,
emboldened by this victory, redoubled their efforts to change the reli-
gion of those provinces where the doctrine of the Reformation most
prevailed ; and the state of the law, as well as the temper of their
own portion of the magistracy, enabled them to incarcerate several
Ministers. But the people broke open the prisons, and set them free.
Popular indignation oftentimes transgressed the bounds of law ; and at
Judenburg, for example, the Archduke would have been murdered, had
not a Lutheran Minister saved his life (A.D. 1588). An insurrection
broke out in the archbishopric of Salzburg ; but the troops, stronger
than the peasantry, compelled to peace.
One of those provocations to rebellion which it was the policy
of the Jesuits to advise, occurred at Enzersdorf. Adam Geyern, a
devoted Minister in that town, was surrounded by a numerous con-
gregation. The work of God flourished in his hands, and the truth
spread rapidly in the population. They who could suffer the exist-
ence of a dispirited and declining church, could not bear with the
prosperity of the Evangelical congregation at Enzersdorf ; and Geyern
was accused, to the Emperor, of making proselytes. Rudolph, in his
593 CHAPTER IX.
high notion of sovereign power, undertook to seal up the fountain
of life around which the inhabitants of Enzersdorf were crowding ;
and commanded Geyern (A.D. 1585) to limit his care of souls to him-
self and his family, (angehorigen Persohnen,} and forbade him to
preach again, or administer sacraments, or inter the dead. Neither
in public nor in private was he to preach Christ, or perform a single
ministerial act. This reduced him to silence, and dispersed his church.
The Evangelicals of Austria, however, made common cause with him.
He had not broken any law ; but Rudolph had set himself above law,
put forth imperial prerogative, and laid the ban of his absolute autho-
rity on a defenceless Clergyman. They therefore interposed in the
unequal conflict. A large number of Lords and Knights deputed
the Land-Marshal, Hans Wilhelm, to present an address to the
Archduke, acknowledging that, indeed, the "concessions" of the
Diet had only been made to the two estates of Lords and Knighthood;
but representing that they had not understood that their Pastors were
bound to refuse all hearers of inferior rank, and cease from preaching
if they saw artisans in their congregations. On the contrary, they
had always thought that the Minister of Christ was bound by his divine
Master to proclaim salvation to all, and to win souls out of every
rank. They therefore prayed for liberty of worship, as before, and
for a withdrawal of the inhibition on Adam Geyern. As so weighty
an intercession could not yet be spurned, Rudolph permitted him to
resume his functions ; but exhorted both him and them to proceed
circumspectly, and not give too wide an interpretation to the letter
of the concessions, under peril of some more decisive sentence. They
proceeded circumspectly, no doubt ; but Hans Wilhelm atoned for
having troubled the Emperor with the presentation of an ungrateful
petition by turning Papist, and compelling his dependents to do the
same. The church at Enzersdorf gained a brief respite, and so existed
for a little longer under the imperial frown ; but the entire lordship
of Roggendorf was added to the Church of Rome in Austria, and the
Jesuits were well pleased with the issue. The uselessness of petition
was fully demonstrated by the suppression of the Lutheran church
at Bruck shortly afterwards, where lived Christopher Reuter, author
of the Evangelical Confession that was first published in the reign
of Ferdinand I., and his associates in that act, never to be forgiven
(A.D. 1586). Again the Evangelical states complained ; but the answer
was a command to many Ministers to be silent (A.D. 1587) ; and, ere
long, the persecuted Evangelist of Euzersdorf was compelled to take
his wandering-staff; and the Pastor of Wesensdorf was also driven
into exile (A.D. 1589). Even exiles were pursued into their places
of refuge, and especially at Aix-la-Chapelle, as we shall have occasion
presently to notice.
The way was now open for a systematic effort to destroy the church
of God. Ferdinand appointed Melchior Clesel, Provost of the Minster
of Vienna,* to the new office of Reformer-General in Austria (A.D.
* Afterwards made Bishop, and eventually raised to the cardinalate. He also
became Prime Minister, and exerted a commanding influence over the Emperor
Matthias.
CLESEL, "REFORMER-GENERAL." 599
1590), and put the following instructions into his hand : — " 1. That
before he proceeds to any place on the business of reformation, he
must provide himself, at court, with written credentials. 2. So soon
as he arrives at the place, he must exhibit the written credentials, and
begin reformation, according to the circumstances of the place, the
time, and the quality of the men to be reformed ; and be especially
careful that everything be carried on in peace and unity. 3. Where
one or more burghers or inhabitants refuse to render due obedience
to the spiritual authorities, and to their head, His Majesty will not
object to their being put under arrest, but not taken to prison, and so
kept until they shall have reversed their faith, presented themselves
at confession, and received the excellent sacrament. It is to be under-
stood, however, that such arrests shall not take place until they
become absolutely necessary ; nor unless His Majesty's resolution
thereon shall have been previously obtained. 4. When the obedient
in such cities and towns have confessed and communicated, Clesel
shall immediately, at the Council-House, declare that the disobedient
burghers or inhabitants, being under arrest, are to be banished from
His Majesty's kingdoms and hereditary lands within three months ;
and shall therefore intimate the Decree of Reformation to every Coun-
cil in these terms. But, on the other hand, it is added, proceedings
affecting their persons and property must be taken with caution, and
only so far as may be found proper on a consideration of circum-
stances : the time of emigration may be deferred or dispensed with ;
and every judgment must be reported to the Emperor or to his Stadt-
holder. 5. But if there be hinderers of reformation, whatever rebels
of the sort be found in any city, who, by words or conduct, stir up
tumult among the inhabitants, it shall there be free to Clesel and his
commissaries to throw such obstructors into prison without delay, and
to keep them there until they shall have sent information to the
Emperor or his Stadtholder, and received the imperial decision there-
upon. 6. So that all that shall have been done in each city and town
shall be circumstantially reported at court ; and, for sake of greater
authority, shall be ratified through a distinct writing at that city or
town, never more to be called in question." Contrast these instructions
of Caesar with the instructions given by our Lord Jesus Christ to the
seventy and to the twelve.
The operations of Clesel and his commissaries were conducted with
a steady, dexterous, relentless hand ; and however copious may have
been their reports to the court, comparatively little has transpired in
history. We only know, that for the space of three years the Inqui-
sitorial Reformation advanced without a check ; and that the progress
of Clesel through the provinces was sustained by an entire restoration
of Popish ceremonies and of scholasticism in the University of Vienna,
where biblical exposition was prohibited, and where adversaries of the
truth were again completely equipped for future action (A.D. 159-4). It
has always been a first point with the Roman Court to corrupt the
Universities of Europe. But every act of Rudolph in Vienna was of the
same kind. While the Protestant Professors were dismissed from the
University, the nobles and knights who had so long enjoyed the
600 CHAPTER IX.
privilege of worshipping in the House of Assembly were threatened,
and the Minister, Opitz, sentenced to silence. The sentence was not at
once carried into execution, but burghers were forbidden to hear his
sermons ; and the congregation was transferred to a room too small
to admit a numerous concourse. And when these restrictions had
provoked general remonstrance, it pleased Rudolph and the Jesuits to
treat the remonstrants as rebels, banish the complaining Ministers,
disperse the remnant of the congregation in Vienna, and replace Opitz
by a Popish Priest.
Such governors could not be equitable in their general administra-
tion ; and besides acts of oppression on account of religion, their
subjects would have to complain of many others. This was the case
in Austria ; and the despotism of Rudolph provoked an insurrection
of the peasants on both sides of the Ens, — an insurrection in which the
Evangelicals did not lead, and which the Ministers would gladly have
prevented, but which has been laid to their charge by bigoted and
coldly-liberal historians* (A.D. 1594 and 1595). The empire was
thus plunged into the miseries of civil war. Evangelicals and rebels
were confounded into one mass, on which the troops were commis-
sioned to spend their fury ; and while the engines of war were thus
worked in the service of the Church of Rome, — for that Church made
full use of the opportunity, — Rudolph waged the twofold war of des-
potism and persecution with redoubled fury. This drove the Evange-
lical states to a defensive alliance, which was formed at Frankfort
(December 12th, 1598), to resist the aggressions of the Pope, to
defend their civil and religious liberties, and to refuse contributions
for war against the Turks, until the scourge of civil war should cease
to be laid upon themselves by their own Sovereign. They sent a
deputation to the Emperor with a respectful declaration of their
grievances, which he handed over to the consideration of the Arch-
duke Matthias ; but it lay neglected, and there was neither truce nor
pity (A.D. 1599). The imperial commissioners for the so-called
reformation, the Jesuits George Scherer and John Zehender, prosecuted
their work with astute perseverance, and not without success. In
Linz, Wels, and Steyer, as they boasted, every trace of Evangelical
Reformation was obliterated (A.D. 1600), and throughout the empire.
Protestants were excluded from the magistracy, in order that the
members of the Reformed communions might nowhere find redress or
protection, or exercise any social influence, if that could be prevented.
These measures, with another severe edict (Religions-Patent'), far
from quenching the spirit of resistance, strengthened it, and provoked
new revolt. Such a revolt took place in the archbishopric of Salz-
burg (A.D. 1601); and here Caesar endeavoured to put it down by
milder means, exhorting the inhabitants not to meddle with politics,
and telling them that he refrained from giving them commandment
about religion. But as commandment was already given, and the
Jesuits were everywhere occupying the churches, and the commissaries
* Such an one is Archdeacon Coxe, whose history of the House of Austria, full of
chronological confusion, discovers little perception of causes and effects ; and for sinister
exhibition of the Protestantism of Germany, it might have been written by a Jesuit.
FALL OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 601
"reforming" the towns, the majority of that little state agreed to
answer that " their bodies belonged to Csesar, their souls to God ; they
would suffer no Popish emissaries, but would have Lutheran preachers,
and not leave their souls to be deprived of food." The tide now
turned.* It became impossible to crush state after state : the confe-
deracy of Frankfort ripened into the more powerful alliance of Hei-
delberg (A.D. 1603), and eventually obtained a capitulation from the
Archduke Matthias, who aspired to the empire, waiting for the decease
of Eudolph, and granted free exercise of religious worship throughout
Austria (A.D. 1609) ; but only served himself in a political exigency,
without the least intention of abiding by the grant.
Bound by the necessity of his situation, Matthias, when Emperor,
could not head a general persecution in Austria, but found oppor-
tunity to persecute elsewhere ; and the sufferings of the Protestants
in Aix-la-Chapelle and Miilheim evidenced his willingness to serve the
Pope. During the Spanish persecution in the Netherlands, a multi-
tude of Protestants, bringing considerable wealth with them, had
found refuge in the free town of Aix-la-Chapelle. By this immigra-
tion the town was much enlarged, the great majority of the inhabitants
were Evangelical, the commerce of the place depended on them, and
the original population became comparatively small and poor. The
Diet of the empire had not granted them freedom of worship ; but
when the government of the town had fallen into their hands, they
had their own churches and Ministers, as matter of course. The
Duke of Juliers, Protector of the town, rebuked them for this liberty.
The Romish minority, finding that his rebuke was not heeded, appealed
to the Emperor Rudolph, who sent the Duke of Juliers and the
Bishop of Liege as commissaries to settle the dispute ; and these
demanded the removal of the Lutheran Magistrates, and the keys
of the town. The magistracy and the population reasonably refused
submission ; and when the Duke and the Bishop returned with
Spanish troops and besieged Aix-la-Chapelle, the inhabitants so bravely
defended the place, that the soldiers of the Church could not take it,
but retreated with dishonour (A.D. 1589). Their right to a good use
of the freedom of the city was thus confirmed, and for some years
partially exercised ; for the Emperor would not hazard hostility with the
Protestant states of Germany by a refusal, although he deferred to
answer their petition to be recognised as an Evangelical town. Their
Magistrates were, at the same time, excluded from the Town-Council, and
some of them even banished as rebels. So they were gradually over-
powered by help of Jesuits ; and Matthias proscribed the Protestants,
and (February 20th, 1614) appointed the Archduke Albert and the
* This crisis was hastened by a remarkable event. For many years the free imperial
town of Donawerth, in Bavaria, had been almost wholly Protestant. There was hut
one Romish establishment in it, a Benedictine monastery. Processions had not been
allowed. But again and again they were attempted. On those occasions the people
disturbed them ; and the Magistrates forbade the illegal exhibitions. But the Abbot
appealed to the Aulic Council ; the Council took up his cause, and the Emperor enforced
the decision of the Council hy turning them over to the Romish Duke of Bavaria, who
took military possession of the town, seized the churches, abolished the independence
of Donawerth, and proscribed the Protestant religion. The Evangelical Princes com-
plained in the Diet of Ratisbon.
VOL. III. 4 H
602 CHAPTER IX.
Archbishop of Cologne to execute his decision. Miilheim (now Diis-
seldorf) was another free town, and truly free ; for it enjoyed liberty
of worship, having been originally a Protestant settlement, formed by
the congregation of refugees, exiles for Christ's sake, from various
parts of Germany, and from the Netherlands. The colony became
prosperous, the town strong. Its battlements, overlooking the Rhine,
were complained of by Cologne ; and Matthias ordered the inhabitants
to suspend their new buildings, and the Princes possessors to demolish
the fortifications within thirty days. They refused obedience; but
thirty thousand Spanish soldiers settled the affair, and Miilheim ceased
to be an asylum for the persecuted (A.D 1614).
Ferdinand II., the devotee of Loretto, was crowned Emperor at
Frankfort (August 30th, 1619), and swore in earnest to keep his
sword, already stained with Christian blood, unsheathed in the service
of the Church. Gregory XV. trusted in him for an entire subjugation
of the empire to the Apostolic See, and forthwith doubled the subsidy
for maintaining the crusade against heretics, making it 20,000 scudi
every year, and sent him a present of 200,000 scudi. He urged him
to hasten the great work of restoring the "Catholic religion," and
thus to prove his gratitude to the God of victory ; and encouraged
him to play the despot vigorously, by writing that the nations, by
rebellious backslidings, had fallen under the necessity of more severe
control, and should be compelled, by force, to abandon their ungodly
ways. Carlo CarafFa was sent as Nuncio to the court of Ferdinand,*
charged to stimulate and guide him in the work. We have seen the
effect of his nunciature in Bohemia and Moravia, whence no fewer
than fifteen thousand of the Unitas Fratrum were mercilessly driven.
The instructions given by the Pope to this Ambassador (April 12th,
1621) are characterized by a purely Roman policy. Lest the Pro-
testants should uproot the house of Austria, seize on the imperial
throne, and then rush into Italy and plunder the mistress of the
world, Caraffa was to devote his entire attention to some important
points. These were,— The strengthening of the empire by Catholics :
the establishment of the " Catholic religion," by Romanizing the Uni-
versities, occupying the schools, teaching by Catechisms, and giving the
common people licence to sing Romish hymns in vernacular languages,
managing the press, employing the Jesuits, establishing charitable
institutions for the poor, and preventing the appointment of Protest-
ants to civil offices : the restoration of ecclesiastical jurisdiction over
the Clergy, who disliked the decrees of the Council of Trent : the
restoration of Papal authority over the Emperors, who hindered the
circulation of Bulls and excommunications : the re-adjustment of
German relations with Italy : the exercise of personal influence over
Ferdinand, chiefly by means of Father Beccano, his Confessor, and by
the Jesuits : finally, the recovery of Church property in the countries
occupied by heretics. None of these points were missed.
Caraffa, after eight years' toil, gained the honour of reconquering a
* Caraffa made sure of historic fame, by writing an account of his exploits during
eight years in the court of Austria. The book is called, " Commentaria de Germania
sacra restaurata."
SUPPRESSION OF REFORMATION AT VIENNA. 603
great part of the empire ; but our present field is Austria Proper.
Here the anti-reformation began in greater earnest than ever. An
Inquisition, more Austrian than Spanish, was established in Vienna,
and all classes of persons fell under its vigilance. Did a foreigner
wish permission of residence ? He must be a Catholic. Did the
citizens, or burghers, attempt to offer prayer in their families ? They
were told that only Lords and Knights were allowed that privilege.
Did any one, even in private conversation, express reluctance to
renounce his faith ? He was advised to quit the country, and to
withdraw quietly. Then came a decree of Caesar (June, 1623),
ordaining that no one thenceforth might be a burgher of the
" residence-city," nor hold office there, unless he were a Catholic.
Environed with Jesuits, the Emperor was not troubled with any visi-
ble manifestation of nonconformity in his " residence-city." Lutheran
Ministers dared not dwell there ; but with extreme caution they visited
their flocks from house to house, and, dwelling outside the gates,
administered the sacraments of baptism and the eucharist in their
own houses, where also they assembled small congregations. But
this did not continue long. David Steudlin, Minister of Hornals, a
place four miles from Vienna, had been requested to visit a sick
person in the city ; but his visit was marked, objected to as an eccle-
siastical act, and he was forbidden to repeat it. An edict, again (A.D.
1624), forbade any exercise of the Lutheran religion, public or private,
in Vienna, or any other imperial city ; and the chief Magistrate of
Vienna commanded the guards to watch strictly at the gates, and not
allow any preacher to enter under any pretext. Another edict
(September 9th), addressed to all sorts of people, — for the nobility
had no longer any religious privilege, — commanded that, from the
day of its date, no one should go to Hornals, or elsewhere, when an
exercitium (religious service) or a sacrament was to be celebrated.
Under peril of severe punishment, the inhabitants were required to
avoid intercourse with non-Catholic preachers, and to shun all visits
to heretics, all celebrations of marriages and baptisms, or other unau-
thorized ceremonies. The Rector of the University issued a similar
mandate to all Doctors of every faculty, masters, nobles, licentiates,
bachelors, procurators, and students, as well as to printers, book-
sellers, and all others connected with the University. Two general
mandates (August 30th and October 4th) warned the people of Upper
Austria against collusion with enemies, and intercourse with Evange-
lical preachers, a folk seditious and proscribed. All members of
Evangelical churches above the Ens wrere commanded to put away
their preachers and schoolmasters within eight days, never to return.
The disobedient were threatened with punishment in body and goods.
Four commissaries followed up these mandates by their operations,
turning out Lutheran preachers, and putting Priests in their pulpits.
Petitions were sent from both Upper and Lower Austria, imploring
the Emperor to stay those proceedings ; but in vain. His will was
not to be resisted.
If Ferdinand would have listened, he might have heard the wailings
of his impoverished and exiled subjects on every hand ; if he would
4 H 2
604 CHAPTER IX.
have seen, be might have read piteous appeals ; but the Confessor,
the Nuncio, and the Jesuits were careful to prepossess the avenues to
his conscience, and he issued another mandate (March 20th, 1625),
commanding all the non-Catholic inhabitants of Vienna to acquaint
themselves with the " Catholic belief," and make themselves known
as converts within four months. The reply to this summons was
given at the city-gates, by a stream of emigration which soon began :
house after house remained without inhabitant, and thousands more
prepared to go. The chief Magistrate then ordered all Evangelical
inhabitants to send their wives, servants, and children to mass ; and
a few women and children did appear, but their countenances bespoke
terror and aversion, their presence drew forth a dangerous compas-
sion, and Caraffa complained that " they did more harm than good."
The outcasts, however, assembled in great numbers at Hornals, under
the privilege of the Baron Helmhard Jogern. Twenty thousand
of them braved the threatenings of the Emperor by worshipping in
the open air on the Lord's day ; and from week to week the number
swelled, until fifty thousand, divided into several congregations, each
with its own preacher, sang loudly long-forbidden hymns. Standing
between life and death, they opened their hearts to welcome the word
of God, and resigned their homes and fortunes into his hands. A few
years earlier, before the Roman Consistory had determined not to
kill, as formerly, but to impoverish, starve, banish, and exterminate
by corrupt tribunals and by civil warfare, such a multitude would
have been massacred on the ground. But Ferdinand did not disturb
them thus. He knew that those gatherings could not long continue;
and, to prevent the recurrence of any like them, he dislodged the
Baron by confiscating his estates. This being done, and his domestic
jurisdiction annulled, two commissaries summoned his subjects to
submit to Caesar and to the Church. The greater part of them pro-
fessed to do so ; and the lordship of Hornals was transferred to the
Chapter of St. Stephen's. The wanderers then attempted to assem-
ble at Inzerstorf, three quarters of a mile south of the city, but were
at once routed. It only remained to supersede by Papists a few
jurists and physicians in the chairs of the University, and the
residence-city of Ferdinand II. was swept of heresy. Once more
Rome resounded with triumph. The year 1625 was one of jubilee;
prayers were offered throughout Popedom for the overthrow of the
Saviour's kingdom, which they fancied to be almost effected; the
young Congregation "for the Propagation of the Faith" saw a new
field of glory opening before them ; and the palace of that Congrega-
tion, then founded by Urban VIII., stands in the city of the Popes as a
monument of the first decisive victory of Romanism in the seventeenth
century.
^ Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, emulated the zeal of Ferdinand. The
Count Von Herberstorf, his Stadtholder of Linz, represented the ducal
authority over that town by giving his soldiers licence to plunder and
kill all heretics on whom they could lay hands ; and they fulfilled
their commission to the letter. The course of destruction in Bavaria
was rapid and resistless. Civil privileges, one after the other, were
REFORMATION SUPPRESSED IN BAVARIA. 605
withdrawn from the Lutherans. Their children were torn from their
arms, and educated to be Papists. They were even deprived of power
to make their will. In 1624 all known Lutherans were driven out
of the country. In 1625 the ceremonial of Popery was restored with
all possible magnificence. In 1626, at Easter, it was appointed that
all heresy should be suppressed throughout the country. This was
more than the Bavarians could suffer without resentment ; but they
might have refrained from violence if an act of barbarism had not
roused them. Some Priests entered a church at a place called Zwies-
palten, belonging to the expelled Lutherans, and were purifying the
building, in their way, by fumigation, when a body of peasantry drove
them out. Herberstorf was at hand, heard of the incident, marched
his troops into the place, seized seventeen of the offenders, and hanged
them up on the tower and under the eaves of the church. That
wanton compound of murder and sacrilege was too much to be borne;
and the indignant population rose together, defeated the murderer in
a pitched battle at Peurbach, leaving twelve hundred of his men in
the field, and himself a fugitive at Linz. But no popular force in a
single state can withstand an army ; and the Protestant religion
expired in Bavaria with a general massacre of the insurgents, excepting
a feeble remnant, who were converted to the " mother and mistress of
all churches" by the horrible ministry of Jesuits and soldiers. But not
only in Bavaria, in Upper and Lower Austria people of all ranks united
to save their fatherland from those hated edicts. In March and April,
1626, the commissioners, stimulated to excess by an earnest hortatory
epistle from Ferdinand to expedite the business of reformation, pro-
voked rebellion, which was just what the Jesuits desired. First a
company of eight thousand peasants rose in arms, and then many
thousands more rallied round their standard, on which, and on their
banners, was this device :—
" Weil 's gilt die seel, und auch das blut,
So geb uns, Gott, ein heldenmuth."
" While glows the life and flows the blood,
So give us, God, a courage good."
There was no lack of courage, nor of leaders ; but it pleases not God
that his cause should be either destroyed or won by carnal weapons.
They who took the sword perished by it. Ferdinand, after suppress-
ing the rebellion, prohibited preachers and schoolmasters in Lower
Austria, where the privileges granted by Matthias had not as yet been
formally abolished ; but still, within the gates of strong castles,
parties of devout worshippers would assemble on the Lord's day,
without Ministers, to hear sermons and postils read, and offer prayer
(A.D. 1627), until a mandate forbade the reading of Lutheran books,
as well as marriages and baptisms. One absolute prohibition of all
Protestant persons, things, and doctrines, now had force in every
province of the Austrian empire. The Lords and Knights of Upper
Austria emigrated. The peasantry, groaning under dire oppression,
looked to Sweden and other Protestant states for help ; but vain was
the help of man. To all human appearance the fall of Evangelical
606 CHAPTER IX.
religion was made irreparable by an edict (A.D. 1629), which enforced
the restitution of all ecclesiastical property confiscated since the treaty
of Passau. By this edict, the Protestant archbishoprics of Magde-
burg and Bremen, eleven bishoprics, and numberless monastic lands,
were restored to the Romanists. But this was not all. The com-
missioners employed to carry this " Restitution-Edict " into effect,
went beyond the term fixed by the treaty of Passau, and transferred a
vast amount of wealth to the hands of the Emperor and his family,
who did not hesitate to help themselves to Church-lands. The whole
of the confiscated monastic property was given to the Jesuits.
Romanism had gained a signal conquest, but it was dearly bought.
The empire was impoverished, and, excepting the spoils gathered by
the Jesuits, the Ecclesiastics derived no advantage from it. The secu-
lar Clergy murmured, because overlooked in the distribution of the
booty ; and even the Emperor doubted the soundness of the policy he
had followed. Cardinal Clesel, too, saw that the proceedings of
Caraffa, although justified by the doctrine and practice of his Church,
were insufficient to attain the end proposed ; and after three years'
reflection on the Restitution-Edict, gave it as his opinion that the
mandate of emigration was injurious to the lords of the soil, who lost
thereby the good-will of their subjects, the revenue of their estates,
and souls. They lost good-will, because the country where people
were treated like rogues or thieves was sure to be forsaken. They
lost revenue, because the wealthy would go first, carrying away pro-
perty, and leaving commerce to decay. And souls were lost, because
non-Catholics could not be induced, by such a measure, to become
Catholics, but left the country with their children ; so that in other
lands, and from generation to generation, error would be perpetuated.
He therefore advised that, instead of compelling them to emigrate, the
elder should be allowed to remain in the land, but without congrega-
tions for worship, or schools of their own ; so that their children
would, for want of Protestant worship and instruction, become
" Catholics," and their descendants, consequently, would be in the
bosom of the Church. Thus, he reasoned, money would be kept in
the country, commerce would thrive, and landlords would no longer
see their estates deserted. But he suggested that, whenever a non-
Catholic did anything illegal, the opportunity should be taken to
punish him severely, both in body and goods (A.D. 1632). Experi-
ence had suggested this counsel : a softer method of dealing with
heretics was thenceforth adopted in Lower Austria. Protestants were
allowed to exercise private devotion, (privat andacht,) but so carefully,
that not a sound of worship should reach the public ear. And the
new discipline was enforced so strictly, that when Johann Anthon,
Prince of Eggenberg, had married the Princess Anna Maria, Margra-
vine of Brandenburg-Culmbach, and brought home with her in the
ostensible character of private Secretary a Lutheran Minister, Johann
Speckern, because the singing of hymns was heard in his castle, the
Minister was banished by an imperial order.
A German historian shall describe the state of the empire on the
death of Ferdinand II. " On his accession to the throne, he found
PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. 607
Austria Lutheran, thickly peopled, and prosperous. He left her
Catholic, depopulated, and impoverished. He found in Bohemia three
million Hussites dwelling in flourishing cities and villages. He left
merely seven hundred and eighty thousand Catholic beggars. Silesia,
happy and blooming, was laid desolate : most of her little cities and
villages had been burnt to the ground, her inhabitants put to the
sword. Saxony, the Mere, and Pomerania had shared the same
melancholy fate. Mecklenburg and the whole of Lower Saxony had
been ruined by battles, sieges, and invasions. Hesse lay utterly waste.
In the Palatinate, the living fed upon the dead, mothers on their
babes, brethren on each other. In the Netherlands, Liege, Luxem-
burg, Lorraine, similar scenes of horror were of frequent occurrence.
The whole of the Rhenish provinces lay desert. Swabia and Bavaria
were almost entirely depopulated. The Tyrol and Switzerland had
escaped the horrors of war, but were ravaged by pestilence. Such
was the aspect of Europe on the death of Ferdinand II., who, like an
aged hyaena, expired amidst mouldering bones and ruins." * Yet this
hyaena was one of the most honoured sons of the Church ; and,
if ever he relented for a moment, the circumstance was attributed to
Satanic influence : the Monks piously exhorted him to maintain
his character by perseverance in the good work of exterminating
heretics. f
So things continued until the peace of Westphalia (A.D. 1648),
when the treaty provided " that, as for the Counts, Barons, and nobles
then resident in Lower Austria, although the right of reforming the
exercise of religion belonged to His Caesarean Majesty no less than to
other Kings and Princes, yet, in consideration of the intervention
of His Majesty the King of Sweden, and in consideration of the inter-
cession of the states of the Augustan Confession, he permits that such
Counts, Barons, and nobles shall not be obliged, on account of that
Confession, to give up their homes or property ; nor shall even be for-
bidden to frequent places beyond their own domains in order to the
exercise of their religious worship, provided that, in other respects,
they live quietly and peaceably, and conduct themselves well towards
the Sovereign Prince. But, if they choose to emigrate, they may sell
their real property or not, as they please, and return freely to inspect
and manage their affairs." For Lower Austria this was a sorry measure
of toleration ; and even this was soon limited by a distinct patent
(April 3d, 1651), denouncing severe punishment on a numerous class
of persons if they should attempt to share the benefit of the peace
of Westphalia. The accustomed work of compulsory " reformation "
went steadily forward. Ferdinand III., shortly before his death,
ordered a religious census to be taken of the inhabitants of Vienna
(A.D. 1657), and, had it been effected, notwithstanding the compara-
tive liberality and justice of this Emperor, the consequences might
have been disastrous.
Death brooded over Austria. From that day until now there has
* Menzel, History of Germany, chap, ccx., Mrs. Horrock's Translation,
t Ranke, History of the Popes, book vii., chap. 1.
608 CHAPTER IX.
been scarcely any stirring of spiritual life, except among a few poor
mountaineers in Salzburg and the Tyrol.
In the Teffereckenthal, a valley of Salzburg, as in all the neigh-
bouring mountain-country, multitudes of the peasantry cherished the
revived Christianity of the Reformation, — Luther's German Bible was
their chief book. They worshipped God in secret ; and, having no
ecclesiastical organization, had not been exposed to the persecution
that had raged elsewhere. But vital godliness appears to have revived
amongst them ; their number increased ; and the Priests became aware
of their existence, and tried the usual methods of " conversion."
These methods utterly failing, the Jesuits seized the children, in order
to train them up for Popery, and expelled the parents (A.D. 1685).
A second emigration took place in the next year, in which their
preacher, Joseph Schaitberger, by whose means, chiefly, the Gospel
had been recently spread in those valleys, was also compelled to leave.
The fugitives made their way to Augsburg, where they found refuge,
declared their faith, were examined by Lutheran Ministers, and
cordially welcomed to the bosom of that church. Schaitberger was a
miner, and, on account of his preaching, had suffered imprisonment ;
but even from the prison sent forth a written confession of his faith.
From Nuremberg he published many writings, and especially an
" Evangelical Epistle" to his brethren who remained behind, — a work
full of instruction and encouragement, and which is still read with
admiration in the same country.
Leopold Anthony von Firmian became Prince-Archbishop of Salz-
burg in 1729, having purchased the pallium of Benedict XIII. for
100,000 dollars. Tribute and obedience from the entire territory,
four hundred square miles in extent, were his. Ardently devoted to the
pleasures of the table and the chase, he left the management of affairs
to a Tyrolese, known as Chancellor Rail, or — as he chose to Italianize
his name, the Archbishop's court consisting chiefly of Italians — Da
Rallo. During the forty-four years which had elapsed since the exile
of Schaitberger and his companions, the seed of truth had been dili-
gently sown in secret. Congregations often assembled at night in the
depths of native forests, and in the recesses of the mountains. Bibles,
buried in the wilderness, were taken up and read in those assemblies,
and then covered with earth again, the owners not venturing to dis-
close the places of concealment even to their wives or children. For
a time they conformed to the ceremonies of Romanism ; but the
reluctant conformity soon declined ; and after the lapse of more than
a generation, the Reformation had spread so far and sunk so deep,
that it could not be hidden in the desert any longer. Firmian might
not have suffered his voluptuous retreat in the archiepiscopal palace
to be disturbed by cares of religion ; but the Pope had given back
half the price of the pallium to Rail, in order to engage his diligence
in uprooting the Reformation. Some good men had refused com-
pliance with the profanity and superstition of their neighbours ; and
this honourable singularity being taken as a mark of heresy, they were
required to conform. " Praised be Jesus Christ," being the common
salutation of the country, even drunkards and gamesters used it. The
THE SALZBURG EMIGRATION. 609
Reformed would not comply with that custom, fearing to take the
sacred name in vain ; and some of them were flogged hy order of the
Archbishop, bound up awry with dislocated limbs, and exposed to
hunger and cold in the depth of winter. Under every infliction the
sufferers maintained their integrity, and sent messengers to the Diet
of Ratisbon (January, 1 730), to implore protection, according to the
terms of the peace of Westphalia. But as the pious Salzburgers had
never united themselves either to the Lutheran or Calvinist commu-
nions, the Baron von Zillerberg, Firmian's representative in the Diet,
succeeded in defrauding them of the benefit of that treaty ; and when
the deputies returned, they were thrown into prison.
Firmian then applied to the Emperor Charles VI., and obtained an
order to the Bailiff, the Count Von Seeau, to take a census of the
inhabitants, separating the Evangelical. Accompanied by two Capu-
chin Monks, Von Seeau went to the salt-works at Hallstadt, to Ischel,
and to Aussee, and, having convened large companies of workmen,
addressed them in the name of Caesar. Most glad, said he, should he
be to find that they were all good Catholics, and that they always had
been such ; but he knew that some among them had dissembled. He
desired to ascertain what parents had allowed their children to pass
over to Lutheranism, they remaining Catholic ; and what children, on
the other hand, remained constant to the ancient faith, after their
fathers had forsaken it. This being made known, he could easily
calculate how many parents and children were united in the same
faith. He earnestly exhorted them not to dissemble any longer, by
appearing outwardly to be Catholics while they were Lutherans iu
heart ; but promised that they who were not Catholics in full sincerity
should not suffer any temporal damage, although he would much
prefer to have Catholic workmen under his jurisdiction. Therefore he
strictly commanded every one that was not Catholic, to apply to the
superior authority for permission to quit the country, which he might
then do without the slightest hinderance, and depart at any time
with wife, children, and any little property he might possess. This
announcement spread alarm throughout the country ; for as the
injunction came by command of the Emperor, and at the instance
of their Lord the Archbishop, and as the Diet had suffered them to
lose the benefit of the peace of Westphalia, they had no earthly refuge,
and could only cry to God for help.
Firmian's Chancellor and the Jesuits allowed some months to pass
away, imagining that fear might do its work, the fervour of devotion
chill, and the number of volunteers for banishment diminish by deser-
tions to the Church dominant. But the Lord's host was not to be
struck with panic. Brail, therefore, undertook to complete the task
for which he had been paid, and, attended by two companions (July
9th), went from one chief town-council to another, took account
of the names, incomes, and property of the Evangelical part of the
population, and invited them to state their grievances. On hearing
from all the same complaint of exclusion from the benefit of tolera-
tion— for it was but a bare toleration — enjoyed by other subjects
of the empire, he advised them, if they must retain their opinions, to
VOL. III. 4 I
610 CHAPTER IX.
keep them private, and worship God in their own way secretly, just
make their appearance at church, purchase favour of their Prelate-
Prince by mere outward conformity, be quiet, and peaceably submit.
Thus he went from town to town, everywhere calling in the peasantry
from the neighbourhood ; but at each place his amazement became
greater, when crowds of Protestants fearlessly avowed themselves, and
showed that the dreaded Gospel had found entrance into the hearts of
all classes. The clerks had collected twenty thousand six hundred and
seventy-eight names of bold confessors, and among them were eight hun-
dred and fifty wealthy families. At this his tone lowered, his proposals
grew more liberal, and the Evangelicals began to fancy that they were to
obtain redress, and even rise into favour. But no Priest bestowed a smile :
it was the Chancellor alone who had hesitated to drive so great a multi-
tude to despair, and the Archbishop gave no confirmation to his promises.
The illusion was instantly dispelled. Firmian spoke in a soft-
worded, crafty edict, echoing, at first reading, the words of his com-
missioner ; but when perused more closely a second time, he was
clearly understood to say that nothing more had been promised than
an investigation of grievances, but that troops would enforce his
pleasure, and offer them princely favour at the sword's point (July
30th). They appealed to Csesar, but could not gain a hearing. The
Emperor refused to interfere between the Archbishop and his vassals.
Every appearance of resistance towards a Priest, however slight, was
noted, and the offender punished as a traitor. Every effort of self-
protection drew down the penalty denounced on rebels. No prospect
now remained but that of a general emigration. Yet they knew not
how, nor whither. In this perplexity several heads of families resolved
to call a general meeting, in order to determine what should be done.
At the dawn of day, on Sunday, August 5th, 1731, a great multitude
gathered in the valley of the Schwarzach, where already assemblages
had been holden, and awaited, in solemn silence, the decision of their
elders. A table was placed in the midst, and on the table a vessel
filled with salt. One hundred aged men knelt round it, and remained
thus for some time in prayer. Then they rose from their knees, and
each plunged his right hand in the stream, dipped a wet finger in the
salt, and all the hundred, raising their hands towards heaven, swore
to be faithful to God, to his Gospel, and to each other, and to abide
united under every trial. The salt was then poured out upon the
ground.* After this ceremony they consulted how to lighten the
common burden of affliction, and agreed to send messengers to
Regeusburg, in Bavaria, and to the Protestant Princes, to solicit
admission and shelter in their dominions ; and to inquire how many
of the twenty thousand expected immigrants might be received in
each. This was the great Council of the Salt-Bond (Sals-Bund).
* Numerous examples of the use of salt in covenants and bonds might easily be
collected on classic testimony. It would probably be found, that in Salz-Burg, with the
Salz-Amt, on the river Salza, and amidst the Salz-Bergen and Salz-Werke, the use of
salt (salz) on such national occasions was already an established custom, and not an
arbitrary ceremony, as some writers imagine. The flowing water, the native salt, the
beloved soil, the ambient sky, like the oil and the stone, and the " heap of witness "
of the patriarchs, were called on to attest.
THE SALZBURG EMIGRATION. 611
When the report of this meeting reached the Archbishop, he
became very lofty, and called for military help to subdue the move-
ment which he regarded as rebellious. Priests ransacked the houses
of the Protestants, seized Bibles and other books, and burnt them
openly ; troops were reported to be on their march towards Salzburg,
a cry of horror ran through the principality, people hurried together
and armed themselves, to resist the imminent invasion. A thousand
imperial infantry first entered (September). Then came the dragoon
regiment of Prince Eugene, the regiment of Staremberg, and another
of cuirassiers from Prince Philip of Wurtemberg. Before this arma-
ment the thought of resistance was relinquished, and the people, on
the first summons, peacefully submitted to be disarmed. Six thou-
sand foreign soldiers, patrolling from town to town and village to
village, watched the roads, that none might escape, took possession
of the houses of Protestants, and expelled the tenants. A long
flourishing domain suddenly lay waste. Incited by the Priests, most
of those soldiers lost every feeling of humanity, and preyed on every
householder into whose dwelling it seemed good to them to enter,
even if he were not a heretic. Flight was hindered, letters broken
open, every complainer charged with rebellion, the prisons crammed,
age insulted, the utmost licentiousness unreined. The winter snows
drove down the shepherds with their flocks from the mountains ; but
they trembled to find themselves amidst the violated abodes of men.
At last Prince Eugene's dragoons laid down their arms in remorse
and horror, weary of the barbarities they had been ordered to commit ;
but the Archbishop sent swift couriers to Vienna, requesting that
Charles would recall them. Meanwhile the Salzburgers prudently
refrained from every hostile demonstration, and their messengers
applied to the Emperor for relief ; but he threw them into prison at
Linz, as rebels ; and at the courts of the Protestant Princes the agents
of both the Archbishop and Emperor, with the assistance of all the
partisans that ecclesiastical influence could raise, represented their
own victims as political malcontents, so that asylum was almost
everywhere refused to them. Frederic William I. of Prussia was the
only one who would have befriended that Christian population ; but
his remonstrances and intercession were not heeded. At last it was
permitted them to go to the Protestant states of Germany : yet they
were chased out, instead of being dismissed without further outrage.
Men were seized when at work in the fields, carried to the frontiers,
and never saw their families again. Upwards of a thousand selected
boys were torn from their parents, and given to the Jesuits for educa-
tion. The parents were then gathered into companies, driven away
by soldiers, and hooted by the Romish population as they passed to
the banks of the Salza, to be shipped off, or as they crossed the Bava-
rian frontier on foot. Already plundered and impoverished, they had
not sufficient means to procure sustenance by the way ; and, until
they reached friendly territories, the Papists assailed them with every
expression of contempt and aversion. Yet they did not murmur, nor
turn back, but sang, in their Tyrolese dialect, —
4 i 2
612 CHAPTER IX.
" A wandering exile here I roam,
No other name is mine ;
For God's troth driven from land and Lome,
Yet I will not repine,
Since thou, my Saviour, didst for me
The path of grief not shun :
So that I may but follow thee,
Let all thy will be done."
A small part of the wanderers had been sent away by ships ; but
eighteen thousand entered Bavaria, and of these three thousand
perished before they could cross the country, falling overpowered by
fatigue, and victims to the cruelty of the Bavarians. Most of them
were welcomed in Prussia, others found homes in Wurtemberg, Nurem-
berg, and Hesse ; and a few went to Holland and North America
(A.D. 1732). The total number of exiles and fugitives could scarcely
have been lower than thirty thousand.
The Prince-Archbishop had said, when told of the large number
whom he was going to expatriate, that he would clear the country
of heretics, although it should afterwards produce nothing but thorns
and thistles. As far as human eye could search, they were now all
expelled ; and the Pope rewarded him with lavish praise, and the title
of Excelsus, " LOFTY." But the Clergy could not believe that the
work of expurgation was complete, as, indeed, it was not ; and there-
fore an Inquisition was established. Missionaries went from house to
house under a show of meek devotion, listened to the conversation
of unsuspecting women and children, and then the families were visited
with confiscation, imprisonment, and banishment. "The Reck, or
* Rack-Tower,' in the fortress of Werfen, was used exclusively for the
torture of heretics, who were slung within its dark walls, at an
immense depth, by chains. According to the assertion of a traitor,
Vitus Loitscherger, no fewer than two hundred persons were, in 1 743,
delivered to the Inquisition. A similar persecution, though not to
such an extent, befell the secret Protestants in Austria at about the
same period. The mountaineers in the Salzkammergut were (A.D.
1733) first treacherously examined, under an assurance of liberty
of conscience, and then carried away by the soldiery, and transported
to Transylvania. The twelve hundred first sent away were, in 1736,
followed by three hundred more. But when, in 1738, a great num-
ber of Protestants were discovered in the Traun district and in Krems-
miinster, permission to emigrate was refused, and some hundreds
of them were shut up in a wretched situation, exposed to the incle-
mency of the weather, and miserably fed. Many of them died. In
1740 Count Von Seckau banished eight hundred men, but retained
their wives and families, whom he compelled to embrace ' Catholi-
cism.'" The stake was generally disused, and the Austro-Roman
policy of political or legal persecution became that which is now best
approved in Popedom. But the stake was not altogether laid aside.
In the year 1747 Jacob Schmidli, of Sulzig, in the canton of Lucerne,
in Switzerland, was burnt by order of the Council, for reading the
* Menzel, chap, ccsxsiii,
PIUS VI. TRAVELS TO VIENNA. 613
Bible, and his house rased to the ground, in order to placate the
Pope.
Soon after Joseph II. had become Emperor (A.D. 1780), he mor-
tified and astounded the Romish Clergy by abolishing the orders
of Mendicant Friars within his dominions, placing the others under
the jurisdiction of the Bishops, instead of the Pope, and, by an edict
of toleration, granting to every one the free exercise of religion. The
laity, on the other hand, rejoiced in liberation from the ancient bond-
age. Profession of the Protestant religion revived. In Styria, whole
villages suddenly declared themselves Reformed ; and in Carinthia
twenty-two thousand persons made a similar profession. Alarmed at
the sudden revulsion of Austrian policy, Pius VI. resolved to make a
pilgrimage from Rome to Vienna, in order to entreat Joseph to pursue
another course. To anathematize so great a Monarch being no longer
prudent, he resolved to try flattery. In due time, therefore, found-
ing his discourse on the words of an Evangelist, " Simon Peter said
to his companions, I go a-fishing," he bade farewell to the Consistory
of Cardinals (February 25th, 1 782), and gave them directions for their
conduct during his absence. Prayers were daily recited in the churches
of the Holy City for the itinerant Pope, ( pro Pontifice itinerante,) and
the line of his progress was beset by enthusiastic multitudes, who saw the
father of the faithful, hastening with a small train, like some lowlier
Priest, in a travelling-carriage, trusting to rescue his tottering cause
in the capital of the empire.* The Imperial Reformer and his Prime
Minister received their visiter with a cold respect which often passed
into incivility; but the display of ecclesiastical ceremonies, the novelty
and profusion of Papal benedictions, the creation of new Cardinals,
and the establishment of a new nunciature in Bavaria, and the zealous
co-operation of all orders of Priesthood, Monkery, and Jesuits, pro-
duced a reaction in Austria, in spite of the Sovereign, and gave rise
to commotions, threats, and even attempts to assassinate Joseph II.,
which more than checked the birth of religious freedom.
Our notice of Austria shall close with the banishment of between
four and five hundred of the inhabitants of Zillerthal, in the Tyrol,
which took place so lately as the year 1837.
The Zillerthal, or valley of the Ziller, is a broad and lovely valley,
occupied by a population of fifteen or sixteen thousand, chiefly farmers
and herdsmen. Many of them travel for purposes of commerce to
Franconia, Suabia, and the Rhine, where they mingle in the society
of Protestants, receive copies of the holy Scriptures and religious
books, sometimes change their opinions, and even undergo a change
of heart, and so return to their country as bearers of glad tidings of
good. A number of persons thus enlightened, and therefore no longer
able to conceal their faith under an outward conformity to the idola-
tries of the only acknowledged Church, applied to their Priests,
according to the provision of an existing law, for certificates of their
•wish to become Protestants, which, if given, the Magistrates would have
acknowledged, and the transition could not have been legally prevented.
* Diario de la Memorabile Peregrinacion Apostolica de N. SS. P. Pio VI., a la
Imperial Corte de Viena, en el auo pasado de 1782, &c., &c. Barcelona.
614 CHAPTER IX.
But the Priests hesitated : while hesitating, they received many
applications; and after vainly endeavouring to dissuade the people
from their purpose, the Priests referred the request for certification to
the government at Innspruck, and thence it was sent up to the imperial
court. There it lay unnoticed. In the summer of 1832, the Emperor
Francis visited the Tyrol, and the " Inclinants," as they were called, sent
three of their brethren, John Fleidl, Bartholomew Heim, and Christian
Brucker, to Innspruck, where they were suffered to present a petition
to the Emperor, praying for permission to leave the Church of Rome.
He read the petition, conversed with them very graciously, promised
that none should oppress or disturb them, and said that he would see
what could be done. The Clergy, however, also petitioned him not to
allow religious divisions, but to forbid the Inclinants the liberty which
was guaranteed to them by law. The poor peasants could not prevail
against the powerful interference of the Nuncio and Jesuits ; and, after
some brief correspondence, they were told that they should suffer no
persecution, nor be in any way molested, if, persisting in their desire,
they would quit their native land. The Captain of the circle (like
the Lord-Lieutenant of a county) came to Zillerthal, and summoned
all the petitioners for religious liberty. Upwards of four hundred
came into his presence, and he told them to the effect that he appeared
there, not as Captain of the circle, but as the Emperor himself, in
order to declare the imperial decision of January llth, 1837. It was
thus : —
1. That they might return to the Roman Catholic Church, or
leave their fatherland, as he would not tolerate any Protestant
community in the Tyrol.
2. That they might have the choice, either to be translocated into
Austrian provinces where there were Protestant congregations, or to
emigrate into foreign parts.
3. That they were to declare, within fourteen days, which of the
two they would prefer.
4. That from the date of their declaration, a term of four months
should be granted, to prepare for translocation or emigration.
5. That if, in four months, they were not ready for one or for the
other, their freedom of choice would be at an end, the official autho-
rities would summon them to move, and the Emperor would locate
them where he pleased.
No one would accept the first condition, and therefore they
requested a general passport, which would leave them free to the
wide world ; but His Imperial Majesty, Ferdinand I., could not allow
heretics so broad a range. Before being trusted with a passport,
they were commanded to say whither they would go. They knew
not whither; but Fleidl, himself a poor man, although now their
spokesman and representative, wrote to some friends in Bavaria,
describing the position of his brethren, and begging that some one
would apply on their behalf to "the good King of Prussia," one
of whose predecessors, a century before, had afforded refuge to the
out-wandering Salzburgers. The Protestants in Munich pitied the
confessors of the Zillerthal, and endeavoured to procure their cause a
THE ZILLERTHAL EMIGRATION. 615
favourable hearing at Vienna. But our own William IV. had heard
of their distress, and reiterated his entreaty to the King of Prussia
to interfere, that the persecuted Tyrolese might become a colony in
Prussia. Afraid to expose them to the uncertainties of a diplomatic
correspondence, wherein the Papal Nuncio would have meddled,
Frederic William III. sent his Chaplain, Dr. Strauss,* to Vienna,
who negotiated privately with Prince Metternich, and obtained a
promise that such families as wished to settle in Prussia should have
permission so to do. Without this timely intercession, it is impossi-
ble to say what sufferings they might not have had to undergo ; for
there was no apparent disposition in the Captain of the circle, nor in
any other authority, either at court or in the province, to lighten the
burden of the sentence which robbed them of their legal right.
Immediately after the return of Dr. Strauss to Berlin, Fleidl, with
some others, appeared there also. The peasant was received as
cordially as if he had brought credentials from the Sovereign of a
first-class power. Dr. Strauss met him and his associates in the
novel embassy, and found that, although no visible church had ever
been organized in the Zillerthal, they were indeed members of the holy
and universal church of the Lord Jesus Christ, and entertained a
pure doctrine, with a noble principle of trust and love towards the
Redeemer. Fleidl was not, indeed, received to an audience by the
King, but wrote an address worthy to be archived. In his own
name, and in the name of four hundred and thirty or four hundred
and forty companions in the faith, he " ventured a cry of distress on
the magnanimity and grace of His Majesty, as the august defender
of the pure Gospel." He briefly and temperately mentioned, rather
than described, the vexations they had endured at home, and made
reference to the past. " Already once Prussia gave to our persecuted
forefathers a secure asylum : we, too, have placed all our trust in
God and the good King of Prussia. We shall find help, and not be
ashamed." He proffered loyalty and service, asked for "a faithful
Pastor and a zealous Schoolmaster," and requested intercession at
Vienna that the time of their departure might be postponed until the
spring ; and, in conclusion, wrote, " May God reward Your Majesty
for all the kindness which Your Majesty may show to us ! Faithful,
honest, and thankful will we remain in Prussia, and will not lay
aside the good qualities of our Tyrolese nature. We shall only
increase the number of Your Majesty's brave subjects, and stand in
history as a lasting monument that misfortune, when it dwells near
compassion, ceases to be misfortune ; and that the Gospel, when
obliged to fly from the Papacy, ever finds protection from the
magnanimous King of Prussia. The Tyrolese of Zillerthal, by their
spokesman, John Fleidl of Zillerthal" (May 27th). The prayer was
fully answered ; the Privy Councillor Jacobi instructed the peasant-
envoy in the civil institutions of the Prussian state, to which the new
subjects would be required to submit ; and the tidings of a refuge
spread gladness — yet a mournful, solemn gladness — through the
valley of the Ziller.
* Not to be confounded with the unhonoured name of the author of the Leben Jcsu.
616 CHAPTER IX.
Preparations for departure had begun already. Houses and lands
were on sale, and waggons in building. With a singular display
of confidence, they refused to accept formal securities for the price
unpaid, accepting the promise of " their countrymen " as a sufficient
bond. The Government, with a yet more singular affectation of
generosity, forgave them the emigration-tax, and furnished the poorest
of them with assistance for the journey. But an act of inhumanity
spoiled the glitter of this miserable bounty. Married persons, child-
ren, and other members of families, who remained behind, were
compelled to swear that " they would never know anything more
of those that were taking their departure." Four days before the
expiration of the term, the departure began. Then, even their
enemies relented, and not a few entreated them to remain in the
valley, lest they should cause a scandal to the people abroad ; for what
would be said in the empire about the Tyrolese ? Some offered their
relatives great advantages if they would stay in the Church. " The
family of L— — , with seven children, had packed up their scanty
effects upon a small cart, which, in the evening, was standing before
the door, ready to depart the next morning. At this moment a
female relative came and offered the husband the freehold of a rich
farm, if he would consent to adhere to the Church. ' I do not sell
my religion,' he calmly replied. Some Priests also performed their
part, for the purpose of directing attention and sympathy to the
exiles ; but they did it in their own way. On the borders of the
valley of Kiitzen, one chose for the subject of his discourse, ' The
judgment of God upon the Lutherans,' in which he alleged, 'It is
too bad that the people should be allowed to take so much money with
them as two hundred thousand imperial florins.' " *
Many of the scenes presented at the departure must have been
equally edifying and impressive. We note one, as described by an
eye-witness.—" I found in Finkenberg (one of the twenty villages
of Zillerthal) Q and his family busily occupied in preparing for
their emigration. A deeply-interesting picture ! The man, with his
brothers, was standing in the entrance, filling baskets for the journey.
The grey-headed father was within the house, surveying with a keen
eye every corner of the place still so dear to him, lest anything should
be forgotten. The wife, with an infant child eight days old at her
breast, was, with Christian resignation, sitting by a cradle wherein a
sick boy was lying. At the door stood the sister in tears, lamenting
the separation from her kindred, whom she would gladly have
followed, had she not been held back by her love to her rigidly
' Catholic ' husband. They invited me to their noon-day meal, the
last they were to partake of in the paternal home. At table, the
father of the family — of whom I may not think it evil that he could
not bear this trial with the patience of his Lord f — confessed that he
felt the flesh still to struggle against the spirit : ' but,' he added, ' I
hope, by God's help, it will soon be overcome.' Among other ques-
* Or £20,000. They actually took into Prussia fifty thousand reichs-dollars, or
about half the former sum.
t Thia was not impatience.
THE ZILLERTHAL EMIGRATION. 617
tions, I asked him if he was going to take his religious books with
him, as the Bible, Schaitberger's Epistle, &c., or whether he had sold
them. ' No,' replied he, smiling, ' I do not sell the word of God.
That I have bestowed upon people by whom it will be duly valued, as
others also have done, because many have earnestly besought us to
leave them some of our little books. Besides, the good King will not
fail to give us others, when we arrive in Prussia.' "
According to the will of the Austrian Government, they took their
way through the imperial states, Salzburg, the archduchy, Moravia,
and Bohemia. To make the transit less conspicuous, Metternich
further directed them to be sent in small companies ; and the first
of these, consisting of a hundred and fifty persons, set out, carrying
the women, the younger children, and the aged and the sick, on
waggons, in the beginning of September. The men, and some of the
women, went on foot. During its progress this party met with much
unkindness from the Papists ; but the Government prudently gave
such instruction that the following companies were not molested, and
even the inns were open to them. Protestants everywhere received
them with great affection, gave them lodgings and refreshment, threw
open the churches, there to welcome them with psalms, discourses,
and prayer, and gave them provisions for the journey.
There were four companies. In succession they first trod their
new fatherland in the mountain-village of Michelsdorf, in the circle
of Landshut. Earnest and still the first procession moved forward,
and the spectators, in sympathy, observed a deep silence. Then
came a larger train, wayworn and exhausted, except the children on
the waggons. " Pastor Bellman stepped into the midst of the
pilgrims, who, young and old, crowded round him with tears in their
eyes, endeavouring to reach his hand, and catch a glimpse of his
countenance. Every eye was fixed on him, glistening with emotions
of joy and gratitude. One party that was encamped near the church
having procured it to be opened, some of them entered. In silence
they ranged themselves before the altar, when presently one of them
perceived, and drew the attention of his companions to, a portrait
of the King. With a generous shout of transport they all rushed
towards the picture, contemplating it with eyes beaming with tears
of joy : it was, indeed, the likeness of one who, by his royal favour,
had caused their gladness at that happy moment."
The town of Schmiedeberg was appointed to the immigrants as
their place of abode, until a permanent settlement could be found.
There they first assembled for united Evangelical worship (October
8th, 1837). In the open place before the church the Zillerthalers
were all assembled on the Lord's day, and at the church-doors a body
of Clergy waited to give them solemn recognition. There sang the
united multitude, —
" When Christ his church defends.
All hell may rage and riot,
Nor mortal foes nor fiends
Shall give her long disquiet :
He who at God's right hand doth sit,
Shall ijuell all foes beneath her feet."
VOL. III. 4 K
618 CHAPTER IX.
The doors were then thrown open, and the pilgrims found a spiritual
home, under the direction of Pastor Siegert of Fischbach. The royal
family of Prussia showed them a becoming attention ; they were
furnished with a church, with school house and master, and provided
with copies of the word of God. Their permanent settlement is now
at Erdmannsdorf, where they are an honest, industrious, and flourish-
ing colony. What would they have been in Austria ? *
" The Kings of the earth arose, and the Princes took counsel toge-
ther, against the Lord, and against his anointed." As in Austria, so in
France, and even more violently there, the tornado of persecution
swept away the congregations of the Reformed. Instead of pursuing
those mournful events which filled up the period between 1572, when
the Huguenots were massacred in Paris, and 1598, date of the edict
of Nantes, in the order of their occurrence, we will borrow one
general statement from a document f which described it accurately,
under the title of " Complaints of the Reformed Churches of France
concerning the Acts of Violence which they have suffered in many
Parts of the Kingdom, and on account of which they have often
appealed in all Humility to His Majesty and the Gentlemen of his
Council." They therein pleaded that no degree of wrong or ignominy
could destroy their quality of subjects, and that, in a free country,
every subject should find access to the ear of his King. Yet they
used the privilege with sorrow : they blushed to disclose the shame
of their country to the eye of strangers. Haply, King Henry IV.
might deign to pity them : for he knew that they were neither
Spaniards iior conspirators ; but had rendered His Majesty most
faithful services, even from their cradle, defending him against all
enemies, and preserving the crown upon his head. They had once
hoped that a remembrance of their fidelity might have sufficed as a
warranty for protection, in return, against their oppressors ; but such
protection they had not received, not even from the Sovereign whom
once they had known as the Prince of Navarre, and saluted as their
own chief. During eight years the malignity of the Romanists £ had
abated none of its rancour, nor had their own sufferings diminished.
The only difference perceptible lay in a calculation on the patience
of the Reformed, whom their enemies supposed willing to suffer any
wrong rather than, by seeking redress or vindication, disturb the
public peace. Peace they had never had, but, at best, only a deceitful
truce, even worse than war ; but war they dreaded. Therefore they
asked for justice. They asked it of the King who had lavished favour
on his enemies, now trusting that he would not utterly cast off his
faithful servants, although he had been alienated from them since the
* Evangelisches Oesterreich, &c., von Bernhard Ranpach, Hamburg, 1741 — 44,
contains an ample history of tbe Reformation in Austria, and its suppression.
Geschichte der Auswanderung der Evangeli.schen Salzburger im Jahre 1732, by Karl
Panse, Leipzig, 1827, relates tbe incidents of tbe Salzburg emigration. The Protestant
Exiles of Zillerthal, translated by John B. Saunders, from tbe German of Or. Khein-
wald, gives a full account of this recent persecution. These are our leading autho-
rities.
t As it is abridged by M. Benoit, in his Hiatoire de 1'Edit de Nantes &c. liv v
Delft, 1693.
t Whom they always called Catholiques.
COMPLAINTS TO HENRY IV. 619
time when, with the terror of a general massacre yet before him, he
had been compelled to go to mass. In spite of all his promises to
the members of the communion from which he had been detached,
they had seen him, to their grief, take a solemn oath at his consecra-
tion, and renew the oath when invested with the order of the Holy
Spirit, to exterminate heresy and heretics, the Reformed being
intended, although not named ; for those names were obviously meant
to apply to them. Life, honour, and property being no longer sure
to them, nothing remained but to rend the veil of concealment woven
around their Sovereign by the hands of courtiers, that, whether they
pleased or not, he might see the wrongs and sufferings of his most
faithful subjects.
Few and feeble were their friends, dispirited by the mass of enmity
which pressed on them from every side. Men of all orders, nobles
and commons, magistrates and councillors of state, combined to ruin
and destroy them ; but it was chiefly the priesthood, by whose
incitement all the rest were incessantly impelled. During fifty years
their fathers and their brethren had been put to shameful deaths, —
burnt, drowned, hung, murdered one by one, massacred in multitudes,
and banished the realm by edicts. During thirty-five years seven
wars of extermination had been waged against them. Never had
they been allowed free exercise of their religion, except where too
numerous to be deprived of it by force, and there were many places
whose inhabitants could only hear a sermon by travelling ten or
twelve leagues for it. There . were entire provinces, as Bourgogne
and Picardy, without a single congregation. In others, as Provence,
there were but two, and in some, as in Bretagne, but one. Else-
where, although very numerous, they might only worship outside the
walls ; for strong garrisons were kept there to disperse any worshippers
who should venture to assemble within those towns. Where congre-
gations were permitted, those who frequented them were hooted
and pelted through the streets. At Pontorsen, when a gentleman
attempted to take his infant child to be baptized, the Parliament
of Rennes sent an armed force to prevent his passage, killed two
men, and would have killed more, if the garrison of Vitro" had not
turned out to rescue him. A mob of thirteen hundred men had
fallen on a company of one hundred helpless persons, who were
about to partake of the holy communion, at the distance of a day's
journey from their home, broken the doors and windows, and beaten
many of them until they lay senseless on the floor ; and this was but
one scene out of many of the kind. Some were prosecuted for
daring to offer prayer in their families. A Minister had been fined
heavily for administering the sacrament of baptism to an infant ; and
in several places even five persons were forbidden to pray together,
under the penalty of ten thousand crowns, and preachers were
constantly exhorting the mob to drive the Reformed out of their
towns. Madame, only sister of the King, had spies set over her
household ; and one of her chief servants had been imprisoned for
praying in a forbidden place. In some places they were only per-
mitted to have public prayers, without sermons ; and even this service
4 K 2
620 CHAPTER IX.
•was often hindered, as at Montagnac, where they had purchased
ground whereon to huild an oratory, but were not allowed to cover
it ; and the Constable and Parliament of Totdouse had not hesitated
to silence the licensed prayers. Troops of the Dukes of Nemours
and Guise had converted churches into stables, and assaulted the
occupants. A long catalogue of such outrages displayed the malice
of their persecutors, while their own forbearance demonstrated the
power of a better spirit.
Many edicts, from the edict of January, under Charles IX.,
extended the privilege of worship into new places ; but, despite the
royal authority under which they claimed it, " Catholic Governors,"
so called, refused to execute orders of the kind, and many inferior
courts had published others in contravention of the edicts.
During the reign of Henry III. the Reformed were allowed the
exercise of their religion in the army ; but after the accession of
Henry IV. to the crown, that privilege had been withdrawn. Even
Madame, his sister, found herself obliged to go from Rouen to another
place, because the Pope's Legate did not please that she should
partake of the holy communion in that city, nor did the King, who
was there, interpose to shield her from the indignity. Romanist
landlords had arbitrarily forbidden the celebration of worship on their
estates, in open violation of treaties and engagements. Even the
least acts of private devotion were hindered, and many devout per-
sons, in various parts of the kingdom, lay in prison for no other
offence than that of making prayer to God, and their Psalm-books
had been publicly burnt by the hangman. At Meaux the Sergeant-
Major, with his staff of office, beat a respectable citizen who had been
heard to sing ; and the King being then at Monceaux, only two
leagues distant, some deputies went from the Assembly of Loudun
and reported the outrage to His Majesty, who carelessly replied, that
he "would speak to the Sergeant- Major." In many places Bibles
and other books were taken from their possessors ; and if any were
found to have concealed them, they were fined, imprisoned, or
banished. Two hundred persons had been treacherously surprised
and massacred by the garrison of Rochefort. At Digne, in Provence,
the Judges, who threw some one into prison for this single offence,
did not blush to forbid his brethren to meet together to pray to God,
(pour prier Dieu,) under a penalty of a hundred crowns. The
Parliament of Rennes did the same, and also threatened to make
a perquisition of books, and punish all who printed, sold, or
owned volumes not sanctioned by themselves. Sick persons were
prevented from receiving the visits of their friends, but saw their
chambers filled with Monks. Honours to Popish processions were
forcibly extorted from reluctant householders and passengers ; and
Priests, with Magistrates, went from house to house to find newly-
born infants, and baptize them by force, and to ascertain who ate
meat in Lent, or worked on saints' days. Various Parliaments had
prevented the establishment of colleges, even where the royal patents
gave authority for their erection, and many schoolmasters were
forcibly ejected from their homes. " Do they wish, then," asked the
COMPLAINTS TO HENRY IV. 621
complainants, " to reduce us to ignorance and barbarism ? Could
Julian have done more ? "
The poor were excluded from participation in common charity, and
driven out of the towns, even where the alms of the Reformed were
by far the most abundant. Priests, such as the Curate of St.
Etienne de Furan, forbade their parishioners to allow heretics to rent
their houses, or take them into their employ. Judges — guardians
of the public peace — encouraged children to insult aged Christians in
the streets, whom they then shut up in prisons, as if to keep them
safe. The way to offices, however trifling, was now closed against
" heretics," and those who still retained high office in Parliaments
and courts were covered with contumely while endeavouring to
discharge the functions. From the Judges presiding, prosecutors and
clients in courts often received insolence instead of justice, and were
addressed as dogs, Turks, heretics, heteroclites of the new opinion,
fit only to be hunted down with fire and sword, and to be driven
out of the kingdom. Seguier, one of the Advocates-General in the
Parliament of Paris, speaking to a case of one Rochechalais, a gentle-
man of consideration among the Reformed, pleaded that those people
were unworthy of the King's edicts ; that the benefit of laws only
belonged to Catholics ; and that, if an order were granted in favour
of this gentleman, the King's servants would oppose it, and take
away, as from an unworthy person, the property that might be
adjudged to him. The course of justice was turned aside at every
tribunal. In birth, in life, in society, and even at the grave, the
Reformed were covered with ignominy and oppression. In not a few
places they were denied burial-ground ; from others the dead had to
be carried many leagues for interment, and that only on difficult
conditions, as to the number of bearers and followers, and the hour
of the night, — for they were not suffered to bury their dead before the
sun, — and they had to pay heavy fees for this permission. Often would
the Bishop, or some Priest, command the corpse interred at so great
cost to be taken from the grave again, or from the ancient family-
vault ; and corpses, without distinction of age or sex, or any other
consideration of decency or pity, were thrown up naked on the
ground, frequently after the mourners had returned to distant dwell-
ings, and left to be mangled by the dogs.
After all, the complainants declared, they had written but a part
of what might have been told, and were content only to ask that they
might not utterly perish, but, for the preservation of the state, which
i"ell into ruin together with its persecuted members, might yet be
suffered to exist. They had prayed for an edict of relief, and were
told that the time for that act of grace was not yet come. " Not yet
come ! " they remonstrated, " after thirty-five years of cruel persecu-
tions, ten years of banishment, eight of exclusion from the kingdom,
four that we have been hunted down like beasts of prey ! " But they
well knew the Pope to be at the source of this injustice, and were
threatened with even worse treatment than they were then enduring.
Then followed the prayer of the petition : " We ask an edict
of Your Majesty that shall give us to enjoy what is the common right
622 CHAPTER IX.
of all your subjects : less, indeed, than you have granted to your
bitterest enemies, to those who are in league against you : we ask au
edict that shall not be made to compel you to govern your states
otherwise than as you please, nor force you to exhaust your finances
and surcharge your people. Let not avarice nor ambition mislead
you. The glory of God, the freedom of our consciences, the peace
of the realm, the safety of our goods and our lives, — these alone are
the height of our desires, the end of our requests." *
Henry IV. had been at war with Spain, and needed the loyalty
of the Huguenots. He had narrowly escaped death by the knife
of Chatel, a Jesuit, — not without evidence of conspiracy ; and the
Jesuits, although sentenced to banishment from the kingdom, main-
tained their ground in the provinces, in spite of the royal mandate.
He could not fail to appreciate the services of the Reformed in bear-
ing arms for the defence of their country. Perhaps he remembered
the matins of St. Bartholomew, and is said to have experienced some
compunction for having renounced their communion, and even sworn
at his consecration, " I will endeavour, to the utmost of my power,
and in good faith, to expel from my jurisdiction, and from the lands
under my dominion, all heretics denounced by my Church." It
could bring no comfort to his conscience, that he had promised the
Pope to make an end of heresy in France, and to admit the decrees
of the Council of Trent, as conditions of receiving absolution and a
blessing. He knew who were his friends ; but had entangled him-
self in the toils of conflicting engagements too deeply to hope for
peace. Policy, therefore, if not affection, now inclined him to grant
the petition ; and, at Mantes (April 7th, 1598), he signed the edict
so well known by the name of that city, and which served to shield
the Reformed from extreme oppression for a time. The edict, con-
taining ninety-two articles, with a supplementary document of fifty-
six, conferred some additional privileges of worship in an enlarged
number of towns ; confirmed them in occupation of the " towns
of surety," — independent municipalities, such as were numerous in
France, and some of them with their own Governors and garrisons ;
* The massacre of Chataigneraye, referred to in these complaints, was the deed of a
lady ! At Chataigneraye, a small town in Poitou, the Reformed were wont to congre-
gate for worship from the surrounding places. The lady of the manor, a woman
notorious for cruelty to her tenants on account of their religion, had observed that the
men carried arms, — a precaution necessary in case of attack by the armed leaguers, who
overran the country. For the sake of preserving her game, as she pretended, she
ordered all who came to " preaching " on her estate to come unarmed, and accompanied
the order with such severe threateniugs, that the poor people obeyed perforce. As soon
as she was satisfied that they habitually came without any means of defence, she
managed to engage the garrison of Rochefort to march into the town while the congre-
gation was at worship in the house of a gentleman named Vaudore, fall on them
unawares, and murder many of them on the spot. Two hundred were cut to pieces,
without distinction of sex or age ; an infant brought thither to receive baptism being
among the number. A child, in hw simplicity, offered the savage who seized him eight
sous for his life ; but the Duke of Mercosur, it seems, had forbidden ransom to be taken,
the offer could not be accepted, and the child was cut down at a stroke. The Dame
of La Chataigneraye made herself merry at the exploit of her leaguers, and carefully
collected the names of the two hundred slain, that she might ascer'ain who, of those
whom she hated, had fallen on that day. Five or six of the brigauds were taken and
hung ; but sufficient justice had not been done to prevent similar atrocities.
THE EDICT OF NANTES. 623
required mutual amnesty of offences, and laid an injunction of
reciprocal charity on both Romanist and " pretended Reformed,"
guarding the pride of the one, and, as far as they were recognised,
the rights of the other. To protect the subjects of indulgence from
abuse of justice, a new set of tribunals was forthwith to be established,
and a sum of forty-three thousand three hundred crowns was granted
from the royal treasury, and distributed, at the Synod of Montpellier,
between the universities, academies, and churches. The number of
churches, we may note, was then diminished to seven hundred and
sixty-three. De Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris, now-
better known as the historian, and the Lord de Calignon, Chancellor
of Navarre, a zealous Protestant, and one who resisted the offer of the
chancellorship of France as a bribe to apostacy, are said to have spent
three years in arranging the articles of this edict. But jealousy and
mistrust in regard to the instrument itself, the delay of Parliaments
in placing it on their registers, so as to give it force of law, the oppo-
sition of the Romish Clergy, and the fluctuation of politics, much
diminished the benefits that appear on the face of it. And the
restoration of the Jesuits to favour was alone sufficient to undermine
a fabric of security thrown up as an expedient to satisfy an aggrieved
party, rather than as a national defence against intolerance. As soon,
therefore, as Henry IV. ceased to reign, assassinated by Ravaillac
(May 14th, 1610), the Reformed again fell under the malignity
of their ancient persecutors.
Formidable through number and influence in all ranks of society,
not excepting the royal family, having privilege of a distinct jurisdic-
tion, which was guaranteed by the occupation of two hundred towns
and fortresses, and further acknowledged by an allotment of revenue
and nomination of Governors by the crown, the Reformed could not
suddenly be overpowered ; nor was the Church in haste to attempt
the victory by force which she hoped to gain by policy, not in
France alone, but in all Europe.
First of all, then, a corrupt administration of the law, as defined
by the edict of Nantes, and confirmed, with trifling variations, by
registration in the Parliaments, gave rise to incessant litigation.
Questions of right, which ought to have been set at rest, were raised
again ; and, in the mixed courts, the Romish party being generally
the stronger, their policy prevailed in the decisions, to the extinction
of equity, and often to the most flagrant violation of justice. While
the Reformed were pouring in appeals for redress at court, the Clergy
held an Assembly of their own in Paris (A.D. 1615), to agree on
the amount of contributions to be rendered from the ecclesiastical
revenues to the state, and on compensation to be demanded from the
King in favour of the Church. They complained bitterly to Louis
XIII. of the state of religion in his kingdom of Navarre ; where there
was such a paucity of Priests, they said, that, at Beam, the children
of the few remaining "Catholics" often grew up unbaptized.
" Pretended Reformed " Ministers, they said, lived on the revenues
of the Church, and the faithful were dying without the sacraments.
" More tolerable," said the Bishop of Beauvais, " was the condition
624 CHAPTER IX.
of Christians under the power of Turks, than under the intolerance
of these Protestants." The complaint was found to be exaggerated,
and led to no immediate result ; but they instituted a conversion-fund
by depositing thirty thousand livres as a beginning, in order to
pension deserters from the Evangelical church at Beam, and thus
obtain their agency for the corruption of the rest. Louis, also, when
at Bourdeaux shortly afterwards, found occasion to gratify the Priests
by disarming the Reformed part of the population, under pretence
of a suspicion that they were in treasonable correspondence, or were
likely so to be. In Auvergne, some of the most powerful families,
secretly associated in the Romish league, spared no pains to injure
the Reformed minority, whose complaints resounded in the Louvre,
but were scarcely heeded. In Provence the Protestants quarrelled
among themselves ; and, while they spent their strength in angry
debates in Synods and Assemblies, their adversaries, ever one to
promote the cause of their own Church, took advantage of the schism.
While Calvinists and Arminians wrangled, Popery prevailed.* At
Charenton the Jesuit Arnoux provoked Du Moulin and his colleagues
to enter into controversy. But a book -f- which they presumed to
dedicate to the King in defence of Evangelical doctrine was laid before
the Parliament of Paris, thence taken to the King's council-chamber,
and there suppressed. In the heat of this controversy, the forbidden
volume being in every one's hands, and the Reformed Synod assem-
bled at Vitro", the Clergy met again in Paris (A.D. 1617), and, profit-
ing by the irritation of their party, the King himself included,
renewed their efforts of demolition. At the head of a numerous
clerical deputation, the Bishop of Macon harangued His Majesty.
He called the Reformed "monsters," and their church, although
legally established, " Hagar, the concubine," the servile rival, fit only
to be driven to the desert ; and confessed that his brethren only bore
•with her for the sake of peace. He represented, in piteous and
indignant language, the persecution said to be suffered by Catholics
in the cautionary towns. At Montpellier, for example, the inhabitants
would not suffer a Jacobin monkery to be established within the
walls, reasonably fearing to admit inmates of the kind. Neither
would they give licence to a Jesuit preacher whom the Bishop had
sent ; for they dreaded the consequences of his political orations.
But he chiefly descanted on the humiliation of his communion in the
principality of Beam. There, as in England, the churches and
church-lands had been transferred to the Reformed, a change which
he denounced as abominably sacrilegious. "With priestly confidence
he demanded one hundred parish churches to be restored to their
original service ; and affirmed, as roundly as if he were speaking
truth, that twenty-five persons out of every thirty were addicted to
the ancient superstition. And he wound up the harangue by exhort-
* Let it not be thought that the author is indifferent to this controversy, which is
many ages older than Luther. But doctrinal exaggerations rankle and luxuriate as
piety decays, and then the common enemies of evangelical religion triumph, a.t at this
day.
t " Defense de la Confession de Foy des Eglises Reformees de France, contre les
Accusations du Sieur Arnoux. Jesuite," &c.
MASS RESTORED AT BEARN. 625
ing Louis to take the Cross ; not to go beyond sea to chase the enemy
of Christendom from the holy places of Palestine, but to deliver the
churches of Beam from the profanation of the Protestants.
The King had, twice at least, promised that the Jesuits should be
excluded from the cautionary towns, unless, indeed, his answer to the
petition of his subjects was a refined equivocation ; * but he now
declared, in an order to the Council of State, that not only might
Jesuits, or any other Catholic preachers, be sent into Montpellier, but
into all the other towns, at the pleasure of the Bishops, and that he
had never intended otherwise. And as for Beam, although it was an
independent state, and the monarchy elective, Louis XIII. deprived it
of its independence by annexing it to France, and, at the same time,
granted the Assembly of Clergy an order for the restitution of ecclesi-
astical property and the re-establishment of " the Catholic religion "
throughout the province (A.D. 1617). The King marched to Pau at
the head of an army, caused mass to be said at Navarrin, just fifty
years after it had been abolished in the reign of Jeanne d' Albret, and
received the most emphatic praise and congratulation of the Nuncio
Bentivoglio and the French Bishops (October 19th, 1619). Having
made sure of Beam, the united chiefs, temporal and spiritual, pro-
ceeded to get possession of the cautionary towns, either by treachery
or force, and were not long in depriving the Reformed of most of
them. In order to raise up the Papal hierarchy on the ruins of the
Reformation, the King of France and his Generals marched from
province to province, seized on one place after another, and treated as
rebels every one who appealed to the edict of Nantes, and to his own
repeated acts of confirmation. Strange, indeed, was the position
of affairs. Louis and his army were sitting down before Rochelle, the
chief town and fortress of P.-otestantism in France, and, while con-
ducting the operations of the siege, he received letters-apostolic from
the Pope, exhorting him not to lay down his arms until he had taken
the city, and deprived the heretics of every place of surety. The
"Prince of the Church" lavished praises on his valiant and devoted
son, promised him the protection of all saints, and commended the
zeal with which he had imitated the virtues of his ancestors, who had
paid no less honour to the exhortations of the Popes than to the
commands of God (July 10th, 1621). From Roehelle the King
hastened to Montauban, where another division of his army pressed a
siege ; but he was compelled to raise it. Meanwhile, an ambulatory
Synod of Priests, at Paris, at Poitiers, and at Bourdeaux, watched
the course of the crusade, raised the tithe-charges on their flocks,
* The Cahier, or memorial of the Assembly of Saumur, in 1611, contained the
following article: — *' LI 1 1. Qn'il ne soil permis aux Jesu'ites de dresser college,
semiuaire, ou maison d'habitation ; precher, enseigner, coufesser, n'y meme faire
residence en aucune des dites places, tenues par ceux de la dite religion, et qu'il plaise
a Sa M. restraiudre lea dites Jesuites par tout son royaume, aux lieux auxquela ils
furent restraints par leur retablissemeut t'ait en 1'an 1603." The rescript placed oppo-
site this request reads thus : " Aucun college de Jesuites ne peut etre etabli en aucun
endroit de ce royaurue que par la permission de Sa Majeste, qui y saura bieu pourvoir,
en sorte qu'ils n'uyent aucune occasion de se plaiudre." But even under this word of a
King could lie concealed the arriire petu>ee of a Je.suit. — See Beuoit, tom. ii., Recneil.
&c., p. 23.
VOL. III. 4 L
626 CHAPTER IX.
and offered the increase, "a million of gold," for the King to
finish it.
The Duke of Mayenne, a popular man, fell before Ville Bourbon.
His death was made the signal for revenge on the heretics. At Paris,
especially, so great was the fury of the populace, that for five days
the Protestants shut themselves up in their houses, every moment
expecting to be massacred. Fray Domingo de Jesus Maria, an apostle
of persecution in Bohemia, a saint and wonder-worker in Vienna and
in Rome, adored by the populace of Spain, his native country, and
by the fanatics of Germany and Italy, and once honoured with a sort
of ecclesiastical ovation by the Pope and Cardinals, hurried from Italy
to France, there to preach up slaughter. But failing at Paris, where
his grimaces excited more disgust than veneration, he hung upon the
skirts of the camp, and exhorted vast congregations to join their
forces to those of the military for the extermination of image-breakers,
exhibiting a disfigured picture of the Virgin, which, he said, the
Lutherans had insulted ; and his rhetoric, although two centuries
past the time in France, was not wholly without effect. The Papists
of Saumur were persuaded to massacre their fellow-townsmen ; but
the Governor, by vigilance, saved them from the perpetration of that
crime. At Paris, however, the devotees could no longer be restrained.
A woman was murdered in the street, because she would not bow
down before an image of the Virgin Mary, and many houses were
broken open and pillaged. A mob of zealots went to Charenton,
burnt down the church, a spacious and venerable building, and
destroyed the library. The Priests looked on complacently ; but the
civil authorities interfered, placed the Reformed under the protection
of the King and of justice, and appeased the tumult.
The trickery of a counterfeited justice, and weight of arm, equally,
and in alternation, served the cause of spiritual and civil despotism.
Commissaries went into the provinces, professing to investigate and
redress grievances, in ostensible fulfilment of the edict of Nantes ; a
Romanist and a Reformed Commissioner being always united. But
the representative of the oppressed, being nominated by the oppressor,
dared not maintain the interests of his client ; and his concurrence in
robbery or persecution aggravated the wrong it was pretended to
remove. The sentences of public tribunals were no less corrupt than
the decisions of those mock-arbitrators. " I plead against a heretic,"
said the Advocate ; " I have to do with a sectarian hateful to the
state, with one of a religion which the King is determined to extir-
pate." And if the defendant murmured, he was answered, " You
have the remedy in your own hands : why do you not turn Catholic?"
Inquisitors collected information of unguarded sayings, uttered in the
confidence of domestic life for twenty years befoi-e, and communicated
them to Magistrates for their guidance in decisions on the bench.
Forced or venal conversions followed the labours of Monks and
soldiers, and repaid the outlay of the conversion-fund. A few exam-
ples may serve to illustrate this method of reviving Catholicism, as
Ranke would call it. The little town of Wals, in the Ardeche,
surrendered to the royal troops after receiving a few cannon-shot,
MILITARY CONVERSIONS. 627
and oil dishonourable conditions. The Duke of Montmorency put a
zealous garrison into the castle ; the Consuls first asked pardon on
their knees, and, although the population was so entirely Calvinist
as to be called " the little Geneva," mass was forthwith established,
the Jesuits began their mission, and, in a few weeks, the former
religion almost disappeared. The town of Foix, capital of the old
county of that name, was inhabited by some Reformed families, until
the Capuchin Monk Villate, an emissary of the Bishop of Pamiers,
appeared there as preacher of the Advent and Lent sermons (A.D.
1 022). His seditious discourses, monkish controversies, conferences
proposed to the Minister, and all enforced by the pious violence
of the Governor, brought over all those families to the Church
of Rome. None withstood him beside the Minister and his wife, who
were permitted to quit the place, but accompanied by a trumpeter,
given them under the name of escort, and who proclaimed the
triumph of the Monk as he followed the two confessors through the
streets of Foix, and along the road which led out of the province. The
Priests of the town gave Villate a certificate that he had wrought the
wonderful conversions by the power of the word of God alone ; and
some headlong proselytes displayed their zeal in the new cause by
demolishing their former church, as no longer wanted, after deposit-
ing its furniture in the mass-houses. The share, however, taken by
the King and court in effecting the conversions of Foix, was not very
carefully concealed ; and the Archbishop of Ambrun, addressing the
King with reference to this victory, did not scruple to call him " the
Apostle " whose prudence and whose arms had wrought out those
conversions ; plainly attributing to terror what the certificate of the
Priests had attested to be the result of instruction. The Nuncio at
Paris boasted that the mildness, love, patience, and good example
of the Clergy had subdued the obstinacy of the heretics, while it was
remarkable that their wonders were uniformly wrought in the track
of a destroying army ; and when it was boasted that one zealous
Missionary had reclaimed eighteen hundred persons in Beam, no one
sincerely ascribed the glory to any other " Apostle " than the King.
The Marquis of Ornano, under colour of war, made a martial entry
into Aubenas, a town at the foot of the Cevennes. When two
Regents of the place met him to pay the usual respects to their liege
Lord, he took off their caps, the mark of office, convened the council,
excluded all Councillors who belonged to the Reformed Church, con-
fided the regency to Romanists, disarmed all the Reformed, and
levied a contribution on them for the maintenance of the garrison
which he lodged there to superintend the conversion that should
follow. For as the majority of the inhabitants professed the Evange-
lical religion, this array was necessary. The converters played their
part so vigorously, that in three weeks, if their report was not exagge-
rated, two hundred and fifty families solicited admission to the bosom
of the holy Roman Church ; and the heads of those families signed,
at the point of the bayonet, a declaration that they had embraced
the only saving -faith of their own free accord, and after the anxious
desire of many years. Other places followed in the train of Aubenas :
4 L 2
628 CHAPTER IX.
Amand, for example, where the Governor, instructed by the Arch-
bishop of Bourges, desired the inhabitants to choose between a party
of Priests to receive their abjuration, or two hundred soldiers to be
let loose upon their families. They had not the spirit which sus-
tained the Huguenots of an earlier age, and therefore chose the easier
condition of the two. In short, throughout his inglorious campaign,
Louis XIII. took Missionaries with his troops to convert those who
did not at once surrender, and hangmen with gibbets to dispatch some
of the more steadfast for the terror of the rest. Thrice he waged
•war on his Protestant subjects, when intolerable oppressions had pro-
voked them to take measures of self-defence ; and thrice he granted
them concessions of peace as soon as their courage threatened him
with shameful defeat ; and all this within six years.
At length Rochelle succumbed to force of arms, after suffering the
extreme horrors of famine ; and then the King, changing the treaty
of capitulation into the form of an edict " of grace and pardon,"
declared his pleasure. The preamble of that edict is the hypocritical
manifesto of a bigot. The love, if it may be believed, which he bore
to his subjects, the compassion which he entertained for the miseries
brought upon his poor kingdom by wars and divisions for a long time
afflicted, had touched him sensibly. Laying aside all consideration
of his own comfort, braving inclemencies of season and perils of war,
he had laboured most lovingly to bring the refractory to obedience.
Great and puissant armies had seconded his arguments ; and God, he
said, had blessed him with success. Sweet summonses of goodness,
intermingled with the battery of cannons, had failed, indeed, to sub-
due the hatred of the men of Privas, towards whom clemency could
not any longer be extended ; but other rebellious subjects, specially
the Duke of Rohan and the Lord of Soubise, with the citizens
of many places and occupants of many fortresses, had repented at his
feet, and to them he gave a free award of mercy. Moved by his own
mere compassion, he spared further effusion of blood and desolation
of provinces, in hope that his aforesaid subjects, having such manifest
tokens of the goodness treasured up in his heart for them, would
return the more sincerely to their duty, and be inseparably united to
his obedience. Waiting for that grace and mercy of God which could
touch and illuminate their hearts to return unto the Catholic Church,
and could dry up the fountain of such deplorable divisions ; and having
maturely debated the affair with his Council, and taken their advice,
by his full power, special grace, and royal authority, he decreed and
signed an irrevocable edict, of which the chief provisions were, that
the Roman Catholic and apostolic religion should be everywhere
restored ; his subjects of the pretended Reformed religion suffered to
exercise it peaceably, but exhorted to divest themselves of passion, so
as to receive the light of heaven and be capable of restoration to the
bosom of the Church in which, for eleven centuries, the Kings
of France had lived without intermission or change. " For we can-
not in any other or better way express unto them our fatherly affec-
tion, than by desiring that they should walk with us in the same
pathway unto eternal salvation by which we ourselves are going."
MISSIONARY DISPUTANTS. 629
An amnesty to persons named, and provisions for the future execution
of the edict of Nantes, are the substance of several articles ; but one
condition of peace is most notable. All the fortresses and cautionary
towns were to be dismantled (July, 1G29). Armed resistance thus
became almost impossible, and the desired conversion to Romanism
might be enforced with little cost to the treasury of France for
munition of war.
The conversion of the Protestants, then, became the great business
of this very zealous King. A set of Missionaries were immediately
intrusted with the execution of the enterprise. Turbulent and dispu-
tatious, they harangued the multitude with ludicrous effrontery,
provoked riots, and not unfrequently courted street-quarrels, in order
that they might prosecute for assault, and get damages. Untaught
laymen, taken from the lowest regions of society, and equipped with
a few polemic common-places, ran from one Consistory and Synod to
another, challenging learned Ministers to disputation. On temporary
platforms erected in the streets, like mountebanks, they delivered
speeches and carried on mock-debates, to turn the verities of the
Gospel into ridicule ; thus gathered proselytes from the dregs of the
populace, and afterwards received a stipulated reward for each
trophy of their diligence. When they could not otherwise pro-
duce an effect, they would beguile the incautious into some expres-
sion that might pass for treason, and of which the recall might
be equivalent with a renunciation of the truth. " Charlemagne and
St. Louis were Catholics: are they damned? So is the reigning
Sovereign a Catholic : will he be damned?" To escape the dilemma,
many professed themselves willing to follow the King in his way to
heaven ! But the exploits of such Missionaries, and the dishonesty
of the civil magistracy of France, are the chief material for domestic
history through all the remainder of this reign. Yet the loyalty
of the Reformed rose superior to every trial; and when Louis XIV.
came to the throne in 1643, the Queen Regent published an edict in
their favour in his name, and when he came of age he issued a decla-
ration confirmatory of that edict and the edict of Nantes, and willed
that the transgressors of those laws by persecution should be punished
as disturbers of the public peace (May 21st, 1652).
These acts of favour had been merited by their adherence to the
young King when his succession to the throne was disputed ; and the
politic mildness which the Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin could well
afford to show towards a ruined yet numerous people had conci-
liated the confidence of a new generation. But the confidence was
vain. The Church might not have been displeased to see the heretic
sect in a state of languishing humiliation, but the cordiality of royal
favour towards that sect aroused an unconquerable jealousy. The
fruit of this ripened after the lapse of four years in an explanatory
instrument, whereby the King so limited and obscured his own con-
cessions, that they found themselves again exposed to the malevolence
of their perpetual persecutors. And it is remarkable that the Parlia-
ment of Paris, which had refused to register the former edict and
declaration, received the present document (A.D. 1656) into its archives
630 CHAPTER IX.
without delay, and a storm of persecution slowly gathered over the
trembling Churches. We have now to watch the course of the murky
cloud until it bursts in the revocation of the edict of Nantes.
The last National Synod of the Reformed Churches was holden at
Loudun, in the year 1659. The cessation of syuodical action is a fact
of great importance in relation to the policy of the Church of Rome
for the suppression of Protestantism. Let us make a few retrospective
notes, therefore, to mark the interference of the civil authority in the
last six Synods.
T. First Synod of Charenton, or 24th National (A.D. 1623). We
find this officially described as assembled " by the authority and per-
mission of Louis XIII." The Seigneur Auguste Galland, First
Commissary of the King, one of his Privy Councillors, and a member
of the Reformed Churches, came, by authority of His Majesty, to open
the Synod, and be present at all its sessions. He was mild and
cautious, well chosen to be a beginner. As soon as the officers of the
Synod were elected, this Commissary declared that he was there by
virtue of the King's letters-patent, verified in the court of the Parlia-
ment of Paris, by which it was ordained that a Commissary should
assist in all assemblies of the King's subjects of the pretended
Reformed religion, whether Colloquies or Synods,* to take care that
no matters were proposed or debated, except such as might be per-
mitted, according to the edicts, and that a report of all proceedings
should be made to the King. He then read the letters-patent,
empowering his attendance, and reciting the preceding letters, which
gave general permission for the holding of synodal assemblies under
this new restriction. It had appeared that the deputies of the said
religion were about to meet at Charenton from all the provinces of the
kingdom ; and Galland was instructed to watch very carefully that
nothing should be treated contrary to the King's service, nor preju-
dicial to the public peace ; to prevent every proposal or debate which
did not relate exclusively to the order and discipline of the said reli-
gion, and to bring up a report to His Majesty, marking exactly every
thing of importance that should have been transacted. The letters-
patent having been read, M. de Montmartin, Deputy-General for the
Churches to His Majesty, reported that as soon as he and his
colleague, M. Maniald, had been informed of the King's intention,
they had gone to him, and endeavoured by many reasons to dissuade
him from making this declaration ; but that His Majesty paid no
regard to anything they could represent, having already caused the
declaration to be verified in the Parliament of Paris. It therefore
remained with the assembly to address His Majesty on the subject, as
they might judge best. After long debate in the presence of the
Commissary, it was resolved that, considering that Colloquies and
Synods were accused, by the King's declaration, of having passed
beyond the limits of their duty, notwithstanding that they had
* A Colloquy was a meeting preparatory to the Synod, like a Congregation before a
session of Council. The words, " oil assemblies," &c., are to be taken as inclusive of
Provincial, as well as National, Synods ; so that the court assumed a general oversight
on all the proceedings of the Churches throughout the provinces.
SYNODS. 631
observed the utmost caution to the contrary, in all their deliberations ;
and also considering that by this measure the benefits accorded to
them by edicts were diminished, and their privileges almost entirely
revoked ; it was resolved to present an authentic Placet to His Majesty,
praying that he would be pleased to maintain the Churches in their
ancient liberty. But the Synod, desiring to demonstrate their obedi-
ence and fidelity to the King, admitted the said Seigneur Galland
among the deputies, to be an eye and ear witness of the sincerity and
honesty of their proceedings, trusting that the King would be so
satisfied therewith, as to leave them in the enjoyment of their ancient
liberty. A deputation from the Synod bearing a letter to the King
were admitted to audience, and returned with the intelligence that
thenceforth foreigners were not to be admitted as Ministers in their
Churches, notwithstanding the freedom with which foreigners enjoyed
lucrative benefices and high dignities in the Romish Church in France.
As to the presence of a Commissary, His Majesty was inflexible. He
also disapproved of their amicable correspondence with the Reformed
Churches of Holland, and their reception of the Confession of Faith
of the Synod of Dort ; and they consented to receive no foreigners as
Pastors for the future, nor to make mention of foreign Synods. Two
Scotchmen, Primrose and Cameron, being obnoxious to the Jesuits,
were sent out of France by royal order.
II. Synod of Castres, 25th National (A.D. 1626). This Synod was
convened by the King himself, the letter of convocation being written
in exceedingly gracious language. He promised them favour as long as
they rendered him obedience, exhorted them to live peaceably with their
Romish neighbours, and required them to promise that they would have
no correspondence nor alliance with persons out of the kingdom. As
they had been driven to seek foreign aid M-hen the King had made
war on them, this furnished a fair pretext for that requirement; but
the truth was, that the clerical advisers at court desired to weaken the
common cause of the Reformed by separating their Churches, and coun-
teracting their tendency to an Evangelical and catholic union. The
King commanded that no Minister should quit the kingdom without his
permission previously obtained. The Synod submitted, and their
isolation became almost complete.
III. Second Synod of Charenton, 26th National (A.D. 1631). Over
this Synod the King ruled, through his Commissary Galland. He
insisted on the observance of the restrictions already imposed, and
required the Synod to expel some Ministers who had preached or
written offensively during the civil war. The Synod yielded. They suc-
ceeded, however, in obtaining permission for the union of the churches
of Beam, or rather the wrecks of those churches, with the National
Synod. The Commissary wished to prevent it ; but it was shown that
the union had been previously sanctioned, and the King conceded. It
was a point of little consequence.
IV. Synod of Alen^on, 27th National (A.D. 1637). Nothing could
be more humiliating than the position of the Reformed Churches as
represented at Alencon. At the opening of this Synod, the Marquis
of Claremont, their Deputy-General, presented the royal mandate
632 CHAPTER IX.
of convocation. It suffered the assemblage, " but on condition that
no other matters should be discussed than those permitted by the
edicts, and that the Sieur de St. Marc, Councillor of His Majesty in
his Council of State, should assist in person." St. Marc addressed
the assembly to the following effect : — " Gentlemen, I am come to
your Synod to inform you of the pleasure of His Majesty. You know
that I have preached and taught the obedience due to the superior
powers. All authority is of God ; and, therefore, on this immovable
foundation, you ought to obey. Besides, the goodness of His
Majesty, and the care he takes of you, make obedience at once your
duty and your interest. Now His Majesty commands me to say, that
as long as you are faithful towards him, he will continue his affection
and observe his edicts towards you. But with regard to his power,
of which strangers have experienced the weight, how many proofs
have we ! His power seems more than human ; and thereby God pub-
lishes to the whole world that he upholds our King with his own
hand, and makes him terrible to all around. I shall say nothing
of those fortresses and cautionary towns on which you placed too
much reliance while you had them, but which are now come to
nothing ; whereas, since you have depended only on the favour of His
Majesty, your condition is much happier and more secure. No doubt
you have often reflected on the admirable providence of God, which
makes his royal authority your safeguard. Here are you without
support, and with your multitude of people, subject, like the sea, to
perpetual agitation, and yet the King preserves you in liberty of con-
science and peaceful exercise of your religion. The earth, poised in
air, is a miracle, great as that of the creation ; and as God sustains it
by the same power which brought it into being, even so are you pre-
served by the power of the word of His Majesty. Therefore, gentle-
men, you who are Ministers should be models of wisdom and good
conduct in your churches. Among the signal effects of the King's
goodness which you have received, not the least is this, that in time
of war you can assemble here. All the provinces of the kingdom,
like so many lines converging from the circumference, can meet
peaceably in this Synod. Could you have any clearer proof of his
goodness, and of his confidence in your loyalty ? This alone should
engage you to bow, more submissively than ever, to his royal pleasure.
And I doubt not but you will conduct yourselves very wisely, in your
words and actions ; and that you will render His Majesty all the
honour and obedience which are due to him from you." After this
effusion of mingled sarcasm and contempt, the Commissary proceeded
to unfold the sovereign commands. In order to enjoy the protection
of the King, and to be attached to his service alone, they were forbid-
den to hold any sort of correspondence with foreigners, or even with
ill-affected persons at home. The Provincial Synod of Nismes and
M. Rousselet, a Minister, being a native of the canton of Bern, had
received a letter from that country, in spite of statutes which " forbade
the King's subjects to receive letters from any foreign country."
Correspondence with the Swiss Republic was especially offensive to
His Majesty ; and neither the Synod nor M. Rousselet ought to have
SYNODS. 633
presumed to break the seal of a letter brought thence, but should have
delivered it, unopened, into the hands of the royal Commissary there
present. Not only foreign, but domestic, correspondence was to be
forthwith and for ever discontinued. No more miff/it Provincial
Synods act collectively ; nor could there be any meeting or communi-
cation tending to a Synod, nor any transaction of business, such as
the nomination of Ministers or deputies for the sake of communica-
tion from one province to another. They were not a body politic, he
said ; and, therefore, even when assembled there in Synod, they must
not presume to correspond with any other body, touching ecclesiastical
affairs. His Majesty also willed, that all Ministers should preach
obedience, never resist his mandates, and, although the Government or
civil magistrate should give orders which seemed contrary to liberty
of conscience, they were to put the best construction on such orders,
and quietly obey, suppressing every murmur or complaint of persecu-
tion. For the sake of peace, too, it was strictly forbidden to speak
disrespectfully of the Pope, as if he were Antichrist ; or of the sacra-
ments, as if they were idolatrous. If the Catholics were offended, the
Protestants would be put under interdict. Any incivility of theirs
would cause their Ministers to be silenced, and their congregations
dispersed ; while the offenders would incur more grave penalties. No
book treating on religion was to be sold until it had passed under
censorship. Marriages, as well as books, should undergo revision ; and
the Churches were to admit the validity of all acts of the civil power
in matters of divorce. No Minister was to quit his place of abode to
preach elsewhere, not even in a church annexed to his own, but to
keep the sound of his voice within the walls of that single church to
which he belonged by residence. His Majesty also laid some restric-
tion on their financial administration, and prescribed a method for
levying a rate on congregations for the maintenance of Ministers.
And then came an unprecedented interference with spiritual disci-
pline. " I have yet a word more for you," said the Commissary,
"and then I will finish. The Synod of Nismes has decreed, that
baptism is null when administered by a person who has no vocation
nor commission ; and directs Pastors to baptize, without any scruple,
infants on whom women or other unauthorized persons have poured
water, pronouncing the usual words. His Majesty wishes this article to
be corrected, for the reasons which I will give you in the words of the
original order." * This order was an explicit assumption of authority
* " Because hence arises the opinion of rebaptizing. For by their doubt as to voca-
tion, they oblige themselves to rebaptize all those who have been baptized by persona
whose vocation they do not approve, and of which they constitute themselves the only
judges and arbitrators ; although the Catholic Church does not approve their vocation,
and although they do not themselves make the least difficulty of saying that they have
not any such, yet their baptism is acknowledged ; because it is a sacrament of which the
virtue and efficacy is ex opere operate, and not at all e.v opcre operands ;" (from the
tiling done, and not from the person who does it ;) " so that the Synod has done what it
was not its business to do, by treating as invalid this sacrament which was administered
by persons who, it said, had no vocation nor commission to administer it, since the
Catholic Church, in which they cannot pretend that there is any defect of vocation, haa
decided this point, and judged that all Christians may baptize, in case of necessity.
Therefore, when the word and water have been employed, the Church will not allow this
to be repeated." — Synodes Nationaux des Kglises Keforim'e* de France. Aymon.
VOL. III. 4 M
634 CHAPTER IX.
over the Reformed Churches both as to doctrine and discipline, delivering
them to the Priests and their agents, — the very persons who had heen
constantly endeavouring, by forcible or clandestine baptisms, to estab-
lish a claim for ecclesiastical control over the families of Protestants.
The members of the Synod were spirit-broken. They answered
St. Marc timidly, and sent a deputation to the King, with letters
professing the most profound submission to his authority, as vice-
gerent of God ; but venturing to affirm that the decision of the Pro-
vincial Synod of Nismes in regard to baptism was justifiable, as being
in accordance with an article of their general Confession of Faith which
His Majesty acknowledged. Louis answered them, as " dear and
good friends," in language of most lofty graciousness ; but, " at the
same time, gave them warning that it would be for their interest to
separate as quickly as possible, lest, if they protracted their sittings
in Alencon, their continuance should be regarded as a transgression
of royal edicts and declarations." They sent the King a memorial
of grievances, disclosing a sad catalogue of sufferings ; but he refused
to answer it until the Synod should have been dissolved.
V. Third Synod of Charenton, 28th National (A.D. 1644). Louis
XIV., a child, six years of age, being on the throne, under the regency
of his mother, Caumont, Lord of Boisgrellier, Commissary, opened the
sessions with a panegyric on their " incomparable " King, and
delivered a multitude of prohibitions. No Minister, not being a
native of France, might be admitted into the assembly. No com-
plaint might be made of infractions of edicts, since there were courts
for the hearing of such complaints. No correspondence could be
held with the provinces during the sittings. No books printed with-
out previous censure. No Minister or other person excommunicated for
having gone over to the Church of Rome. No foreigner thenceforth
to be received as a Minister. Provincial Synods not to appoint public
fasts. Mention of martyrs, persecutions, torments, or other querulous
expressions, not to be heard in sermons. The Pope not to be called
Antichrist, nor the Church of Rome said to be idolatrous, nor her
sacraments spoken of contemptuously. No private collections to be made
for the support of Ministers, nor any one prosecuted for not paying a
Minister his salary. No children to be sent for education to Switzer-
land, Holland, or England ; nor any one ordained who had studied in
a foreign University. No books of devotion to be used wherein were
words disrespectful to the Church of Rome. No one to preach in
places not privileged. No bells to be hung in churches without
licence, nor any unlicensed meetings for church-business to be holdeu.
Parents not to be reproved for sending their children to Popish schools.
The Synod was exhorted to be thankful for having received permission
to assemble so near Paris ; and to remember that the population of that
city would be a severe witness of all their actions, and be circum-
spect. While these prohibitions delivered in the Synod indicated
unmitigated severity in the Government, decrees of a similar kind
extinguished every vestige of civil equality in the provinces.
VI. The Synod of Loudun, and the last National (A.D. 1560).
The Commissary, 31. de Magdelaine, assured the assembly that they
LAST NATIONAL SYNOD. G3b
were indebted to the Cardinal Mazarin, the King's Prime Minister,
for permission to meet again, after an interval of fifteen years.* He
reiterated the usual restrictions, and declared that, Provincial Synods
being sufficient for every purpose of discipline, a National Synod
would not be again convened. He furthermore warned them that on
the slightest manifestation of disobedience to any of the King's
injunctions, they would be immediately dispersed, and the offenders
punished. Thus, by the management of two Cardinals and their Clergy,
continuously administering in Paris the policy of Rome, the Reformed
Church, under a colour of legal establishment and royal protection,
was reduced to the lowest state of bondage, and made ready for
extinction. Its synodical action was first controlled by the King, or
rather by the Jesuits, whose impulses he obeyed, and then suppressed.
Strong places, given to the defenders of Christian liberty, as a
guarantee for the observance of treaties, had been taken from them
by force, and dismantled. Assemblies for the management of their
temporal affairs, which had been granted to them and acknowledged
through successive reigns, were gradually suppressed, leaving them with-
out any certain union of counsels for self-preservation. National Synods
not only allowed, but legalized, were then controlled by their enemies,
as we have just seen, and afterwards suddenly annihilated, leaving the
Churches without means of mutual support and common action.
Still, there was a distinct system of jurisdiction to guard their social
existence ; and, to the apprehension of Rome, it only remained to
abolish that, in order to sweep away the last vestige of the Reforma-
tion in France. Now that the army had reconquered the towns and
fortresses, and a royal Commissioner had sufficed to wear out the Synod,
a perversion of justice was the means best suited to overpower the
Chambres miparties, " Courts of the Edict," or mixed tribunals estab-
lished by the edict of Nantes, in which the Reformed assisted to
administer justice. These Courts were, for a time, regarded with con-
fidence ; and in them only could the persecuted hope for refuge. To
suppress them at once would have been impolitic, and it, in fact,
required twenty years more to bring them down ; but the Court
of Rome had learnt the efficacy of quiet perseverance ; and successive
Pontiffs rejoiced in the ever-brightening prospect of a renovated eccle-
siastical fabric beyond the Alps. Domestic persecution went on
simultaneously with those public wrongs.
As often as the Queen-Mother, Anne of Austria, needed the help
of her Protestant subjects to guard the throne of the infant Louis
XIV., she was loud in their praise, and gladly accepted the loyalty to
France which not even the atrocious oppression of half a century
could alienate. But when she lay on her death-bed, when all other
considerations gave way before the influence of the religion in which
she trusted, she obeyed the injunctions of her Confessor, and gave reite-
rated entreaties to her son to consecrate the energies of his manhood
to the extermination of those heretics. The Clerks who crowded her
* There has been a feeble revival of the Synod of the French Reformed Churches,
since the last establishment of republicanism, but without a Confession of Faith. It is
but a shadow.
4 M 2
636 CHAPTER IX.
chamber and beset the throne, the masters who had moulded the
young King after the fashion of his Church, applauded their pupil
when he assured his dying mother that he would not fail to destroy
the heresy, root and branch. A Priest who had studied the multifa-
rious edict of Nantes with the eye of a casuist and a lawyer, and
taken part in the production of numerous orders issued during the
preceding ten years, compiled a new document, to be declaratory
of the King's mind, and embodying the worst provisions which had
been issued at various times in a code for universal application. Louis
gave his sign-manual to this " declaration of fifty-nine articles "
(April 2d, 1666). From day to day its effects became more and more
disastrous. The King, indeed, preserved some show of dignified
impartiality, and even admitted a venerable Minister, Du Bosc, to an
audience, with unusual affability, and seemed, for a moment, to be
influenced by his expostulations ; but it was a feint. The Clergy had
so instructed him, and there could be no redress.
The Ministers of Christ laboured to instruct the ignorant, and to
reclaim the erring ; but whenever a Romanist, or even a Jew, yielding
to the power of the Gospel, approached their communion, some act
of the civil power frustrated his intention, and at length it was made
illegal for any one to become a Protestant. Ever since the Psalms
of Marot and Beza had first resounded in the public walks of Paris,
in the chambers of the Louvre, and in the prisons of the martyrs, the
same strains had been heard from the lips of their children. Now
this was prohibited, except in congregations lawfully assembled ; and
it became a crime to sing the songs of Zion. But when the officers
came into their houses, demanding the fine, not a few answered by
singing the first lines of the French paraphrase of the thirty-fourth
Psalm :—
" Jamais ne cesserai
De magnifier le Seigneur :
En ma bouche aurai son honneur
Tant que vivant serai."
And some paid double, in anticipation of the like breach of law they
intended to commit next day. But the sound of psalmody was soon
silenced. The Bailiff of Rouen gave a sentence which forbade the
Reformed to sing aloud, either in the town or by the way, either on
land or water. In place after place the preachers were also silenced.
Often the Ministers chose to obey God rather than man, and were
taken from the pulpit to the jail. Sometimes, when the Ministers
of the place feared to break through the prohibition, others came to
preach for them. Des Loges, for example, Minister of Lusignan,
supplied for Cuville at Couhe" after the church had been demolished.
In that hour eighteen hundred persons drank the word of life. The
parish Priest, bold in a notion of authority, went among the crowd as
they were assembling, and bade them disperse ; but one, in mask,*
answered for the rest, that preaching would not be hindered that day.
Nor was it. Des Loges addressed the solemn assembly without dis-
* Persons masked themselves to avoid recognition by their persecutors ; not, like t'.ie
Romanists in their carnivals, to commit evil with impunity.
LEGAL PERSECUTION. 637
turbauce, and then baptized several children, all their parents being
persons of rank, who dedicated their offspring to God openly, with no
other prospect than poverty and shame from generation to genera-
tion. Not only was Evangelical worship often prevented, but reve-
rence was exacted to idolatrous processions ; and the Protestant who
refused to defile his conscience by thus worshipping the wafer, soon
found himself in prison. At length it was but for the Priests to
request it, and churches were placed under interdict, until Evangelical
worship ceased throughout entire districts.
Tradesmen and artificers, wishing to rid themselves of competition,
began to petition that " pretended Reformed " might not be allowed
to follow their calling or exercise their craft ; and towns were by that
means decimated of their most industrious and honest inhabitants.
Sempstresses and midwives, although generally persons of doubtful
reputation, were not allowed to practise if they did not go to the altar
and confessional ; while civic and judicial honours were equally
withdrawn from Nonconformists.
Manifold were the contrivances for bringing over unsound, weak,
or infant Protestants to a profession of Popery. At first, children
of twelve or fourteen years were declared free to quit their parents,
and be affiliated to the Church. Orphans, and children dissatisfied
with the unkindness of stepmothers, were decoyed from their homes,
and not suffered to return again. The age at which a child became
competent to choose his faith was afterwards reduced to seven years.
Magistrates stole infants without regard to age ; and when parents,
full of anguish and indignation, appealed to Parliaments for redress,
the crime, instead of being punished by the legislator, received his
sanction, and outrage the most inhuman passed into the character
of law. The law, with inexorable cruelty, burst open the chambers
of the dying, and compelled the Christian, in his last agony, to hear
the exhortations of Monks to renounce his faith, and, while yet con-
scious of what went on around him, to suffer the profane handling
of the Priest who laid the crucifix upon his lips, anointed his rigid
frame with chrism, placed the wafer in his mouth ere the last sigh
told of the soul's deliverance, and after death the curate and the
sexton would steal away the corpse to bury it amidst the exultations of
the Church, and the wailings of the heart-broken survivers. The most
worthless persons were borrowed to swell processions, and to decoy
proselytes. One Jean de Versse, an Advocate of the Parliament
of Bourdeaux, had plunged himself into debt by profligacy ; but
Louis XIV. bought him over by an order (March 24th, 1673),
exempting him from the necessity to pay his debts for three years.
That expedient for strengthening the cause of "Catholicism" after-
wards became very common. False brethren, allured by " pieces
of silver," betrayed the true ; and the piety which had long languished
for want of spiritual food, died at last, under shocks of perfidy and
desertion.
The general history of the French Churches during this period is
much occupied with notices of a scheme for alluring French Protest-
antism into a reunion of Churches; a resorption of the Reformed
638 CHAPTER IX.
Churches by the Church dominant. The scheme was not altogether
ineffectual ; but, being made fully known, it aroused the opposition
of the Provincial Synods, which still lingered under the control of
Commissaries ; but the King forbade the excommunication, or even
censure, of some unfaithful Ministers who had fallen into the snare.
The effort of Rome at this day to corrupt the Church of England,
and to set Protestants against each other, is more likely to succeed,
because more artfully conducted. After the experience of two more
centuries, she better understands the methods of seduction.
As Rome does not acknowledge any other society than her own to
be a Church, she could freely employ the Kings of France to control
the spiritual affairs of Protestants. The King used his assumed pre-
rogative to prohibit the Reformed Clergy from ministering to congre-
gations that could not maintain Pastors of their own. The force
of this restriction was broken for a time by the collective efforts
of the richer and poorer churches which supplied resident Clergy to
the latter ; but the Priests, through the King, destroyed the union
of resources by forbidding one church to help another. This reduced
the weaker to a state of destitution. But heavier strokes followed in
the interdiction of congregations, and the demolition of churches by
royal authority. Strong bodies of military kept guard round the
buildings while masons pulled them to the ground ; and each act
of demolition was perpetrated under the sanction of a legal judgment,
sentence being given on account of some infraction of an edict, or some
alleged defect in the tenure of the ground on which the sanctuary stood.
Then came the suppression of the mixed tribunals. Four Reformed
and four Romish Councillors had been appointed to sit together in
the "Chambers of the Edict;" but it frequently happened that the
former, dispirited by the means employed to nullify their influence,
attended irregularly. This afforded pretext for a declaration (July
14th, 1665), empowering the Romish Councillors to act, even if their
colleagues were not there in sufficient number. Another declaration
(April 2d, 1666) transferred all cases of relapse, apostasy, and blas-
phemy from the " Chambers of the Edict " to the Parliaments, there to
be dealt with according to the canon law. Some members of those
courts in Paris and Rouen had allowed themselves to be betrayed
beyond the boundary of their proper jurisdiction ; and no sooner was
this proved than both Chambers were abolished by a royal order
(October, 1668). Then it was that Du Bosc obtained the unusual
favour of an audience of the King ; but all that His Majesty would
give was a worthless promise that justice should be done to his
brethren when brought under the jurisdiction of the Parliaments. All
the other " Chambers of the Edict " were forthwith abolished (January
29th, 1669). Ten years afterwards the Chambres miparties, or inferior
mixed Committees, were universally and finally dispersed (A.D. 16/9).
No barrier now remained to prevent Louis XIV. from accomplishing
the pleasure of his Church.
The most eminently learned and pious of the Reformed Clergy, and
even of the laity, were prosecuted, and subjected to heavy fines
and imprisonment, with all imaginable indignity, for every truthful
THK DAME DU CHAIL. 639
sentence concerning Popery which they might have preached or
written. Examples of Christian constancy multiplied, as the final
persecution drew near ; the fury of the priesthood and the meek
fidelity of their victims appearing each day in more conspicuous con-
trast. The history of an honourable lady, the Dame Du Chail, illus-
trates the state of things in France, on the eve of the revocation
of the edict of Nantes.
Marie Cardin, born of Romish parents, handsome, heiress to a large
estate, and admired by the nobility of her neighbourhood, became the
wife of M. Du Chail, a gentleman who, to obtain her hand, passed
over to communion with the Church to which she belonged. But this
abandonment of one nominal religion for another led him to compare
the two ; the effort of comparison aroused his conscience ; he per-
ceived and mourned his error, and resolved to make a public confes-
sion of it. His wife soon partook of these sentiments, and received
instruction from him in the doctrine of eternal life ; and they both
felt an intense desire to confess the Saviour. They had several chil-
dren, to whom they imparted the same truths ; but the severe declar-
ations of the King against relapsed converts long deterred M. Du
Chail from making the intended confession. At length he fell sick,
and sending for M. Pain, Minister of Fontenai, together with the
President of the same place, he divulged the secret, and made a
solemn profession of his faith (June 4th, 16/3). The Minister, a
man universally esteemed for an unostentatious yet earnest zeal, and
sincere piety, rejoiced in the unexpected convert whom the Holy
Spirit of God, not his own ministrations, had brought into the church.
Twice only he had visited him, when he was arrested for having done
so, and punished with an imprisonment of four months, after which
he was permitted to quit the dungeon and remain in detention under
the roof of a relative in Poitiers. Meanwhile, M. Du Chail was tor-
mented with incessant vexations by the Lieutenant-criminal, and by
Monks who haunted him until it pleased God to take his soul to the
world where the wicked cease from troubling. The body was then
carried to the palace, a legal suit instituted against it, and it was
within a very little of being deprived of sepulture. Two Romish
Notaries produced his last testament, wherein he had directed that his
body should be interred in the cemetery of the Reformed ; but the
Judge insisted on executing on the corpse all the rigour of the canon
law. His friends, however, adduced some provisions of the civil law,
applicable in such a case ; and the Judge, submitting to a com-
promise, ordered that the deceased relapse should neither be buried in
the Protestant nor Popish cemetery. The interment, therefore, took
place secretly, and with great danger of tumult, in a distant spot,
unknown to the public. As soon as the authorities had known that
M. Du Chail had incurred the penalties denounced on the relapsed,
they had separated his wife from him, and endeavoured to prevent
her from coming to his chamber, her own mother aiding them in this
barbarity. But her ingenuity and persevering courage baffled all
their vigilance ; and although a garrison of archers were in the town,
and employed to watch the avenues, she waited at his bed-side to the
640 CHAPTER IX.
last hour. Her own conversion not having been made known, they
intrusted her with the care of her children, with strict injunctions to
bring them up in the Roman faith, and never to abandon it herself.
Both those injunctions she disregarded. Her children were diligently
instructed in the holy Scriptures ; she presented her abjuration
secretly to a Minister of the Reformed Church, and often went to
communicate at Rochelle. The light could not burn invisibly under
a bushel. Her conversion became known: the children were taken
from her, and placed in charge of the Jesuits ; and the eldest, who
also had professed the Christian faith, was watched with keenest
jealousy. These Jesuits appointed a Romish guardian of their own
choice ; but the indefatigable mother found means to instil the pre-
cious truths of Christianity into their minds with a resistless force
of maternal tenderness, that mocked the heartless lessons of their
keeper. Her interference, being discovered, brought down on her
incessant vexations ; and on the death of her bigoted mother she
found herself disinherited, and reduced to poverty, unless she would
consent to remain a " Catholic." Not only did she refuse to make
such a promise, but conveyed away the children, by assistance of some
trusty friends, and would not disclose the place of their concealment.
More than sixty thousand livres of her money fell into the hands
of the Jesuits ; and, foreseeing imprisonment, she endeavoured to
escape. An unfaithful valet discovered her hiding-place, and they
threw her into prison. By no allurement nor terror could they extort
n disclosure of the place where her six children had found asylum :
and, although all the property was confiscated which had fallen to
her from her husband, and she was reduced to indigence, the grace
of God sustained her above the power of men. They threatened to
take her to Paris, and put her to the torture ; but fearing the disgrace
that such a procedure might bring upon the Church, or willing to
allow the lady to escape for the sake of retaining the wealth that had
fallen into their coffers, they left her prison open, and she escaped.
Soon she found a welcome in England with five of her children, the
eldest remaining in France, as he was of age, and hoped to recover
something from the ruins of his house (A.D. 1681).
To go into voluntary exile, or by banishment, Ministers daily left
their flocks ; for a general attack of legal persecution drove away the
timorous, or forced away the more eminent. The outflow of emigra-
tion now began ; for the exhausted host, after the warfare of more
than a century, was giving way before its conquerors. Then the
Clergy of the dominant sect, elate with a victory that could be no
longer doubtful, held another Assembly at Paris, and petitioned the
King for new orders and declarations, which would inevitably disperse
the remnant. Ruvigui, Deputy-General of the Reformed, laboured to
obtain a hearing at court on their behalf, but utterly in vain. He
obtained an audience of the King, represented the claims of his
brethren for humanity and justice, and pointed out the evils which
•would befall France if that course of persecution were persisted in.
Louis heard him with chilling indifference, complimented him for
good intention, but said that " he considered himself so indispensably
ATTEMPTED RESTORATION OF WORSHIP. 641
bound to endeavour the conversion of all his subjects, and the extir-
pation of heresy, that if the doing it should require him with one
hand to cut off the other, he would submit to that." * Far different
was the reception given to the deputation from the Priests. The
Coadjutor of Aries, a man whose dangerous eloquence had been
employed for fifteen years against the persecuted churches, led them
into the royal presence (July 10th, 1680). Laying aside the language
of complaint which those churchmen had hitherto used, he launched
into a profusion of thanks and eulogies. He promised himself the
happiness of seeing heresy expire at the feet of the King. The later
edicts, he affirmed, had been dictated by divine inspiration, those
especially which excluded heretics from honours and employments.
That which had destroyed the tribunals of heresy was a dispensatrix
of justice ; and the means employed for bringing back heretics to the
bosom of the Church were " sweet and innocent, worthy of the
goodness and wisdom of the King, and conformable to the intentions
of the divine Shepherd." It is enough to say, that all the desires
of the Priests were satisfied ; that orders and declarations were issued
at their pleasure.
The execution of them was inexorably rigorous. Could the
Reformed have then united, they might have displayed resistance ;
but so subtle and so universally diffused was the spirit of oppression,
that combination was impossible. The Provincial Synods were dis-
united : in none of them could a murmur be uttered with impunity ;
for a Romanist Commissioner was everywhere substituted to the
officer formerly chosen from among themselves. Some members
of the last Synod of Lower Languedoc, holden at Usez in 1682,
therefore held private conversations, and agreed to attempt a system
of secret correspondence, — such an expedient as naturally results
from the grievances of despotism, but which is seldom successful, ia
most frequently subject to grave objections, even for purposes of
political reform, and is altogether to be deprecated for any spiritual
end, however good. There was great diversity of opinion when the
plan was proposed. All agreed that the sufferings of their churches
were scarcely to be borne, yet the judgment, the policy, and even the
conscience, of many forbade any secret combination. A few persons,
designated Directors, then avowed themselves to be advocates of their
brethren, and addressed a memorial to the Duke of Noailles, which
only served to awaken suspicion of a plot, and suggest the employ-
ment of military force, either to provoke or crush rebellion. The
same Directors also held a secret meeting at Toulouse (A.D. 1683),
where six persons were present, and prepared a plan " for the main-
tenance of liberty of conscience, and the public exercise of the
Reformed religion." They entirely abstained from recommending
any measure of resistance ; but proposed that all the churches which
had been placed under interdict in Lower Languedoc, the Cevennes,
Vivarais, and Dauphine, should simultaneously resume their public
worship, and prepare for that moral demonstration by repentance,
* Burnet's History of his own Times, i., 657, folio edition, or iii., 77, Oxford.
VOL.. III. 4 N
642 CHAPTER IX.
prayer, and unity, according to the twenty-sixth article of their
Confession of Faith.* They proposed preparatory meetings for
deliberation, a day to be set apart for fasting and prayer, and then a
general assemblage for confession of sins and sermons, not so osten-
tatious as to be offensive, nor yet so stealthy as to be without the
appearance of publicity. But the majority of the interdicted congre-
gations could not be so suddenly induced to re-assemble, even if there
had been perfect uniformity of judgment. A few of them did meet,
just enough to show that there was a secret direction ; but so
timidly, and at such unequal times, that the want of concert was not
less evident. As soon as the Reformed of Vivarais began to assemble,
the Romanists, either startled by the unexpected congregations, or
pretending so to be, took up arms, and stood ready either for defence
or attack. An alarm spread that a religious war was imminent ; and
this popular armament, encouraged by persons of rank, went on
rapidly in many other places. In several baronial castles armed
bands impatiently waited occasion to verify the rumour, and the
Reformed themselves then found it necessary to arm in self-defence.
The Deputy-General, dreading a second St. Bartholomew, when he
saw Paris in a state of extreme agitation with the alarm of a Huguenot
insurrection in the provinces, wrote to discountenance the attempt to
recover their privilege of religious worship in the interdicted places ;
and the Directors, conscious that the effort was impracticable, yet full
of confidence in the goodness of their cause, and the rectitude of
their intention, addressed a " request " to the Marquis of Louvois,
imploring him to intercede with the King for a restoration of the
edict of Nantes, which, as they truly said, had been reduced to a
shadow. The request was presented to His Majesty, but never
answered.
The Romanist bands began to disperse the re-assembling congrega-
tions. One act of violence led to another. A sharp skirmish took
place at Bourdeaux, in which the Reformed were beaten, but not
until many had fallen on the other side ; and the Court and Church,
purposing to avoid the hazard of a civil war, published an amnesty,
and by that means gained leisure to take advantage of the pretext
now afforded for proceeding against heretics with increased severity.
One by one almost every man who had carried arms in self-defence
was charged with some act of sacrilege or word of blasphemy, and
punished accordingly. Many were put to the rack, and then hung ;
and the Intendant of Dauphine' signalized his zeal by breaking alive
on the wheel a fine young man named Chamier, whose chief sin was
being grandson of an eminent Christian of the same name. Atrocities,
* " Therefore we believe that it is not lawful for any man to withdraw himself from
the congregations of God's saints, and to content himself with his private devotions ;
hut all of us jointly are bound to keep and maintain the unity of the church, submitting
themselves unto the common instruction, and to the yoke of Jesus Christ, and this in.
all places wheresoever he shall have established the true discipline, although the edicts
of earthly Magistrates be contrary thereunto : and whosoever do separate from this order,
do resist the ordinance of God ; and, in case they draw others aside with them, they do
act very perversely, and are to he accounted as mortal plagues." — Quick's Synodicon,
Preface.
MARTYRDOM OF M. HOMEL. Q43
not inferior to any that have been related of the crusaders amongst
the Vaudois, were committed by dragoons let loose upon the people.
The inhabitants of many parishes in the neighbourhood of St.
Fortunat fled in panic to the mountains ; but the zealots led the
troops after them, and they were outraged and slaughtered without
pity. Helpless women and children were singled out for the infliction
of horrid cruelties. A woman, Catherine Raventel, being found in
the pains of child-birth, the troopers killed her, and then cut the
flesh from the face of one of her children, eight years of age, and
chopped off the hand of a younger one. A wretch named St. Ruth,
Captain of that band, acquired the title of " New Apostle," — a title
freely rendered him, no doubt, by the Priests whom he served. His
chief exploit appears to have been the murder of two thousand
persons at once, whom he surprised at worship, and surrounded by
six thousand soldiers. Throughout the troubled provinces dragoons
were billeted on the Protestants, and, amidst the inclemency of a
hard winter, those inmates consumed their food, forced them to sell
their furniture and clothing to buy more, and, when all was
exhausted, began the work of compulsory conversion with horrid zeal.
Torture was no longer inflicted in the chambers of Inquisitions, but
in every house. Women and children were shut up in solitary apart-
ments, bound with cords, and kept without food until life was nearly
extinct, that they might consent to have their names taken by
Notaries, and sign declarations that they had embraced the Catholic
faith on conviction, and without violence. Others were laid before
large fires until they became insensible. Others were swung by cords
over burning straw, or suspended in chimneys. Some were hung up
over cess-pools, and half suffocated in the mephitic vapour ; or, lashed
to chairs, they were carried to the churches to hear sermons, and
then required to profess themselves converted.
When the dragoons had exhausted their store of terrors, Monks
tried their skill in conferences, exhortations, and wearisome civilities.
With those mingled another class of Missionaries, the " Ladies of
Mercy," who strove to win converts by profuse charities. Thus a
threefold mission was let loose, — of the sword, of the cowl, and of the
purse.
Then took place the martyrdom of Isaac Homel, Minister of Soyon,
in Vivarais. He was seized when endeavouring to escape, in com-
pany with Audoyer, another Minister, zealous even to intemperance.
This man purchased life by changing religion, and giving information
of M. Homel, who, he told the soldiers, would be "a good prize."
To secure the " prize," they accused him of promoting rebellion ; and,
either by exaggeration or invention, suborned witnesses confirmed the
accusation. His Judges were not convinced that he was guilty, not
even of that honest resistance which persecutors count as rebellion ;
but, being intimidated by the prevailing fury, they condemned him to
be broken on the wheel. The orders which they were required thus
to execute had been prescribed by the Jesuits, to satisfy whom M.
Homel, in the seventy-second year of his age, was made a public
example at Tournon, where the Society had a college. The executioner
4 N '_>
644 CHAPTER IX.
was made drunk, that he might do the work according to the pleasure
of his masters ; and, instead of dispatching him after ten or twelve
blows of the iron bar, as usual, he made him suffer forty, with long
intervals, and poured forth the most insulting language after each.
Then he gave the mortal blow, after leaving his victim to linger for
two days upon the scaffold. " I count myself happy," said this
dying saint, " that I can die in my Master's quarrel. Did not my
gracious Redeemer descend from heaven to earth, that I might be
lifted up to heaven ? Did not he undergo a shameful death, that I
might gain a blessed life ? And if, after all this, I should lose the
life that is eternal, by endeavouring to prolong that which is frail and
miserable, should not I be most ungrateful to my God, and an enemy
to my own happiness ? No, no ! I am immovable. I breathe after
that hour. When will that good hour come to end this present
miserable life, and give me the joy of that life which is infinitely
blessed ? Farewell, dear wife ! I know your tears hinder you from
bidding me farewell. Be not troubled at the scaffold upon which I
must expire. It shall be my triumphal chariot to carry me to
heaven." This, and much more, he said in the presence of the
Judges, who, having heard his final protestation of innocence, ordered
the reeling executioner to do his office. He began by breaking his
arms and legs ; and, this done, they asked him whether he would die
a " Catholic." " How, my Lords ! " he answered : " if I had intended
to change my religion, I would have done it before my bones had
been thus broken. I wait only for the hour of my dissolution.
Courage, 0 my soul ! courage ! Thou shalt presently enjoy the
delights of heaven. And as for thee, my poor body, thou shalt be
turned to dust, indeed, but soon to be raised again a spiritual body.
Thou shalt see things which never entered into the heart of man,
things which cannot be conceived of in this life." Then, looking on
his wife, who could not leave him in his suffering, he said again :
" Farewell, once more, my dearest wife ! I am waiting for you.
Though you see my bones broken to shivers, my soul is filled with
unutterable joys." It is said that he had kissed his Judges before
they left him to the executioner ; that they turned from him shedding
floods of tears ; and that, during the two days of torment, when he
had all his bones broken, he did not utter a single cry, but lay in
silence, with his eyes lifted up towards heaven (October 20th, 16b3).
Several other Ministers were also broken on the wheel, a much larger
number hung, and many deprived of all their property, and placed
under perpetual interdict.
Many persecutors acquired an infamous pre-eminence. Such was
the Bishop-Count of Ledeve. At one time we find him exempting
masons from attending at mass on the Lord's day, that they might do
" the better work" of building up the windows of a church while the
Minister was preaching. Or he is in prison, endeavouring to convert
a young woman, first, by persuasions, which produce no effect, then
by prayers, which make no impression, and, lastly, by blows, which
are equally ineffectual. When the troops had come into his neigh-
bourhood, he assembled all the Reformed inhabitants of St. Andre
INTERDICTS. 645
to propose that they should be converted; and, on their refusal,
threatened them with the most brutal outrage,* and caused the threat
to be fully carried into execution (February, 1684). A fit companion
of the Bishop was the Countess of Marsan, proprietress of the town
of Pons. Heavily laden in conscience with the remembrance of a
nefarious life, she had learned from her Confessor a way of expiation.
Without distinction of age or sex, she caused Protestants to be appre-
hended, imprisoned, beaten, and tormented, in ways unheard of,
except among her kindred zealots, in order to their " conversion."
But she especially delighted in kidnapping and tormenting children.
After suffering in the prison of her castle during three or four weeks,
many gave way ; but some, and even younger children among them,
kept their faith, and were discharged as impracticable. Jean Brun, a
little orphan boy, twelve years of age, was stolen from his guardian,
and brought into her presence. Her servants laboured hard to over-
come his constancy, and, at last, succeeded by suspending him with
cords in places where he was nearly suffocated, f until terror and
distress overcame him. Another child, Jaques Pascalet, was shut up
in a cell in the tower of her castle, and damp hay and straw burnt at
the entrance until he became insensible. This failing to extort
a recantation, they drove him round a table until he fainted with
exhaustion ; but after he had still refused, on being roused, to
accept the privileges of their religion, they succeeded by a last
attempt. The poor boy sank into a lethargy, from which they
slightly roused him by persevering blows with the palms of their
hands, and, having caused him to ejaculate or to repeat a word of
abjuration while in a state of unconsciousness, took him as a convert,
and nursed him into life again.
Church after church now fell with scarcely any judicial formality.
Let one scene represent a multitude. The church of Marenne, con-
sisting of united congregations, to the number of thirteen or fourteen
thousand, had but one very spacious building in which to celebrate
public worship. Du Vigier, a Councillor of the Parliament of Bour-
deaux, formerly a Protestant, purchased favour by apostacy, of which
he proved the reality by leading the persecution in that province.
Having laid an interdict on the church, and an order to prevent the
usual congregation on the Sunday, he was careful not to serve the
notice on the Minister until the preceding night was far advanced.
In the morning nearly ten thousand persons assembled outside the
church ; but the doors might not be opened. They had brought
twenty-three infants to be baptized, and several couples were also
there to receive the nuptial benediction. The multitude stood for
eome time in silent, unresisting grief, and then broke out into loud
lamentation. Relatives and friends who, from their childhood, had
gone up to the house of God in company, embraced each other, and
wailed aloud. Then, when the paroxysm of grief was spent, — and
there is a mingling of horror in such grief which no one can conceive
* He threatened them — the words are his own — " de faire venir les dragons yii
eaccageroient leurs maisons, et cjui violeroient leurs femmes."
t Dans les latrines.
646 CHAPTER IX.
who has not felt it,* — they separated in silence, and went home,
never more in this world to join in solemn assembly. Yet they
dispersed but slowly. Trembling, as they stood on a spot where
assemblage was declared unlawful, they stood hand in hand, gazing
on their sanctuary, and lifting their eyes heavenward, in bewildering
sorrow that choked the utterance of prayer. The parents walked a
distance of seven leagues, carrying the babes to receive holy baptism ;
but it was winter, and several of them died from exposure to the cold.
The pretext for closing this church was, that some relapsed had
entered it, and the children of some persons recently converted. But
not even this was proved.
The solicitude of parents to present their children to God in
baptism, although they were perfectly free from the Romish notion
of baptismal regeneration, could not be repressed. Long journeys
were taken for the fulfilment of this duty, and often to the sacrifice
of life. Before the interdiction of Rochelle, parents used to bring
them thither by water, even in tempestuous weather ; and it is related
that some boat-loads of persons, bringing children for baptism, were
lost in a storm between Royan and Bourdeaux. Inconceivably pre-
cious was the word of God in those days of spiritual famine. Some
there were who travelled fifty or sixty leagues to hear a sermon and
unite with a praying congregation ; and not only young persons did
this, who had strength to carry them, and rich persons, who could
procure conveyance, but the poor and the aged went forth as on pil-
grimage ; and infirm limbs, tottering under the burden of threescore
years and ten, or fourscore years, were dragged slowly to the far-distant
house of prayer, that the ancient saint might there pay solemn valedic-
tion to the church beneath, preparatory to joining in those high solemn-
ities of the church above on which no interdict shall evermore be laid.
Even then, so deeply stupefied in moral ignorance as not to
perceive that their cruelties could only have produced horror of the
system that so laboured to maintain its own existence, the French
priesthood made another effort after a reunion of churches. They
could only exhibit a few names of Reformed Clergy who were said to
desire such a reconciliation ; but, even then, some of the reputed pos-
tulants for peace with Rome had courage to disclaim the signatures.
Amidst those scenes of suffering, Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, was
heartless enough to manage that Claude should be invited to a confer-
ence with him, for the satisfaction of a young lady who wished to be
convinced by the charm of a Bishop, in order to join the " Catholic
Church." Claude came ; and the Bishop repented of the experiment,
but endeavoured to recover his credit by writing a book on the varia-
tions of Protestants. This, however, drew from the pen of Basnage
the " History of the Religion of the Reformed Churches."
A succession of orders now came forth, preparatory to the revoca-
* The author has felt it, and the remembrance is indelible. He, too, received an
interdict, and saw a crowded congregation dispersed, while a strong armed force, with
fixed bayonets, stood by to enforce obedience. God had given him a commission to
preach the Gospel ; but a Popish magistracy declared that such preaching was a crime
against the state. This took place in Cadiz, April 7th, 1839.
CLERICAL MEETING AT VERSAILLES. 647
tion of the edict. Some of the leading members of the Reformed
Church petitioned the King for a revival of the edict in its original
form ; but their petition was not even honoured with an answer. Yet
the majority of them could not be persuaded to believe that the edict
would ever be revoked. The simplicity of Protestantism blinded
them, as it has blinded us, to the policy and projects of the Court
of Rome.*
Restrictions and prohibitions without end gave occasion to factitious
crimes, from which the most circumspect scarcely could be free ; nor
could the utmost caution save the object of legal persecution from
suborned or fabricated evidence, and arbitrary judgment. Ministers
were taken to prison in irons, amidst the indignities of the rabble,
and shut up with felons, or confined in solitary cells, to endure
hunger, cold, and iron. Before the madness of bigotry natural affec-
tion vanished, and once more children gave up parents to prison, and
parents children. The Ministers of God were made the song
of drunkards, and old age and piety lost their reverence. By a royal
edict (January 8th, 1685), Ministers were deprived of the few exemp-
tions they had enjoyed ; and by other such acts of arbitrary power
the Reformed were placed under disabilities equivalent with the horrors
of an ancient excommunication ; and, lest they should escape to pub-
lish those atrocities in any other country, it was enacted that no one
should leave the kingdom, and any attempt to do so was made punish-
able as treason. Calling them Huguenot, rebel, and traitor, the King
openly declared that he had nothing so much at heart as to labour,
for the glory of God, to extirpate the heresy of Calvin.
How to do this most easily and effectually was now the great
question ; and the Romish Clergy held a meeting at Versailles (May,
1 685), to take it into final deliberation. This meeting had been
expected for six months previously ; and the Reformed trembled when
they saw the Priests journeying thither from all quarters. The more
eloquent prepared the way by congratulatory harangues, containing
intimations of measures which the directors of the plot would
desire to see employed. They recounted the names and deeds
of Princes who bad aggrandized the Church in ancient times, and
extolled the labours of the reigning King for the oppression of the
Reformed as worthy of higher praise than any of his predecessors had
merited, for he had raised up the Catholic Church, as they said, from
depression, dispersion, and servitude, and restored it to prosperity and
* It was just at this time that the Bishop of the diocese contrived, by false accusa-
tion, to obtain a sentence from the Parliament of Paris that the principal church at
Rochelle should be demolished. The Ministers were taken to the Bastille, and the
demolition went on. The church-bell was lowered from the tower, whipped, for having
served heretics, and then buried and uuburied, to show that it came to life again to serve
Catholics. Due rich lady attended at the disinterment, as a sage fcmme does at a
birth ; and another accepted the office of nurse. It was interrogated. It answered. It
promised not to go to preaching any more. It was made to do peuance, then reconciled,
then baptized, and consigned to the parish of St. Bartholomew. But when the Governor,
who had sold it to the parish, demanded payment, he was told that as the bell had
been a Huguenot, and was recently converted, it would have to be indulged with a delay
of three years for the payment of its debt. This is Catholic piety, — to profane its own
ceremonies, and then to pay its debts in wit.
648 CHAPTER IX.
glory. The Bishop of Valence and the Coadjutor of Rouen lauded
the King for the means he had used to accomplish this glorious work,
— means the most gentle, and most worthy of the Gospel. The
Bishop declared that, without violence and without arms, the King
had caused the pretended Reformed religion to be abandoned by all
reasonable persons ; and yet no one reminded him that he had
himself been one of the first to apply to the court, two years before,
for troops to be sent into his province to kill the Protestants, and that
they had been sent accordingly. The Coadjutor * affirmed, that by
winning the heart of heretics the King had subdued the obstinacy
of their spirit, and by his beneficence had melted down their obdu-
racy. " Perhaps," said he, " they would never have returned into
the bosom of the Church, but by the way strewed with flowers, which
was thrown open to them by the King, who has only contended with
the pride of heresy by the gentleness and wisdom of his government.
Laws, supported by benefits, have been his only weapons." And he
testified to the joy experienced by the Church that the King had not
used fire and sword for the accomplishment of this great work. Yet,
besides the violences committed in Poitou, Guyenne, Perigord, Sain-
tonge, and Aunix by the chiefs Marillac, De Muin, Carnavalet, Du
Vigier, the Countess of Marsan, and many others ; besides that
Dauphine, the Vivarais, and the Cevennes were, at that moment, reek-
ing with the blood which had been shed ; (while by the proscription
of many families who had fled through terror of the gibbet, the
wheel, and the galleys, and by the ruin of multitudes more whom pil-
lage and taxation had reduced to beggary, many places, once populous
and flourishing, were desolate ;) — besides all this, the plan for subject-
ing the whole kingdom to the same treatment was already formed,
and troops were already distributed on the places where these bar-
barous executions should commence. The business of that convoca-
tion, which consisted in devising measures of persecution to be effected
by means of orders, each counteracting some article of the edict
of Nantes, or involving the Reformed in some additional perplexity,
then proceeded. Requests were forwarded to the King to issue such
orders as they desired ; and, after undergoing a few trifling alterations,
they were published with the usual formalities.
The lamentations of the persecuted, and their reasonable com-
plaints against the real authors of this decisive stroke, supplied the
priesthood with a pretext of indignation. The whole assembly of the
archbishopric of Paris marched in a body to the King (July 24th),
complained bitterly that they had been slandered by the heretics, and
implored him, for the honour of the Church, to put those heretics to
silence. In a few days their desire was satisfied by an edict forbid-
ding all persons to preach or write against the faith and doctrine
of the Roman Church, or to impute to its members doctrines they did
not entertain, or even to " speak directly or indirectly, in any manner
whatever, against the Catholic religion ;*" and commanding Ministers
to teach in their sermons the dogmas of their own religion only, and
* A Coadjutor is a person appointed by the Archbishop to assist a Bishop who is
become too infirm to perform his duties. He usually succeeds to the mitre.
DRAGONNADES. 64!)
the rules of morality, without meddling with anything else. To make
the silence complete, and that no sentence might thenceforth reach
the eye any more than the ear of a Frenchman to impugn or counter-
act the errors of the dominant sect, the edict also suppressed every
book containing passages offensive to the Church. Every Romish
preacher put out his utmost strength to inflame the multitude, and
the press teemed with publications in defence of the Papacy ; but
the Reformed were sentenced to be silent as the grave. As a sect
only tolerated, they were commanded to make no unfavourable allu-
sion to the true religion. This edict virtually, although not formally,
revoked the edict of Nantes. The Archbishop of Paris had an Index
prohibitory ready for publication, the fruit of many years' labour ; and
it was instantly given to his own province, and generally adopted
throughout France. Versions of the Bible made by heretics are noted
in that list, although they certainly contained no literal statements
relating to the creed of Pius IV. The search followed, and the dis-
persion of the ecclesiastical and private libraries of the Reformed was
an immediate consequence.
Louis XIV. again let loose dragoons and soldiers of all sorts on his
defenceless subjects, to be the last missionaries of his Church. Lest,
however, the heretics should escape from France, the roads, the sea-
ports, the merchant-ships, and even the fishing-boats, were watched
and searched, to prevent the " evasion of fugitives." The Intendant
Foucaud first resumed those terrible operations at Beam. The first
thought of the persecuted was to save themselves by flight. But it
was impossible to escape. Priests led soldiers into the forests
to hunt them down. Every expedient short of torture was soon
exhausted ; and lists of converts, as they were called, attested their
diligence. Yet a great part of those conversions consisted merely
of the record of names which made those to whom they belonged
liable to be prosecuted for relapse. At a town called Muslac, the
Bishop of Lescaz officiated, forcing wafers into the mouths of men
who were dragged into the church, beaten to the ground, handcuffed,
and laid on the steps of the altar, there to be converted by that out-
rageous ministration, and, being registered as converts, were after-
wards imprisoned for the sin of relapse. Foucaud instructed the
newly-arrived troops in the duties of their vocation, and not only
permitted, but ordered, them to perpetrate cruelties which are too vile
to be described. A favourite method of conversion was to keep the
obstinate awake for many days and nights. The noise of voices, roar-
ing blasphemy, of drums beaten in the rooms, and of furniture hurled
from its place and broken to pieces, was continued by relays until
sound ceased to produce its usual effects. Then knives and pincers
were applied. The sufferers were dragged from place to place, with
tobacco burnt under their nostrils, and their limbs were bound with
cords. Then again they were swung in chimneys, and half suffocated
with smoke. Their treatment of women was horrible : it was not only
the brutality of which a drunken soldier is often guilty, but such as
fiends might have invented ; for, binding them hand and foot, they
applied fire to their bodies. Officers, as well as common soldiers,
VOL. III. 4 O
650 CHAPTER IX.
laid them on hot charcoal, and thrust their heads into the mouths
of heated ovens, to force them to recant. Tears, cries, and convulsive
writhings provoked the mirth of those tormentors ; but when the
confessors of Christ had already carried his cross through long assaults,
they generally endured that last ordeal without yielding up their faith,
although many died under the hands of those terrible " converters."
To relate the wanton destruction of property by soldiers quartered
in the houses of persons of all classes, and to relate even a small
part of the sufferings of the aged, the delicate, and the infirm, would
be impossible.
Of all the Priests we do not hear that any one interposed his influ-
ence to mitigate those horrors. On the contrary, the whole body
of them at Beam gave proof of their destitution of both religion and
humanity, by holding a festival to celebrate the capture of Pau, which
was taken by their crusaders. The shaven-headed Clerks walked in
procession through the town, followed by a long train of shuddering
converts. At a grand mass and a Te Deum in their temple, the Par-
liament joined ; and while it seemed that hell had poured forth its
scouts all over town and country to inspire a barbarity and hate which
this world had never seen before, except sometimes in the service
of Papal Rome, they dared to challenge the vengeance of Almighty
God, by singing : " We believe that thou shalt come to be our Judge.
We therefore pray thee, help thy servants, whom thou hast redeemed
with thy precious blood."
The doings of Beam were so satisfactory to the Ecclesiastics, that
the same system was followed in many other parts of the kingdom.
France was at once a field of blood. Myriads of persons, overcome
by fear, or, perhaps, thinking that such a concession might be justi-
fied, avoided the ultimate consequences of resistance by pronouncing
the sentence, " I return," (Je me reams,) or exclaiming, " Jesus,
Mary!" or making a sign of the cross, and then subscribing a form
of reconciliation. Rochelle, Montauban, and the other cautionary
towns, having been long dismantled in readiness for this, were occu-
pied with troops, who proceeded in like manner ; and the conversion
of those places was formally reported to the King. Only one cere-
mony remained to crown the triumph of the Church, and that was the
revocation of the edict.
For some reasons of state, the King and court did not intend to
publish the revocation of the edict of Nantes until the next year, after
the opening of the Parliament of Paris ; and in order to put the
Reformed off their guard, and check the emigration which, in spite
of every prevention, continued to flow through the extensive sea-board
and wide frontiers of the kingdom, they endeavoured to amuse them with
a false hope of better treatment by an edict (September 1 5th), which
allowed some facilities, hitherto refused, for the celebration of mar-
riages. Yet the dragoons continued their atrocities ; and other ordi-
nances, especially one for the expulsion of all strangers from Paris,
showed that no permanent relaxation of severity was to be expected.
The Chancellor Le Tellier had been for some time bending under the
weight of age and disease, and feared that he should die without the
REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 651
consolation of blotting out the last trace of heresy. Like Anne
of Austria, he longed to commend himself to God, when on his death-
bed, by persecuting his people unto death ; and implored the King to
allow him an opportunity for the acquisition of merit, by hastening
the revocation which his official signature would render valid. The
Marquis of Chateauneuf drew up the necessary document, and having
obtained the cordial approval of all dignitaries concerned, brought
it to the chamber of the sinking Chancellor (October 18th), who,
unable to lie in his bed, was moving painfully across the room, sup-
ported en the shoulders of two servants. With a tremulous hand he
affixed the signature ; he saw the great seal appended ; and then,
exulting in the prospect of numberless imprisonments, tortures, con-
fiscations, and deaths that would certainly ensue all over France, he
recited with passionate devotion the words of Simeon, " Nunc dimittis"
fyc. : " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according
to thy word : for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." This was his
last act of office. That it might be his last, he refused to sign any
other instrument ; and after a few days received the sorry viaticum
which is given by Rome to her doubting children for their last fatal
journey, and expired.
Louis declares in the preamble that Henry the Great, his grand-
father of glorious memory, wishing to prevent the peace which he had
procured for his kingdom, at cost of so many wars, from being dis-
turbed by occasion of the pretended Reformed religion, as it had been
under the Kings his predecessors, gave an edict at Nantes in April,
1598. That edict would have determined the conduct to be observed
towards persons of the said religion, the places where they might
worship, and the extraordinary Judges that might administer justice to
them, with other articles calculated to maintain tranquillity in the
kingdom, and diminish the aversion of those of both religions towards
each other, that he might be better able to labour, as he was resolved
to do, to restore to the Church those who had so lightly left it. He
then recounts the intentions and the acts of the King his father, as
well as his own ; and proceeds to falsify history in these terms :
"Now seeing, with the just gratitude which we owe to God, that our
cares have had the effect which we proposed, since the best and great-
est part of our subjects of the said pretended Reformed religion have
embraced the Catholic ; and that, therefore, the execution of the edict
of Nantes, and of all that has been ordained in favour of the said
pretended Reformed religion, is now useless, we have judged that we
can do nothing better, in order to efface utterly the remembrance
of the troubles,. confusion, and ills which the progress of this false
religion has caused in our kingdom, and which gave occasion to the
said edict, and so many other edicts before and after it, than to revoke
entirely the said edict of Nantes, the particular articles which have
been accorded since, and all that has been done in favour of the said
religion."
The articles of this edict are, 1. The revocation. 2. Prohibition
of meetings for worship of any kind, or .under any pretext. 3. Pro-
hibition, addressed to lords of estates, of whatever tenure, of every sort
4 o 2
652 CHAPTER IX.
of religious meeting of the Reformed on their lands. 4. An injunc-
tion on all the Ministers to embrace the Catholic Apostolic Roman
religion, or to quit the kingdom within fifteen days, without deliver-
ing sermon or exhortation within that time, under penalty of the
galleys. 5. An offer to conforming Ministers of the immunities
of their former order during life, with a pension equal to their former
income, and one third more, and a pension of half that amount for
their widows. 6. Conforming Ministers, wishing to act as advocates,
were to be exempted from preliminaries required in other cases. 7.
Prohibition of schools, and all things, in general, that would mark
any kind of concession in favour of that religion. 8. Forcible bap-
tism of the children of the Reformed, under penalty of at least five
hundred livres for each omission, and subsequent Popish education. 9. A
promise of peaceable possession to any, then out of the country, who
might choose to return and peaceably occupy their estates and pro-
perty. 10. Absolute prohibition of all persons, of whatever age,
from going out of the kingdom, under penalty of the galleys for the
men, or confiscation of body and goods for the women. 11. A reite-
ration of the orders already in force against the relapsed. Under
condition of entire submission to the second and third articles, and
until it should please God to enlighten them, as others, persons of the
said religion might live at peace in France. Courts of Parliament were
ordered to register the edict.
Such as would entirely submit to a deprivation of every religious
exercise, might live at peace, " until it should please God to enlighten
them." Honestly interpreted, this would mean that they should not
be troubled any more. And so many thought the words were to be
understood. La Reynie, Lieutenant of Police in Paris, convened the
principal merchants of the proscribed religion, and told them that
they might be quite at ease in their houses, fearing nothing. On
receiving this assurance, many who had prepared to quit the country
changed their purpose; and many who had concealed themselves,
awaiting opportunity for flight, ventured to come back again. But
they only came in time to receive dragoons. " Until it should please
God to enlighten them" meant, when pronounced by Louis and the
Jesuits, until a renewed mission of rapine and torture could undertake
to enlighten them. Still many clung to the fairer exposition of the
words, and some less designing Romanists hesitated to repeat the
abominations of months gone by. The Duke of Noailles, for one, on
receiving an order which seemed at variance with the letter of the
edict, wrote to the Marquis of Louvois for explanation, which was
conveyed in these words : — " I doubt not that some lodgments laid a
little more heavily on the few that remain of nobility and third estate
of those religionaries, will show them their mistake as to the edict
which M. de Chateauneuf has drawn up for us ; and His Majesty
desires that you will explain yourself very severely against those who
wish to be the last to profess a religion that displeases him, and
of which he has forbidden the exercise throughout the kingdom."
And yet, again, the same Marquis circulated a general order ending
thus : — " His Majesty wills that those who do not choose to be of his
CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOCATION. 653
religion shall feel the utmost severities. And those who wish to
enjoy the stupid glory of being last, must be pushed to the last
extremity." All the acts that followed, both at court and in the
provinces, corresponded with these announcements of the royal will.
In the many ordinances of disability which had been issued,
Advocates and Councillors of the Parliament of Paris had not been
included ; but these last inflictions of civil degradation were imme-
diately consummated (November 5th and 23d). Other Parliaments
followed ; and a noble company of confessors, rather than surrender
their faith, resigned their seats. With contempt of the privilege
of Ambassadors, — a privilege, however, which France was never the
slowest to exact at foreign courts, — the Judge of Police at Paris
published an ordinance (December 3d) forbidding the inhabitants of
Paris who " still called themselves " of the Reformed religion, to
attend at worship in the houses of Ambassadors and other Ministers
of foreign powers. Those representatives indignantly observed, that,
by a treaty with pirates, the religion of Mohammed had long been
exercised at Marseilles without any such restriction of privacy as this
imposed upon the religion of their masters. Nor was this all. The
Dutch Consul at Nantes was openly assaulted, his beard was plucked
out by the roots, and his life endangered by the mob. Yet he
had no adequate redress. Many foreigners, in spite of an order
published in their favour, merely to save appearances abroad, were
involved in the common persecution.
Pouring fury on all that were helpless, the Ecclesiastics obtained
further authorizations to enact a universal inquisition. The edict
requiring all infants to be baptized by Priests, and to be educated
accordingly, had not mentioned children born before the day of its
date. That omission was now supplied by a supplementary order ;
and many thousands of children were at once seized, shut up in
monasteries and convents, and never seen again by their parents.
From children the brave Captains of crusade passed on to women ;
and ordained that the wives of their coerced proselytes, who had
refused to cast away their faith, and thus shown that it was stronger
in them than in their husbands, were to be deprived of maintenance,
and left to beggary. Widows were included under the same disci-
pline. Still unsated with vengeance, they fixed upon the dead, and
ordered that all bodies of deceased heretics should remain unburied.
But those who had no compassion for the living, shrank with horror
from outraging the dead ; and the laity refused, in this particular,
to fulfil the pleasure of the Priests. After a short time, therefore,
this order was allowed to be neglected, and a pit covered the carcase
from the execration of the Church.
The army seemed to be more fully initiated than ever before in the
tastes and customs of* the sacrificers. Fire had always been the
chosen element for purgation of heresy, and was employed more
familiarly than ever. The dragoons, no doubt well instructed,
observed an obedient uniformity in its application. Quartered, as
usual, in the dwellings of the Reformed, they solicited conversion by
stripping their hosts naked, (as they did Fariuel, at Villeneuve
654 CHAPTER IX.
d'Agenois,) and making them turn spits for days and nights unceas-
ingly before immense fires. They applied lighted candles to their
arms and legs, and held them there, like Bonner, until the skin blis-
tered and dropped off. They made them hold burning charcoal in
their hands until it ceased to glow. They compelled women to hold
red coals until they had pronounced the Lord's Prayer ; and if the
poor creatures spoke too rapidly, they forced them to receive another
handful, and hold it fast until a gruff dragoon had mouthed
it slowly. Some they scorched and disfigured by firing gunpowder
close to their faces. Or they tied them down with the soles of their
feet close to the bars of a hot fire, or burnt them with heated irons.
The parish Priest of Roman amused himself by scorching a country-
man named L'Ecale, whom he had caused to be brought into the
parsonage for the purpose. In his own kitchen he took the spark-
ling irons from the fire, and burnt the flesh from the neck and hands
of the poor man, while his daughter, Louise, hung from the ceiling
by her arms, and was then again suspended by her feet. But neither
for those pains, nor for fifteen days' torment afterwards in prison,
would L'Ecale and his Louise brook the Popish creed. But the
uniformity of these tortures is at once accounted for by the fact, that
among the dragoons of those days were many Jesuits, who instructed
their novel comrades in the pyrotechnics inquisitorial.
The nobility were not generally consigned to the insolence of sol-
diers, but to the sullen barbarity of jailers. A few, after extreme
difficulty, were permitted to leave France, but not to carry any part
of their property with them. No effort was spared to publish in
foreign courts that this was not a religious persecution, but that the
persons thus treated were incorrigible traitors ; and when the cele-
brated Claude, who had been expelled with other Clergy, published
in Holland a small book,* which gives " a short Account of the Com-
plaints and cruel Persecutions of the Protestants in the Kingdom
of France," f and a translation of it appeared in London, James II.
commanded that diligent search should be made after both the
translator and the printer, that they might be prosecuted for false
and scandalous reflections on His most Christian Majesty, contained
in that volume. A copy of the original work, and another of the
English version, were burned by the hangman in front of the Royal
Exchange to placate Innocent XI., Louis XIV., and James II.
The multitudes of persons who had professed to be converted in
those days of terror were intensely miserable. As Bishop Burnet,
who was then in France, not being safe in England, says, they were
to be distinguished in the street by " a cloudy dejection in their looks
and deportment." £ Intendants, Judges, and soldiers forced them to
attend at mass, hear sermons, and walk in professions. The slightest
expressions of reluctance exposed them to repetitions of the former
barbarities, or to slavery for life in the galleys. An inhabitant of
Nerac, named Guizard, seventy years of age, who had been forced to
* " Plaintes des Protestans cruellement opprimez dans le Royaume de France."
t London, Redmayne, 1 707. English translation reprinted.
1 Burner's Own Times, vol. i., p. 660, or iii., p. 81, Oxford.
PASTORS OF THE DESERT. 655
receive the host, was accused of having rejected it. He constantly
denied the charge ; but, as it seemed expedient to make an example
of a reputed contemner of the sacrament of the altar, for the terror
of thousands who also loathed it, the Judges condemned him to do
public penance, and then be burnt alive. The Parliament of Guyenne
confirmed the sentence, and Guizard suffered at the stake. Some
others were accused of a similar expression of abhorrence, and but
narrowly escaped the same condemnation.
Notwithstanding the strictness of the law, and the vigilance of the
court, the "converts" deserted in every direction. Many were detected,
and sent to galleys, or immured in convents and other prisons. Many
taken on board ships by English and Irish Papists were carried back
again to French ports, and delivered to the authorities. Not a few
were conveyed to Spain, and buried in the dungeons of the Inquisition.
Some were captured in the British Channel by Moorish pirates, and
landed in Barbary, where the French Consuls claimed them as their
master's fugitives, and sent them back in irons. But at least as
many others effected their escape. Even the ships of war, stationed
on the coast to prevent evasion, received them on board for handsome
fares, and lauded them on our island. Secretaries furnished passports at
high prices, sentinels were easily bribed to let those pass who had no
passports, and every imaginable form of disguise was adopted to cover
their flight. All Protestant states welcomed them, rendered them
hospitality, and afforded them privileges. But in France there could
be no pity. Now the galleys, the jails, the monasteries, were
crowded with captives, until the keepers feared that it would be soon
impossible to hold so great a multitude in custody ; and their appre-
hensions were relieved by sending recusants to the American planta-
tions. A company of two hundred and twenty-four was first
embarked at Marseilles (March 12th, 1687) in two ships, one of which
was wrecked on the voyage, and thirty-seven persons were drowned.
Many others died from ill-treatment. But Frenchmen could not work
like Negroes, and the plan was not continued.
On the other hand, several of the banished Ministers felt it to be
their duty to return to France again, revisit the remnants of their
churches, and unite with numerous congregations which were said to
be collected in remote forests and solitudes, especially in the
Cevennes. A few of them soon ceased from the perilous labour ; but
some, as Pastors of the desert, continued in that honourable service
until the close of their pilgrimage on earth. Most of the congrega-
tions were dispersed by force ; but there were a few that eluded the
power of the Government, and met by thousands under the open sky,
far from town or cultivated land. Dispersions, however, were not
made without much bloodshed. The troops had instructions to
surround the congregation as soon as their spies had marked the spot,
and then to advance in silence, seize them all, murder a few on the
spot, and take the remainder to prison. Thirty or forty persons gene-
rally fell ; and once, in the mountains of Vivarais (February, lo"89),
more than three hundred were deliberately killed by direction of the
Intendant, who had come with the soldiers to the place. The judicial
656 CHAPTER IX.
executions which followed were not less barbarous. A young gentle-
man named Tommeiroles, eighteen years of age, was beheaded for the
single offence of having been present at one of those meetings.
Manuel of Nismes, a manufacturer, and one of his workmen, were
hung. Meirieu and Salendre were put to death at Ledignan. To
these might be added long lists of persons who suffered the same
penalty. An inhabitant of Nismes, accused of having opened his
house to a preacher, and of having been known to pray to God,
was broken on the wheel. The preachers and exhorters * generally
suffered most; and the names of many of these martyrs are still
honourably treasured in the diptychs of the Reformed Churches of
France. Often the Judges trembled before them when they preached
Christ in their last hours ; and, at the scaffolds, drums were beaten to
prevent their voices from being heard by the spectators. At length
the court, finding that the Gospel could not be suppressed as long as
there were living persons in the country who retained its power,
instead of making emigration penal, commanded all who called them-
selves of the Reformed religion to quit France, and actually seized
and expelled many. But the foot-prints of truth were sunk so deeply
in the land that no power could erase them, and persecution, some-
times violent and sometimes exhausted, yet losing strength as time
advances, still, lingers in that troubled country ; and even there almost
resigns its office to those who, by the various methods of diplomacy
and legislation, and the arts of popular delusion, hope to buttress the
tottering seat of Antichrist. With portentous uniformity Rome pur-
sues these methods now, not only in France, but throughout the
world, far surpassing the most skilful statesmen of Europe in
steadiness of purpose and in unity of action. For our part, we
have no other effectual weapon of defence than the sword of the
Spirit, which is the word of God. Would that it were used more
faithfully ! f
* These, who were distinguished as Predicants and Proposants, were laymen who
first preached after the banishment of their Ministers.
f Histoire de 1'Edit de Nantes, &c., &c., — a Delft, chez Adrien Beman, MDCXCIII.,
— is a full histor)' of the events preceding the edict of Nantes, of those of the period
which intervened until its revocation, and of the consequences of the revocation. Acfes
Ecclesiastiques et Civiles de tous les Synodes Nationaux des Egiises Reformees de
France, by Aymon, exhibits a complete picture of those important assemblies. These
are our chief authorities.
THR KM),
LONDON : PRINTED BY JAMES NICHOLS, HOXTON-SQUAKE.
University of California
SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388
Return this material to the library
from which it was borrowed.
• mi ii i i| || MI) | || || ii
A 000 039 090
I
Universit
Southe
Libra